1. CARBÓ CARBÓ, Eusebio. Palamós 1883-Mexico 1958.
Coming from a family of federalists and anti-clericals, he was active in the Federalist Youth before going over to anarchism following his reading of Godwin, Proudhon, Kropotkin and Bakunin and observation of the world around him. A bit of a globe-trotter (even in his prison experience, seeing the inside of nearly sixty prisons from the age of 18 onwards) he lived for a long time in Valencia and travelled Europe and the Americas (he was especially familiar with Italy and knew many of the Italian anarchists, like Malatesta, Borghi and Fabbri, being much impressed by Malatesta). Early in the century (1905) he was close to the Avenir group and by the time the First World War came around he was an anarchist of some prestige. In 1915 he attended the congress in El Ferrol (representing Solidaridad Obrera), in 1918 he was at the Anarchist Conference in Barcelona, was present at the International Labour Congress in Geneva and the sixth congress of the F.N.A. in Valencia (where he was outstanding for his vehemence and hard line). His presence at the La Comedia congress in 1919 has been described as crucial: he drafted the anarchist manifesto, was on the working party on propaganda and opposed the line taken by Quintanilla. In the ensuing years he was a leading representative of the most anarchist tendency (and from 1921 stood out on account of his condemnation of the dictatorship of the proletariat). He plotted against Primo de Rivera and acted as go-between for the anarchists and syndicalists in Valencia, intervened in the controversy about anarchist organisation in Italy, and was also caught up in the polemic that pitted Peiró against Pestaña. In 1933 he opposed the FAI uprising; three years later at the congress in Zaragoza he came under severe criticism for non-completion of his mission to Paris. Come the 1936 war, his ideological surefootedness went to pieces ( a short time before that he had reaffirmed anarcho-syndicalist orthodoxy from the secretaryship of the IWA) and like many another he took up political posts (as a member of the economic council in Catalonia, plus posts with the Generalitat’s propaganda commission and at the Education and Training Ministry). Once it had become apparent that the war was lost he left for France and thence on to Santo Domingo (1940), winding up in Mexico where he settled until his death. In Mexico he held the secretaryship of the CNT (1942) and resisted the García Oliver line from the ranks of the Nueva FAI; these were years when he was returning to his ideological roots (turning down the offer of a ministerial post in the Giral government-in-exile in 1945); later, as the prospects of returning to Spain faded, Carbó the journalist came to the fore. But his gifts as a journalist were always in the service of his beliefs. A great public speaker and a writer of excellence possessed of a punchy style, his output is strewn throughout countless publications: as a journalist, his writings may be found in El Corsario, Regeneración, Acción Social Obrera, Estudios, etc. In addition, he was an editor on Solidaridad Obrera (in 1930, in 1934-35) and director of the Valencia edition of Solidaridad Obrera, wrote for Reivindicación, La Guerra social, Más Lejos and Cultura y Acción .. as well as the leading CNT titles in Europe and the Americas. He used a number of noms de plume (Negresco, Mario Negro, Gustavo, Simplicio, Romano, Rodrigo..) and was the author of El la línea recta. El naturismo y el problema social (Barcelona 1930), La bancarrota fraudulenta del marxismo (Mexico 1941), Reconstrucción de España, sus problemas económicos, políticos y morales (Mexico 1949) and Interviú con el gran revolucionario Enrique Malatesta (1921, location not given).

2. CANÉ BARCELÓ, Pedro. Barcelona 1896-Mexico 1973.
Although born in the Barcelona district of Pueblo Nuevo, he lived from early on in Badalona where he worked in the glass industry; a staunch friend of Peiró, he was secretary of the glassworkers’ union and of the Badalona local federation for whose mouthpiece La Colmena Obrera he wrote articles. In 1919 he was living in Seville and two years after that he was in Villaviciosa, only to return to Badalona prior to the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, joining the CNT’s revolutionary national committee and the underground anarchist groups opposed to the dictator; in May 1929 he fled to France only to return after a short while and was jailed. During the Republic he was a prominent representative of the moderate line (and signed the Manifesto of the Thirty), not that this spared him the hatred of the employers (he was seriously injured in 1932); he was general secretary of the National Glass Industrial Federation and during the civil war he was mayor of Badalona (having been a member of the city’s public safety committee a short while before) and held the under-secretaryship for industry in Peiró’s ministry. In the post-war years he stuck to his circumstancialist line and collaboration with other antifascists; in exile in Mexico he backed the García Oliver platform and held an under-secretaryship in Leiva’s republican government-in-exile.

3. CERVANTES DEL CASTILLO VALERO, Agustín. Llerena 1840-Badajoz 1874.
Son of a Murcian lawyer, he studied law and philosophy successfully at Madrid University and took a doctorate in law in 1864. Strapped for cash, he would attend any debates that were going (this helped him broaden his knowledge); he was substitute teacher of law in Cáceres, an officer of the civil government in that province, teacher of Latin and Castilian in Córdoba and, from 1870 to 1874, teacher of law at the recently founded University of Córdoba. It was in Córdoba that he joined the International to the stupefaction of the conservatives who declared outright war on him following publication of his Tres discursos socialistas sobre la propiedad y la herencia (Three Socialist Speeches against Property and Inheritance) (Córdoba 1872), which venom obliged him to quit the city (1874) for the Instituto in Badajoz, in which city he died. A member of the Alliance from 1871, he became a go-between between the Alliance and the F.R.E. in the south, doing very valuable work, especially on the organising of the 1872-1873 congress, which he attended as an active delegate.

4. ACRACIA
Title of a number of periodicals of libertarian content.
1. Monthly publication sub-titled Revista sociológica. Barcelona January 1886-June 1888, 30 issues. Initially 8 pages in size it grew to 16 (from No 6) and then to 32 (from No 19); No 5 also carried a 20 page supplement. Salvador Peris(and later Bienvenido Rius) looked after the administration, and the running and editing was in the hands of Farga Pellicer, Anselmo Lorenzo and Tárrida del Mármol. An article in the first issue spelled out its objective as “illustrating militant socialism”. Its line was unmistakably anarchist and collectivist, not that pro-communist articles were not included too. It serialised important works such as The Social Question in the Light of Science (Tárrida del Mármol), The Social Question (Drury), Capital (Tárrida), The Individual (by Lorenzo), The Reaction in the Revolution (Mella), The Lies (Nordau), Scientific Bases of Anarchy (Kropotkin), etc., as well as numerous articles on anarchy, the individual versus the State, the workers’ party, collectivism and communism, the eight hour day, the death penalty, dynamite, the categorical imperative, capitalism in agriculture, bourgeois and worker science, the militant proletariat, the liquidation of society, the family, poverty, etc., over the signatures of Nieva, Lorenzo, Halliday, Alvarez, Canibell, Gomis, Mella, Cuadrado and others. A high quality review.
2. Mouthpiece of the Libertarian Youth in Asturias, published in Gijón, 1937.
3. Supplement to Tierra y Libertad, Barcelona, September 1908-1910. Run by Cardenal and Boix, it carried texts by Lorenzo, Lanza, Vallina and Kropotkin.
4. Newspaper run by H. Plaja, Reus, 1923, 5 issues.
5. Sociological review, Barcelona 1922-23.
6. Anarchist publication from Tarragona, run by H. Plaja, 1918, 28 issues.
7. Lérida 1933-34 and 1936-37. In its first phase it was run by F. Lorenzo Páramo; in its second, (when publication was weekly or even daily) by Manuel Magro and it could count upon contributions from Alaiz, Peirats, Amador Franco, Lamolla and V. Rodriguez. It pushed a line opposed to the CNT’s governmentalism at a time when the Confederation had a share in the government.
8. Organ of the Libertarian Youth of Lérida, 1981, 3 issues.

5. ACÍN, Ramón. Huesca 1887? - 1936, murdered by the fascists.
Bakuninist Aragonese anarchist, who studied at the Instituto in Huesca where he struck up an enduring friendship with Felipe Alaiz (who would later be his biographer); in his native city in 1915-1920 he was a member of an anti-reactionary group (Bel, Alaiz, Samblancat and Maurín) and around 1920 he secured a post as a sketch artist in Huesca, the city where he spent much of his life and where he gained considerable prestige as a forward-thinking person and lover of culture. A member of the CNT, he experienced banishment, imprisonment and exile, represented the unions of Upper Aragon art numerous plenums and congresses (being on the propaganda working party at the La Comedia congress) and his disciples included Encuenta, Viñuales and Ponzán. A friend of Galán, he did his best to prevent the uprising in Jaca, but failed and was thus indirectly obliged to flee to exile in France (December 1930-April 1931). He occupied a position of some stature in the world of culture: his pictures were exhibited at the Dalmau gallery in Barcelona, he sculpted excellent altarpieces and sculptures and had plans for a trades museum in Aragon.. Possessing the soul of an artist, he was fond of antiquities and crafts and used a lottery win to fund Buñuel’s film Las Hurdes. He made significant contributions to the press; he published several reviews around the region, like Mañana, Floreal, Revista de Aragón and Claridad and his flowery aphorisms in honour of his hero Salvador Seguí (1923) were famous.

6. GOMIS MESTRE, Celso. Reus 1841-Barcelona 1915.
A resident of Madrid from a very early age, he studied to become a road engineer and this took him all over the country. He was implicated in the federalist uprising of 1869 and was forced to go into exile. While in exile he made Bakunin’s acquaintance and joined the Alliance in Geneva (January 1870). Returning to Madrid in March 1870 he was active in the efforts of the International in Madrid (chairing its first public meeting), holing the post of propaganda secretary and helping out greatly with the editing of La Solidaridad. In 1876 he moved to Barcelona and took an interest in matters of regional culture, folklore and sport; he also collaborated with significant libertarian reviews (like Tramontana. El Productor, Acracia..), particularly with a series of articles about emigration, especially in the 1880s. An advocate of organisation, in 1889 he deplored the fact that anarchists paid such little attention to it. In his later years he lost an arm (1909) and quit his profession to become literary editor of a Barcelona publishing house. Highly educated, he wrote much on a variety of topics and published numerous books in Castilian and Catalan (including school books). Author of A las madres (Sabadell 1877), El catolicismo y la cuestión social (Sabadell 1886).

7. CORDÓN AVELLÁN Salvador. Cabra 1886-Seville 1936.
Andalusian revolutionary and anarchist. As a very young boy in Almodóvar he came into contact with anarchism through the press; jailed briefly in 1905, at the age of twenty he emigrated to Argentina, a well-known anarchist by that point. In Argentina he married Isabel H. Pereira and together they carried out tremendous agitational and recruitment work. He returned to the Peninsula in 1914 to take charge of a workers’ school in Castro del Río and embarked upon a very intense phase of journalistic and oral propaganda activity in Andalusia; in 1915 he launched the review, Alas, travelling the province of Córdoba on propaganda tours, sometimes on his own and sometimes with Sánchez Rosa and Rodríguez Romero; the following year, he did the same in Lower Andalusia. In 1917 he published the anarchist review Los Nuestros in Montejaque and Aznalcóllar; in 1918 we find him in Cabra leading a strike there and bringing his influence to bear on the assembly that year; shortly after which he settled in Córdoba where his written and oral debates with socialists and federalists created something of a stir, whilst he did not forget to make periodical propaganda tours through the countryside organising and relaunching peasant unions, all of which resulted in his being brought to trial and spending time in jail (February 1919). In 1920 he was in Algeciras where he launched the newspaper Prometeo.. These were years when he struck fear into the bosses who blamed him for any agitation that broke out in the south. An advocate of extremist tactics and subversion, he fell fleetingly under the spell of the Russian revolution (changing his name to Kordhonief). As the red years receded, he eased up on his work rate. He was published by all of the anarchist and syndicalist press in Spain and his prestige among the peasants and anarchists of Andalusia was unrivalled except for Sánchez Rosa. Author of: Frente al Estado (Seville 1919), De mi bohemia revolucionaria (Madrid 1921), Pueblo en sombras (Barcelona 1928) and Retiros obreros. Real decreto de 11 de marzo de 1919 que ha de regular su implantación en España. Estudio crítico (Madrid 1919).

8. CORTIELLA, Felipe. Barcelona 1871-1937.
Anarchist occupying a prominent place in Catalan literature. An anarchist militant and CNT fighter the chief focus of his literary and cultural effort was the theatre (he founded the Agrupació Avenir company) which he sought to place in the service of the common people. In Cortiella’s view theatre has a duty to set out a libertarian project for society, so he rejected theatre as mere entertainment, which explains why so many of his characters embody the virtues of honesty, justice and integrity that he saw in anarchism. Thus, society should not turn a blind eye to society but indeed should have a didactic function to perform. He is mistakenly regarded by some as a Catalanist; Cortiella drew a precise distinction between language and culture on the one hand and political independence movements and creation of borders on the other; he was a dyed-in-the-wool internationalist. It is a fact, though, that some of the positions he espoused caused surprise because of the zeal he displayed in championing the Catalan tongue (he refused the editorship of Solidaridad Obrera because the CNT would not accept his suggestion that it be printed in Catalan only). He contributed to the labour press (La Revista Blanca, Solidaridad Obrera, Avenir..) and a school of thought grew up around him ( it included Mas Gomeri, Albert, Claudio and Bausà) and was the author of: Els artistes de la vida (1898), La brava joventut (an anti-Lerrouxist piece from 1933), Dolora (1903), El Morenet (1904), El cantor de l’ideal (1901), El plor del alba, El teatro y el arte dramático, La vida que jo he vist. These in addition to poetry (Anarquines, published in 1908) and translations in which his enthusiasm for Ibsen was evident.

9. CLARAMUNT, Teresa. Sabadell 1862- Barcelona 1931.
Celebrated Catalan anarchist who for years was the symbol of libertarian virtue. A textile worker, he acquired a certain prestige early on for her intellect, culture and courage. In 1884 she founded a women’s anarchist group in Sabadell in tune with the ideas of Tárrida del Mármol and in the years that followed she was caught up in the most important developments affecting militant anarchism, together with the inevitable sequel of harassment and imprisonment; she was arrested in 1893 following the bombing of the Liceo and again in 1896 in relation to the Cambios Nuevos events, was deported and spent some years in France and England as a weaver. She returned to Barcelona in 1898 and got involved in the campaign against the Montjuich trials: shortly after that she played a crucial part in the launch of El Productor (1901) and was one of the people behind the unleashing of the big Barcelona strike of 1902, in which year she achieved prominence in a big propaganda tour through Andalusia. In succeeding years she took part in numerous meetings and propaganda tours, etc., proving at all times her great ability to draw and galvanise a crowd. With the workers’ federation relaunched she settled in Zaragoza (1909) where she was to do a lot for Aragonese labour (being prominent in the 1911 strike). With the passing of the years, her home turned into a place of pilgrimage for young anarchists (as witness the influence she had over the members of the Crisol-Solidarios group). In 1924 she returned to Barcelona but progressive paralysis prevented her from keeping up her activism, although she stuck by her ideas to the end. Her writings were carried in many of the newspapers and reviews of the day, such as El Productor, El Rebelde, Tribuna Libre, El Productor literario, El porvenir del obrero, Fraternidad, La Alarma, El Proletario, Buena Semilla, etc. She wrote: La mujer. Consideraciones generales sobre su estado ante las prerrogativas del hombre (Mahón, 1905). Her two main themes were championing equality of the sexes in socioeconomic terms and her opposition to politics. For a time too (during the 1920s) she fought shy of trade unionism in which she detected obvious reformist dangers.

10. GARCÍA VIÑAS, José. Málaga 1848-Melilla 1931.
As a medical student in Barcelona he belonged from the start to the Barcelona nucleus of the International established by Fanelli. He attended the labour congress in 1870 and belonged to Bakunin’s Alliance. He was also present at the famous Córdoba congress (1872-73) and was Iberian internationalism’s delegate to the international congresses in Geneva (1873) - at which he displayed great radicalism, insisting that the general strike must be an insurrectionary strike - in Berne (1876) and in Verviers (1877). Then again, he was a member of the Federal Council in 1875 and again in 1877-1880. In 1880 he withdrew from militant activity (but neither his contact with nor interest in the movement: he was a great friend of Kropotkin), apparently for two reasons: ideological differences with Fargas and Llunas (who advocated law-abiding tactics and collectivist principles) and disquiet at the lack of audience which he put down to his not being possessed of “horny hands”. He was a very important figure in the 1870s (and was described as the dictator of the Federal Council and an autocratic anarchist), a friend of Bakunin and Kropotkin (the latter stayed in his home in Barcelona), ran very important reviews such as La Federación and La Revista social, and had many supporters among the workers (his medical practice helped him here) and he was at all times a man of action and a battler (together with Brousse he seized control of Barcelona city hall for several days in June 1873 as part of the uprising by federalist republicans). An advocate of insurrectionary tactics and acting outside the law, he was more of an anarchist than a trade unionist, in that he detected a damaging tendency towards reformism in the latter. Having withdrawn from activity, he lived in Málaga and, after 1902, in Melilla, practising as a doctor.

11. GARCÍA VIVANCOS, Miguel. Mazarrón (Murcia) 1895-Córdoba 1972.
His militant activity was centred on Barcelona and on his membership of the Los Solidarios group (alongside Durruti, Ascaso and García Oliver) from its establishment in 1922 and he participated in many of its operations. With the advent of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, he moved to Paris together with Durruti and Ascaso, but, due to certain misunderstandings and disagreements over touring the Americas, he returned to Barcelona in 1926 to work as a taxi-driver (a short time before, in 1924, he had been caught up in the Vera-Atarazanas operation). Throughout the Republic he was in touch with García Oliver, but did not, contrary to Oliver’s claims, act as his driver during the civil war, and he appears to have shared the latter’s views: he had a hand in all of the events of the time (the FAI revolts, the opposition to treintismo and reformism within the CNT..). After the civil war broke out he fought with the Los Aguiluchos column, was adjutant to Jover and later commanded several divisions on the republican side. In exile in France and Africa, he had a hand in the foundation of the García Oliver-ist POT and supported the case for regionals based on place of origin, as a result of which he was expelled from the CNT (Marseilles, 1945). A man who did a lot of jobs during his life-time (docker, driver, painter and decorator..) he earned himself a reputation as a naive painter following the end of the second world war, but never lost sight of his beliefs.

12. GIMÉNEZ ORIVE, Wenceslao. Born in Gijón 1921, killed in Barcelona 1950.
Known as Gimeno and as Wences. He was a leading member of the action groups operating within Francoist Spain. Having moved to Zaragoza as a child, he was arrested on several occasions prior to 1946, the year in which he seems to have contacted Zubizarreta and developed an interest in anarchism and the fight against Franco. In 1947 he represented Aragon at the CNT’s national plenum of regionals in Madrid that July. He spent some time with the rural guerrillas until, disillusioned by its ineffectuality, he left for France (working as a fitter in Paris and Lyon). The following year he began an association with Facerías and joined the urban guerrilla campaign in Spain, initially with Facerías and then with a group of his own (Los Maños). Operated in the Barcelona comarca - and, fitfully, in other areas, as well as i Madrid in an attempt to assassinate Franco - coming and going from France. In December 1949 he entered Catalonia in an attempt to bring a halt to the disastrous wave of guerrillas perishing at police hands. With him went Rodolfo, Salgado, Plácido and Simón. In a brush with the police in Barcelona in January 1950, Wences was wounded and may well have taken his own life.

13. FRENTE LIBERTARIO.
Title borne by two libertarian newspapers.
1. Publication appearing out of Madrid between October 1936 and 1939, initially as the organ of the Confederal Militias, but from 30 November 1938 on, as the Organ of the Centre Region’s Defence Committee. Daily from January 1937 (having previously been published two or three times a week): it was published by the Defence Committee of the Regional Confederation of Labour, Centre Region and was distributed free of charge on the battle-fronts. A few editions were also issued in other languages, especially Italian (the weekly Bollettino per le miliziani conmbattenti al fronte di Madrid).
2. Monthly. Paris July 1970-March 1977 (72 issues). Wound up as agreed at the Narbonne Conference (1976) after the CNT was relaunched inside Spain. Its publication had been prompted by the rejection on the part of some CNT militants of the expulsions of prominent militants (such as Mera, Manent, etc.). Its director was Gómez Peláez. 38x38 cms. in format, with a print-run of between 2,000 and 4,500 copies with 6 to 12 pages per issue.
The idea of launching it seems to have emanated from Mera and it was a remarkable success. It carried extensive reports from Spain, publishing plenty of anarchist and Confederation documents and news and boasted a series of pretty much fixed sections (window on the world, bibliographical notices, obituaries, in passing, 40 years ago, pot pourri, strikes, clandestine publications, etc.) and the list of its contributors is a lengthy one, including names like Bárcena, Borrás, Blanco, Quintana, V. García, García Pradas, Bermejo, Carpio, Mera, Olaya, Alberola, Arcos, Peiró, Cohn-Bendit, Mintz. etc. Articles by Peirats, Sender, Gálvez, Cortinas, Fontaura and Quintana were especially frequent. A very interesting review, the tradition was in part carried on by Confrontación.

14. GONZÁLEZ MORAGO, Tomás. Born in a village in Madrid, date unknown, died in prison in Granada in 1885.
Engraver by profession, he had a workshop in the Calle de Gracia in Madrid which was a meeting place. In 1868 he belonged to the Castelar-style individualist republican camp and enlisted with García López’s battalion: he was a member of the choral society at the Fomento de las Artes, where he stood out for his intellect and his temperament, a blend of activity and laziness. Late in 1869 he spoke at a republican meeting, but after initial contacts with the incipient IWMA, it was through him that Cané, Lorenzo and others went over to the International and he was charged with making the preparations for the famous meeting at which Fanelli spelled out the new doctrines (24 January 1869). However, he was not present at the meeting himself due to an oversight. A member of the first propaganda commission of the Madrid core group, his efforts on behalf of the organisation were tremendous in the 1870s; he addressed Madrid rallies in 1870 and spoke at conferences in 1871 and proved to be an inspired ad-libber and a gifted public speaker both vehement and impassioned. He attended the labour congress in 1870 - and was elected on to the Federal Council. He was a member of the Alliance in Geneva, corresponding with Bakunin from November 1869 onwards: travelling to Lisbon in 1871 with Lorenzo and Mora, he split off from them (in August) and stayed there (refusing election on to the Federal Council) and contacted Quental and Fontana, proving of crucial assistance to them in launching the IWMA in Portugal. He attended the Zaragoza congress in 1872 and there launched a scathing attack on the authoritarianism of the IWMA statutes, making a firm stand against the ambitions of the marxists; elected by referendum to attend the congress in The Hague (1872), once there he opposed the manoeuvring against Bakunin and, shortly afterwards, attended the get-together in Saint-Imier (the accords of which he defended at the Córdoba congress). In the ensuing years there was no let-up in his activism: he was exceptionally prominent in resisting the republicans and marxists (squabbling with Fernando Garrido and launching El Condenado) and seems to have drafted the manifesto of March-April 1874 (along with Tomás) and attended the Verviers congress (1877) as a delegate. He contributed articles to La Solidaridad and edited El Orden, newspapers from which he challenged the Madrid Federation’s deviation in the direction of marxism. Expelled from the Madrid Federation in December 1883 for immoral conduct against the organisation, to borrow the terminology employed to mean counterfeiting money (he was a type-setter with the official printers), which offence led to his being jailed (even now a very controversial episode, some maintaining that the Federation knew of his activities but committed the crime of failing to show solidarity). Less well known than other first-generation Internationalists he may nonetheless be regarded as the true architect of Bakuninism’s success in the Iberian peninsula and of the defeat of marxism, much more so than Lorenzo, Llunas and the rest.

15. GONZÀLEZ SANMARTÍN, Ramón. Granollers 1920-Barcelona 1948, killed in a brush with the police.
Known as El Nano, a member of the anti-Francoist action groups. A CNT member since 1933, he was arrested in connection with the events of October 1934 and released the following year; later he committed himself to organising the Libertarian Youth and was on the first Granollers committee, representing it at the regional plenum in Badalona in May 1936. He joined the FAI and fought on the Aragon front (with Ginés Mayordomo’s militia and with the Roja y Negra Column and subsequently with the Ascaso (28th) Division) until discharged for being a minor, whereupon he returned to organisational activity before re-enlisting after the collapse of the Aragonese front with the 26th Durruti Division (April 1938). Exile in France saw him held in the concentration camps (Vernet, Agde, Barcarés, Argéles and Saint-Cyprien) before enlisting with the Foreign Legion from which he was discharged in Morocco: returning to France as an ex-serviceman, he was arrested by the Nazis in Toulouse and sent to work in Sète, from where he escaped to join the maquis (acting as liaison between it and the CNT). When the German occupation ended, he became very active in the FIJL and eventually joined the combat groups making repeated incursions from France into Catalonia along with Facerías and García Casino (and, from time to time, with Los Maños); he was involved in the execution of the traitor Melis and was attracted to the MLR (in the summer of 1947). Killed during an incursion (13 June 1948).

16. FERRER FARRIOL, Juan. Igualada 1896- Paris 1978.
From a family where anarchists rubbed shoulders with Carlists. From the age of eleven he worked in the textile industry, picking up the trade of tanner and early on he joined the groups taking on the strike-breakers (1912). In the CNT (which he joined in 1911) he carried out important work in his native city (unionising women in 1913, taking part in the leather strike of 1915). In 1916 he backed the metalworkers’ and bricklayers’ strike in Barcelona (and got a month in prison for it) and the following year was implicated in the revolutionary happenings, as a result of which he was forced to flee (Martorell, Pallejà, etc.). living rough and working at numerous trades. In 1918 he was a member of the Barcelona Local Federation (representing the tanners) and attended the Sants congress (where he came out in favour of the sindicatos únicos). Under the dictatorship, he was prominent in journalism in Igualada (together with Anselmo he published Germinal and Sembrador) and under the republic he tried (unsuccessfully) to mediate between the faístas and the treintistas. Following the outbreak of revolution in 1936 he served on the revolutionary committee in Igualada and on the Huesca front (supply section), was deputy mayor of the city and ran collectives (while also counsellor for agriculture in Igualada); later he went up to Barcelona as editor and manager of the daily Catalunya which he left to take up a post as Solidaridad Obrera correspondent on the front (1938), where he also ran El Frente. After the defeat he was interned in the camp in Argelés (where he was secretary of the Catalan CNT) and later in the one in Barcarés; later he worked in agriculture and sundry trades in the south of France. After the Nazis were defeated, he settled in the Pyrenees as part of the infrastructure of the CNT active service units in Spain; later he moved to Toulouse and Paris as director of the newspaper CNT (until 1954) and worked for a time as a factory watchman; in 1956 he switched back to journalism, running Solidaridad Obrera in Paris (1956-62) and its replacements (Solidaridad, Boletín CNT, Boletín) and from 1962 he took charge of Le Combat Syndicaliste. In the exile community in France he always sided with the apolitical, anti-governmental defenders of CNT orthodoxy. Author of: Interpretació llibertaria del moviment obrer català (Bordeaux 1946), Conversaciones libertarias (Paris 1965), De l’Anoia al Sena sensa presa (Paris 1966) Garbuix poètic (Paris 1956), Costa Amunt (Paris 1975), El intruso (Toulouse, undated), Congresos anarcosindicalistas en España (Paris and Toulouse 1977), Un rural en Barcelona (Paris 1960). Also wrote for Cénit, Historia Libertaria, Cultura Libertaria, etc. and managed Cénit and Umbral. Used the noms de plume of Ramón Ollé and Joan del Pi.

17. ESTEVE,Pedro. Barcelona 1866-New York 1925.
Printer by trade, active in Barcelona’s famous Arte de Imprimir, representing it at the Madrid congress of the Pacto de Unión (1891); by that time he was an anarchist of some standing, linked ideologically with the decidedly anti-socialist group of Oller and Torrens. Around 1892 he left Barcelona bound for North America, after taking part in a propaganda tour through Spain (1891-2) with Malatesta. In 1893 he attended the International Anarchist Conference in Chicago, presenting Notes on the Spanish Situation. Over the ensuing years his prestige as a journalist and public speaker grew. By the turn of the century (1901) he was in Tampa, from where he was forced to flee the employers’ backlash (following a tobacco-workers’ strike) and settled in New York, thereafter the centre of his activity. In New York he was to become the driving force behind the renowned newspaper Cultura Proletaria. He wrote for, ran and edited numerous libertarian and company newspapers: El Productor, Boletín de la sociedad de impresores, Mother Earth, El Despertar, Doctrina anarquista socialista, etc. Esteve was a typical representative of the anarchist faction opposed to Malthusianism. Great friend of Mella. Author of: A los anarquistas de España y Cuba, Memoria de la Conferencia Anarquista Internacional celebrada en Chicago en septiembre de 1893 (Paterson, 1900, previous editions in 1893 and 1899), Reformismo, dictadura, federalismo (1922), I congressi socialisti internazionali (1900), Reflexiones sobre el movimiento obrero en México (1911), Socialismo anarquista. La ley. La violencia. El anarquismo. La revolución social (Paterson 19020

18. EMANCIPACIÓN, La.
Title of a number of libertarian publications.
1. Weekly paper of the International and replacement for La Solidaridad. Madrid, 19 June 1871 to 12 April 1873. Publication ceased because of doctrinal disagreements. Initially championed the International but it switched emphasis from November 1871 (articles by Mora), culminating in its going over early the next year to marxism, which brought the wrath of the Bakuninists down upon it. Its initial masthead read “Socialist Newspaper Championing the International”. Its editorial team was made up of Lorenzo, Mesa, Iglesias, Pagés, Lafargue, Pauly and Engels (in April 1872 Pagés took over from Lorenzo was secretary to the editors) and it was run by Mesa. It comprised two pages divided up into several sections (events of the week, notices, serial and correspondence). Published the inaugural manifesto of the IWMA, the Communist Manifesto, articles on the family, the Paris Commune, etc., and other articles opposing republicanism. After if went over to the marxist faction it entered into a bitter squabble with El Condenado and La Federación.
2. Newspaper, La Coruña, 1901 (questionable existence).
3. Anarcho-collectivist newspaper from 1887 (?)
There are two other newspapers with the title of Emancipación rather than La Emancipación.
4. Monthly review, Madrid 1977-78, 6 issues. mid-way between the CNT, assemblyism and class autonomy.
5. Organ of the Local Federation of CNT unions, Sabadell, 1977, one issue.

19. SIERRA ALVÁREZ, Pedro. Oviedo 1888-Mexico 1969.
One of the best known of the Asturian anarchists representing the very moderate line associated with that region. Very friendly with Quintanilla and a disciple of Mella. Even when his activity essentially took the form of journalism and organisational efforts, he wound up in jail several times (half a year following the 1911 congress, and also in relation to the 1909 events in Barcelona, etc.). Attended the 1910 congress where he played a prominent role (serving on the working party on CNT regulations, and dealing with the internationalist theme. He argued the case for launching the CNT and clashed with Herreros over the role of intellectuals in the workers’ movement) as well as the 1911 congress. In 1915 he represented the workers’ associations of Gijón at the congress in El Ferrol, and the following year he attended the Asturian trade union congress. He was secretary of the Woodworkers’ National Industrial Federation and as a journalist he wrote for Tribuna Libre, Solidaridad Obrera de Gijón, Renovación, Acción Libertaria, CNT de Gijón, etc. and managed Solidaridad Obrera de Gijón, Solidaridad, Acción Libertaria, El Libertario, La Cuña, frequently in conjunction with Quintanilla, whom he also joined in holding meetings. He condemned anarchist Jacobinism, rejected the mythic status afforded social revolutionism and violence and combated the reformism of party political socialists. His life as a militant was bound up with the city of Gijón right up until he left to go into exile.

20. ESGLEAS JAUME, Germinal. Malgrat 1903-Toulouse 1981.
Spent his childhood years in Morocco. Worked in the textile and woodworking sectors. Joined the CNT as a young boy and by the age of 17 was secretary of the general trades union of Calella and experienced imprisonment. Made his name around 1923 (addressed a rally with García Oliver and was appointed to the secretariat of the Catalan CNT). However his popularity and influence stem from the civil war years and were consolidated during the years in exile in France which he came to be regarded as a symbol (albeit a very controversial one). In 1928-29 he was jailed following an underground plenum and later became a teacher at a glassworkers’ union school in Mataró. At the 1931 congress he spoke up for political and ideological intransigence. (He was a faísta in those days). After the civil war broke out he was to have been a CNT representative in the economic affairs department of the Generalitat (June 1937) but never took up office; in May 1938 he was a member of the Executive Committee set up by García Oliver as well as a member of the Catalan CAP. His exile in France began in the camp at Argelés and he later served time (three years) in jail in Notron, from where he was freed by the maquis in 1944. After the defeat of the Nazis, the figure of Esgleas came to the fore when he refused to yield representation of anarcho-syndicalism to the Juanel line (Juanel was appointed secretary) on the strength of his post as vice-secretary of the General Council of the MLE. This obstinacy reflected a factional struggle that smashed the CNT in 1943-45. Indeed, after the defeat of 1936-1939 (even though he is credited with vacillation at the beginning of his days in exile) Esgleas took the line that defeat had been due to departure from principles, whereupon he became a conspicuous representative of the orthodox, anti-collaborationist line at a time of obvious tension, a line that triumphed at the Paris congress in 1945, especially when Esgleas was elected general secretary of the national committee. In succeeding years he frequently held positions of the highest rank: member of the Inter-Continental Commission in 1947 and 1948, secretary of the Inter-Continental Secretariat in 1952 and 1963, secretary of the IWA, member of Interior Defence, etc. In exile in France, his school of thought gave its name to the majority faction (“esgleismo”), a highly controversial line about which opinions are divided; some see it as breathing new life into the CNT and anarchism, others see it as do-nothing officialdom. Be that as it may, the fact is that Esgleas’s view has been the predominant one among the CNT exiles for more than thirty years. Author of: Sindicalismo:orientación y funcionamiento de los sindicatos y federaciones obreras (Barcelona 1933), Decíamos ayer. Verdades de todas horas.

21. DEFENSORES DE LA INTERNACIONAL.
After the FRE was outlawed by Sagasta (1872) the Federal Council arranged for the setting up of hand-picked groups of militants charged with keeping the federation afloat: these groups were the Defensores de la Internacional (Defenders of the International). The leadership of these groups would be vested in the federal council and the groups were to be clandestine. This organisational set-up would attempt to draw any protest movements launched by republicans into the labour orbit and would also seek to influence workers by means of organising fund-raising, declaring strikes and fostering propaganda. They were to be set up in localities with an IWMA presence and to this end Francisco Mora and Anselmo Lorenzo travelled through the south and the Levante region, establishing contact with Alonso Marselau, Pino, Soriano, Salvochea and others.
The establishment of them has been a matter of great controversy because the Bakuninists of the Alliance suspected that behind them there was a marxist ploy to whittle away the anarchist presence (a reasonable enough interpretation given the powers claimed by the federal council which allowed it to set up many more groups than Alliance nuclei), especially with Mora being to the fore and when Lorenzo at that time was torn between the anarchist line and the marxist one. Others, however, prefer to take a different view of things: as well as giving the slip to persecution, the aim was to bring about an amalgamation of the International and the Alliance.


22. ALAIZ DE PABLO, Felipe. Bellver de Cinca (Huesca) 1887-Paris 1959.
Educated in Lérida and Huesca, between 1915 and 1920 he joined with Bel, Acín, Samblancat and Maurín in setting up a group in Upper Aragon to oppose the reactionaries. early on he showed an interest in literature and journalism and, together with Acín he published a number of Aragonese reviews (Floreal, Claridad, Aragón, Revista Aragonesa) and lived in bohemian circles in Madrid (where he struck up a friendship with Baroja and accompanied him on an election tour through Aragon). His haphazard temperament led to his abandoning a potentially brilliant career in journalism (he was an editor with Ortega y Gasset’s El Sol) and throwing in his lot with the anarchist movement, which was more in tune with his adventurous nature. He was to acquire a considerable profile in anarchist circles as a CNT journalist between 1920 and 1950: he was director of Los Galeotes, Hoy, La Revista nueva, Fructidor, Impulso, CNT (in exile), Tierra y Libertad and Solidaridad Obrera (under the republic and during the civil war) and he was a contributor to a huge number of publications, including La Revista Blanca, Solidaridad Obrera (Paris), Umbral, Ruta, Acracia, La Noche, Día Gráfico, Voluntad, etc. A restless figure (he lived in Madrid, Barcelona, Tarragona, Zaragoza, etc.) he was also not exempt from ideological wavering (in 1942 he was to propose the establishment of a libertarian party, and in 1944 he supported the idea of running in municipal elections and within months he had joined the ranks of the orthodox), even though he was almost always numbered among the champions of purism, even on occasions when it was to his personal cost (thus he turned down the leadership of the French CNT because it espoused a line with which he disagreed) and even led to his being jailed (he spent four years behind bars for his beliefs, courtesy of the Republic, having espoused the faísta line against treintismo. Opinion as to his merit has varied; some hold him to have been a man who failed to live up to his potential, with only his journalism worthy of the reading; others contend that he is the acme of anarchist writing this century; it seems clear that his inconsistency prevented him from achieving literary work of merit (in fact he only ever wrote one book, Quinet) and it is hard to assess his journalistic output on account of its being dispersed (he wrote thousands upon thousands of articles). His style is marked by an emphasis upon irony, destructive criticism, his erudition, elegance and his sharp-eyed facility for bringing hidden facets to light. He translated Sinclair, Nettlau and Berneri and is the author of: Cómo se hace un diario (Barcelona 1933), La expropiación invisible (Barcelona 1933), El problema de la tierra. Reforma agraria y expropiación social (Barcelona 1935), Azaña: combatiente en la paz, pacifista en la Guerra (Toulouse, undated), Hacia una federación de autonomías ibéricas (Rennes 1945-48), Indalecio Prieto, padrino de Negrín y campeón anticomunista (Toulouse, undated), Por una economía solidaria entre el campo y la ciudad (Barcelona 1937), Vida y muerte de Ramón Acín (Barcelona 1937), Tipos españoles (Paris 1962, 1965), Arte de escribir sin arte (Toulouse 1945), La nueva maldición del practicismo (Toulouse, 1976), La zarpa de Stalin sobre Europa (Toulouse, undated), Quinet (Barcelona 1924), Los aparecidos (Barcelona 1933), María se me fuga de la novela (Barcelona 1932).

23. ALBARRACÍN, Severino. Libertarian teacher who died in Barcelona in 1878.
Experienced the heroic period of the First International and endured persecution for his work in charge of the FRE. Friendly with Bakunin, Kropotkin and Guillaume, his prestige and importance were great between 1872 and 1878; he attended the congresses in Zaragoza and Córdoba (at the latter he spoke in favour of the resolution calling for the establishment of internationalist schools) and was elected at both to join the federal council. Following the events in Alcoy, he was persecuted, charged with clandestine propaganda and jailed. His freedom was secured through the good offices of Gil and Morago; shortly after that, he left the country (April 1874), living abroad until 1977 and liaising with the interior (he was appointed delegate to the Berne congress in 1876, which, in the end, he failed to attend). Having returned to Spain in 1877 he died of TB the following year.

24. LIBERTARIAN MOVEMENT GENERAL COUNCIL.
Established in Paris on 25 March 1939 as the supreme representative body of the CNT-FAI-FIJL in France, after the capture of Barcelona. Comprising 25 (secret) members, it was headed by Marianet (secretary), Esgleas (vice-secretary), Federica Montseny, Germinal de Sousa, V. Mas, Herrera, R. Alfonso, Horacio M. Prieto, Gallego Crespo, Iñigo, Aliaga, Xena, García Oliver, García Birlán, Miró, Isgleas and Rueda. At all times it led a very precarious existence, due to the untimely death of Marianet (1939) and the German occupation of France which led to dispersion, imprisonment or confinement of its members (with the exception of F. Montseny). Initially it kept in touch with the membership scattered through the concentration camps and its members served on the SERE and the JARE, arranging for militants to get out of France and affording them financial assistance. With the outbreak of the second world war, its activity ceased and the membership completely marginalised the the Council, so much so that, come the reconstruction of the confederation (June 1943 Plenum) it was concluded that it did not exist and indeed sanctions were imposed upon its members (who were disbarred from holding any office until such time as they gave an account of their stewardship). Just when everything to do with the Council seemed done and dusted, the issue came to the fore again in 1944-45: the October 1944 Plenum asked the National Committee to subpoena Esgleas (the serving secretary of the Council); after much toing and froing a compromise was worked out: those who had been sanctioned were rehabilitated and the supreme authority of the national committee of the CNT-MLE was acknowledged. The matter was settled once and for all when Esgleas was elected to the secretaryship of the CNT (at the Paris congress in 1945) and the commission that was established (Teixidó, Aransáez, Zamorano, Gutiérrez) espoused the Esgleist line, whereby Esgleas would render an account of his stewardship.. to a congress inside Spain.
The Council’s very existence was severely criticised since its very establishment represented a complete trampling upon libertarian principles (the membership having had no hand in its election); it was part of the ideological degeneration triggered by collaborationism in the 1936-39 period. The controversy of 1944-45 about Esgleas has to be seen in the context of the factional squabbling (then at its highest point) between the orthodoxes and the collaborationists.

25. CINCOPUNTISMO.
This is the name given to the agreement signed in 1965 between representatives of Francoism and members of the CNT (the so-called Madrid group). It was scarcely a novel arrangement because (if we are looking for precedents) it can be linked to Falangist efforts during the years of the republic (when Falangism made a great fuss about its revolutionary message) to court the CNT; it can also be linked with the 1939-41 entreguismo of Clará, Fornells, Corbella and others (who were unanimously labelled traitors) that led to the Partido Laborista, and even with attempts by the Falangists’ vertical unions in 1947 to come to an accommodation with Iñigo and Marco Nadal, attempts rejected by the latter (even though they were in prison). Curiously enough, , twenty years on, possibly doubtful of the prospects of the CNT and disillusioned and worn out by years of imprisonment and the increasing disenchantment in the Confederation, it was to be Iñigo and Marco Nadal who engaged in negotiations with the Falangist unions and gave rise to the Cincopuntismo episode. Even though Cincopuntismo can be dated to 1965, it seems certain that the contacts began even earlier. This is the only way of explaining a series of unusual things that occurred the previous year (Lorenzo Iñigo chaired meetings of the Regional Committee of the Centre even though he had previously asked to be relieved of his post, the Madrid delegation failed to implement resolutions, and there was a request that the national committee transfer to Madrid, something previously always rejected). The Cincopuntismo process gathered pace with the forwarding of a - to say the least - suspect resolution to the forthcoming national plenum of regionals, the agenda for which was sent out in March 1965, but which never met because of the repression visited upon Barcelona (which affected the national committee), because of Catalonia’s request that it be postponed and because of the delay for reorganisation in Aragon and Galicia.
Events gathered pace: in April, the Madrid group issued a first cincopuntista document and in June they spoke up on behalf of the national committee (taking over its functions in the wake of the repression), stating that a provisional agreement had been signed with the vertical unions; next, Royano travelled to Barcelona and to France to brief them on the agreement (he reported to the Montpellier plenum, but his timing was off; there was a frantic factional struggle in progress). On 4 November, a draft resolution on Spanish labour unionism was circulated and in December the pro-agreement faction summoned a national plenum of regionals which endorsed its conduct; a further text at the beginning of 1966 brought home to many people for the first time the gravity of what had been signed (cooperation between the classes, national co-existence..) and a goodly number of those initially involved spoke of treachery. The most damning condemnations came from France (from the Paris CNT, from Edo, Alberola..) and from the Asturian and Basque regionals as well as from the rank and file, but it is clear that Cincopuntismo had numerous supporters within and without Spain (the result of weariness in the membership) and that anything the exiles did would not have been enough, had opposition not arisen within the Falangist camp (particularly from Alonso Vega). The famous agreement was signed by Lorenzo Iñigo, Jaime Morancho, Luis Orobón. Francisco Royano, Enrique Marco Nadal, Natividad Adalia, José Marín, Juan Ferrer Villamala, Manuel Fernández, Gregorio Gallego, José Espín, Eduardo de Guzmán (on the CNT side) and by D. Martín, Lafont, Chozas, Lapiedra, Ginestal, Arroyo, Martín Villa, Fernández Sordo, Emilio Romero, García Bernal, Muñoz Alonso, and Lizcano (for the vertical unions). Furthermore, Diego Abad de Santillán, Villar, Prieto and Juan López were approached for their support (only the last-named gave his endorsement).
The Royano document stated that, in the light of favourable evolution within the Franco regime, a CNT group had decided to open talks with Muñoz Alonso and that these had blossomed into negotiations between the CNT and the vertical trade unions, with support from Solís, that a five point agreement had been reached and a working party appointed (including Adalia, Iñigo, Carod, Orobón, Royano and Gallego for the CNT). And it had been agreed that heads of agreement be drafted regarding the social and political outlook of the trade union organisation, trade union, political and economic tactics and statutes.
The celebrated five points were as follows: 1. - A single trade union, with compulsory membership. 2.. - Self-government for workers within their organisations; independence of the government; autonomy of political organisation; differentiation from employers (with whom there might be liaison and coordinating bodies). 3. - Mutuality at work, shared with the employers; worker participation in every sphere. 4. - Right to strike as a last resort. 5. - A boost for cooperativism.

26. TORRES MAESO, Domingo. Valencia 1895-1980.
Docker involved in social struggles going back to 1913. Active in the trades societies connected with the Paso a la verdad group, he earned himself great notoriety in the port of Valencia (hence the massive influx of the transport sector into the CNT in 1916). He carried out very intensive organising work, pushing the sindicato único format as agreed at the congress of Sans (1918). Accused of involvement in the actions of the groups, he was jailed from 1919 until spring 1921; he had a miraculous escape from the ley de fugas and crossed into France; towards the end of the dictatorship, he was Valencia’s representative on the 1928 national plenum of regionals, where he made the acquaintance of Peiró and espoused the latter’s outlook. Fought intensely to get rid of Primo de Rivera in 1930. There was no let-up in his activities with the advent of the republic; at the Conservatorio congress he spoke in favour of national industrial federations, tried to set up a transport union over the heads of the members of individual unions and sided with the Opposition Unions (being their leading light in Valencia) and even set up Valencia’s Workers’ Alliance (1934). He went into exile after the uprising in Asturias. After the reunification of the Confederation was completed, he threw himself into frantic propaganda campaigning throughout 1936 and when the fascist revolt came he joined the Valencia strike committee; later he represented the CNT on Valencia’s Economic Council (November 1936) and held the post of mayor of Valencia up until the end of the war. Persuaded that participation in government was the thing to do, he spoke at the October 1936 rally celebrating the Confederation’s presence and later, in June 1937, he addressed another rally that pressed for the CNT to resume its governmental duties. In exile after the war, he argued for collaborationism and was the foreign relations secretary on the national committee elected by the Toulouse national plenum of regionals in October 1944. He returned to Spain to die after thirty years in exile.

27. URALES, Federico. Alias of Juan Montseny Carret. Reus 1864-Salon (France) 1942.
Head of a family wielding great influence in Spanish anarchism (husband to Soledad Gustavo and father to Federica Montseny) through some very important reviews. A cooper and a student, he received his grounding in anarchism in 1887, was arrested for the first time in 1887, married in 1891 and settled in Reus as a teacher. Arrested in 1892 (over protests against the repression in Jérez) and again in 1896 (the Cambios Nuevos incident) in Montjuich, from where, after serving a year’s imprisonment, he was deported to Liverpool. He made his way back illegally to Madrid and together with Lerroux he waged a brilliant campaign against the repression, one that he carried on himself from the pages of La Revista Blanca (which he had launched in 1895). The following year saw the emergence of that review’s Supplement, which, from 1900 onwards, bore the title of Tierra y Libertad. His popularity soared during this time (he was friendly with Sánchez Rosa, attended the 1901 congress, engaged Unamuno in a debate about Quixotism and religion ..) and was accused, without foundation, of lining his pockets (there was a campaign of criticism emanating from Camba, Azorín, Polo, Romeo and Nákens). After some time with a government newspaper (which he quit over its incompatibility with his friendship with Ferrer) he turned his hand to farming, but found himself caught up in a controversy with the builders of the Ciudad Lineal; this turned out badly for him and he was driven out of Madrid. He went to Barcelona where he would make a living from journalism and as a playwright, simultaneously making enemies of some trade unionists (he denounced syndicalism as a deviation) and shortly afterwards he relaunched La Revista Blanca (which the CNT had boycotted in 1918) and signed a Manifesto in favour of the Allies in the first world war. Years later (1925), he launched the equally famous La Novela Ideal genre and went on to publish numerous pamphlets. Already elderly by the time the Spanish revolution broke out, he went into exile in France after the defeat; he spent time in concentration camps in St Laurens, Montpellier and, finally, in Salon, where he died.
A champion of anarchism plain and simple (as early as 1887 he was understanding of violent anarchism and skeptical towards Tolstoyans), he hovered between spontaneism and organisation (for a time, in 1900, he severed his ties with the labour movement), only to end up an apologist for the existence of an FAI that was to anarchise the trade union. In educational matters, he espoused a nuanced version of Ferrer’s precepts. Then again, he trusted to mass action and the general strike; he repudiated religion (it being founded upon terror) and believed in progress, whilst arguing for a socialist morality attuned to nature and based upon solidarity and equality. Revolution, by his reckoning, consisted of reverting to people’s original good qualities which had been corrupted by society; however, even though he had a clear preference for the peasant commune over the industrial city, he was not recommending a return to the past but that society should adapt to growth.
His written oeuvre is extensive. He wrote for countless publications, including La Anarquía, El Corsario, La Idea Libre, Nueva Senda, El Productor, El Escándalo, El Luchador, El Porvenir del Obrero, La Bandera Roja, Fraternidad, El Eco del Rebelde, etc.) He wrote many ideological and literary works: El Último Quijote (Barcelona, undated), Honor, alma y vida (Madrid 1899), Ley de herencia (Madrid 1900), Los hijos del amor (Valencia, undated), Sembrando flores (Barcelona 1906), Renacer (Barcelona, undated), Mi Don Juan (Barcelona, undated), Los mártires (Barcelona, undated), Los grandes delincuentes (1923), Las preocupaciones de un despreocupado (Reus, 1891, with Soledad Gustavo), Dos cartas (Reus, 1891, with S. Gustavo), Ley de vida (Reus 1893), Una pelotera (1909), Sociología anarquista (La Coruña 1893), La abolición del dinero (Asunción 1924), Consideraciones sobre el hecho y la muerte de Pallás (La Coruña 1893), El proceso de un gran crimen (La Coruña 1895), La anarquía en el Ateneo de Madrid. Conferencia (Madrid 1903), El sindicalismo español. Su desorientación (Barcelona 1923), Consideraciones morales sobre el funcionamiento de una sociedad sin gobierno (New York 1926), La anarquía al alcance de todos (Barcelona 1928), El ideal y la revolución (Barcelona 1932), La religión y la cuestión social (Buenos Aires 18960, Los municipios libres (Barcelona 1932), Mi vida (Barcelona 1929-30), La evolución de la filosofía en España (Barcelona 1929), La barbarie gubernamental: España 1933 (Barcelona 1933), Pedagogía social (Barcelona 1933), Por qué no somos comunistas (Montevideo, undated), Fanatismo contra amor, Flor deshojada, La conquista del pan, El aventurero desventurado, etc.

28. VIADIU, José. Born in Igualada in the late 19th century, died in Mexico 1973.
Exemplary representative of anarcho-syndicalism. Son of a tanned goods manufacturer, he moved to Barcelona while very young, led a bohemian lifestyle and became a man of the world. He began his political activism with the Radical Party from which he moved on to the CNT through contacts he had struck up with CNT members who frequented the Español cafe in Barcelona. In the years following the foundation of the CNT he began to come to attention: on the barricades in 1917, on the strike committee in August the same year, as secretary of the tanners’ union in 1918, when deported to La Mola in 1919, attending the Sans congress and the Zaragoza conference (he served on the working party that broached the topic of a political CNT). Very friendly with Seguí and Peiró, he joined with the latter in signing the manifesto of the Republican Intelligentsia in 1930. During the republic he held aloof from controversy. Married to another famous militant, Libertad Ródenas, he left for exile in France after the civil war broke out (arriving in Bordeaux in December 1936), before moving on to America; in Santo Domingo he and Peirats established a collective, but he was taken ill and eked out a living on a subsidy from the SERE until he eventually settled in Mexico. A man of great erudition and an avid reader, he was a superb public speaker, lecturer and journalist, ran Solidaridad Obrera during its time in Valencia (1921) at at the end of the war; while in exile he contributed to Solidaridad Obrera in Paris, ran the Mexican Solidaridad Obrera, established the review Estudios Sociales, and wrote for Cultura Proletaria, Frente Libertario, Umbral, etc., and ran Mexico’s veteran Tierra y Libertad. Author of: Salvador Seguí, el Noi del Sucre (Valencia 1930), and Nuestro Noi del Sucre ( included in Salvador Seguí, Paris 1960).

29. VILA CAPDEVILA,Ramón. Also known as Caraquemada or Pasos largos. Staunch CNT and anarchist militant born in Peguera (near Berga) 1908 and killed in a brush with the Civil Guard in Balsareny district 1963.
A CNT member from a very early age, he was actively involved in the uprising in Figols (1932), resulting in his being imprisoned in Manresa. He remained very active during the republic and with the outbreak of the civil war he served with the SIP (or Scouting Intelligence Service) and even infiltrated the enemy’s lines (Zaragoza). With the defeat of the republic he crossed into France where he passed through the inevitable concentration camps; escaping from the camp at Argelés in 1941, he embarked upon underground warfare in the ranks of the French resistance and distinguished himself as a saboteur. He had joined the earliest anti-Franco action groups, performing important work as a guide and courier. Arrested on one of his many trips through France he served two months in captivity in Perpignan, before being sent to work in the aluminium mines in Bédarieux, from which he escaped, joining the French resistance in Limoges: as a member of the Menessier network and the Haute Vienne maquis, he distinguished himself in reprisal and sabotage operations (using the nom de guerre of Captaine Raymond). With the defeat of the Nazis, he turned his back on the quiet life of comfort that his outstanding service against the Germans might have afforded him; he returned to the frontal assault on Francoism in the Pyreneean comarcas, supporting the active service groups making for Barcelona (especially Sabaté’s) and also operating on his own account for many a long year (very often alongside Massana) in the Berga comarca. Strong, vigorous and highly active, he was one of the most effective and enduring of the Confederation’s guerrillas: with his death, the resistance to Franco effectively ceased.

30. VILLAR MINGO, Manuel. Pradoluengo (Burgos) 1904-Argentina 1972.
Electrician by trade, he emigrated at an early age to the Argentine Republic and there joined the FORA. By 1926 he was an editor on La Protesta and he held that post until he was deported (to Chile and Uruguay) in 1930. He returned to Argentina by irregular means in 1932 and was again deported (a short time before, in 1929, he had attended the foundation congress of the ACAT and been appointed director of its mouthpiece, La Continental Obrera). In 1933 he turned up in Spain alongside Abad de Santillán (theirs was a lasting friendship) and in Barcelona he was the director of Solidaridad Obrera (up until December 1933) and wound up in jail (for his efforts to relaunch the paper); later he took over the helm again from 1934 to 1936 and from that position encouraged readers to vote in the 1936 elections (which brought friction with Peirats and Carbó) and he tried to effect a reconciliation between faístas and treintistas. During the war he served on the central supplies committee in Catalonia on behalf of the FAI and in 1939 he headed a mission to Mexico. At the end of the civil war he was arrested and released after a few months, only to be jailed again for anti-Francoist activities from 1941 to 1946: he had scarcely been freed when he took up the secretaryship of the underground CNT’s national committee, at a time when the Confederation was, in spite of the repression, thriving and he was arrested in November 1947 and sentenced to a 25 year prison term. On emerging from prison in 1960 he left for Argentina, summoned there by Abad de Santillán, whom he helped in the compilation of encyclopaedias. In addition to his journalism, he ran CNT and Fragua Social. Author of: Condiciones para la revolución en América (1932), España en la ruta a la libertad (Buenos Aires 1962), La insurrección anarquista del 8 de diciembre de 1934 (Barcelona 1934, with Santillán and Juanel), El peligro comunista. Sus causas y su remedio (Madrid, undated). Other books attributed to Villar (under his supposed nom de plume of Ignotus) were really by Solano Palacio, to wit: El anarquismo en la insurrección de Asturias (Valencia 1935), and La represión de octubre. Documentos sobre la barbarie de nuestra civilización (Valencia 1935), the latter being the same book under a different title.

31. ZUBIZARRETA ASPAS, Ignacio. Zaragoza (Azuara?) 1898-died in prison (possibly murdered) in Zaragoza in 1958 on the eve of his release date.
Active as a militant in Zaragoza, he managed to escape to the loyalist zone when the civil war erupted in 1936 and joined the Ascaso Column, serving in its Remiro Battalion (a guerrilla unit) as a captain. When the war ended he experienced the concentration camps and labour companies in France, only to wind up by 1943 training anti-Franco guerrillas in Trompelang. Almost as soon as France had thrown off the Hitlerite yoke he publicly established the CNT in the county and made unprecedented efforts on behalf of the liberation of Spain. In April 1945 he crossed into Spain with two purposes, to organise direct struggle against fascism there and to resurrect the CNT ideologically (the CNT in the interior espoused a collaborationist line) and he toured much of the country (Valencia, Zaragoza, Madrid and Catalonia) analysing the situation on the ground; he established his clandestine residence in Zaragoza (he was the MLE delegate for the Aragon region) and he tried to be a rallying point (establishing contact with Wenceslao Giménez); he even planned a raid on the Zaragoza Military Academy, which plan was foiled when he was arrested in August 1946. Sentenced to death, he died in prison.

32. SANTAMARIA CORTIGUERA, Roque. Born in Quintrana (Burgos), date unknown, died in Toulouse in April 1980. Whilst very young, during the republic, he moved to Madrid as a barber and joined the CNT and the FIJL; arrested in connection with a barbers’ strike, he was committed to the reformatory in Alcalá (being under age at the time); later he would see the inside of the prison in Ocaña, from which he would emerge under the 1936 amnesty. He moved to Valencia, helping effectively to neutralise the rebels: his standing in the barbers’ union grew (he became secretary of the Health Union) and he took up a post on the Valencia city council. When the fascists won in 1939 he made his way to Oran and was later incarcerated in the concentration camps of Cherchel and Morand (where he was in charge of coordination for the CNT) until the Allies arrived in November 1942, when he was elected secretary of the CNT’s North African branch. In 1946 he travelled to the International Conference in Toulouse and made his home in that city, the CNT’s headquarters in France, and there, with the passing of the years he became the militant that could be depended upon when it came to filling the positions of greatest responsibility; he was administrator of CNT in 1947, a member of the CI that same year (defence secretary and later general secretary), secretary of the FAI and of the Toulouse local federation in 1948-50.. His time of greatest prestige was reached in 1960 when he held the secretaryship of the SI at the time when the breakaway CNT was brought back into the fold (he signed the unification declaration along with Ginés Alonso on 1 November 1960) and was reelected on the strength of this, but there is some controversy about his handling of the Interior Defence affair around 1963. After the reunification, he drifted away from his old allies (Esgleas), breaking with them in 1969, (when there were expulsions from the Bordeaux plenum) to align himself with the Frente Libertario group. When the CNT was rebuilt inside Spain he worked hard (attending the regional plenum of unions in Vitoria in 1978 and the Fifth Congress in 1979) but failed to win acceptance for the arguments of the Narbonne faction; when the CNT split came about in December 1979 he went with the breakaways (Valencia Congress). At the time of his death he was secretary of that faction of the exile community known as the Agrupaciones confederales. A militant of great merit, with particular strengths as a public speaker and polemicist and well versed in matters organisational.

33. GARCÍA OLIVER, Juan. Reus 1902-Mexico 1980.
One of the select group of the most legendary CNT members. A very popular man with loyal friends, but many detractors because of his seemingly vanguardist view of revolution and his revisionism during the civil war and in the post-war years; he was in any event a militant with great presence and readily faced up his responsibilities. From a working class family, by the age of 11 he was working in a wine store and later was an apprentice cook and waiter (the latter being his most regular occupation). By 1917 he was in Barcelona and by the following year in Montserrat too; in 1919 he joined the La Alianza waiters’ association and sided with the anarchists (he helped set up the waiters’ union and federate it to the CNT); at that time he was active with the Regeneración group (along with Rico, Bover, Romá, Pons and Alberich) representing it at the local federation (Bandera Negra) of anarchist groups; after serving prison time over a strike, he left for Reus on a CNT commission to unionise the workers in the area and met with great success, thanks to the backing of the action groups (1920); the following year he took charge of the Tarragona provincial committee and by the end of the year was back in prison. Joining Los Solidarios he was to have a hand in numerous operations from 1922 on. In 1922 he attended the Zaragoza conference and experienced dire economic straits in Valencia and Barcelona comarca; in 1923 he represented Reus at the regional plenum of unions and together with Ascaso put paid to the Languía problem (a gunman in the hire of the bosses) in Manresa. He spent a year in prison and then moved to France ( where he rejected overtures from Macíà), living in Paris and earning a living as a French polisher, along with Miguel, Arroyo and Pérez Combina, and with Los Solidarios with whom he hatched a plan to assassinate Mussolini (abandoned when the Italians failed to come through) and one targeting Alfonso XIII. Later he lived in Belgium with Aurelio Fernández and returned to Spain in 1926, at which point he was arrested (in Navarre); he was to remain behind bars in Burgos until 1931. During the republic he was utterly opposed to treintismo, championed revolution at the Conservatorio congress and resisted the National Industrial Federation format, as well as assuming the secretaryship of the FAI; later, he was on the editorial staff of CNT (until it shut down in 1934). He was on the defence committees of Barcelona and Catalonia and was a theoretician and practitioner of the insurrectionary revolutionary gymnasium. He attended the 1936 congress where he argued the case for trade union unity and libertarian communism. Having played a crucial role in the defeat of fascism in Barcelona (July 1936), within days he was at a regional plenum urging that they “go for broke” (i.e. anarchist dictatorship), which suggestion was not accepted. On the other hand he was confirmed in his post on the militias committee, had a hand in the setting up of the People’s War School and the school for militants and organised the Los Aguiluchos column with which he fought in Aragon (July-August 1936); later he was the Generalitat’s defence minister, and the Republic’s minister of Justice (November 1936) and, for a time, was in charge of public services in Catalonia (June 1937), a member of the Catalan CAP, creator (and a leading member) of the controversial Executive Committee of the CNT-FAI-FIJL in April 1938. With the collapse of Catalonia he crossed into France (January 1939) where he would be a member of the MLE General Council, before moving to Sweden with the assistance of the SAC. He spent the 18 months that he lived in Sweden engaged in intense correspondence (especially with Jover, Vivancos and Doménech) and proposed the setting up of of a political party (the POT), a scheme that was soon abandoned. Off he went to the Americas, via Russia and would live for years in Mexico (from January 1941 onwards). In Mexico he carried on with his CNT activities and (in the April 1942 motion) argued in favour of republican unity against Franco and this led to a split in the CNT in Mexico. He expressed interest in a place in the Giral government-in-exile, was reduced to dire economic straits and saw how the CNT was gradually dwindling away. With the reunification in the 1960s he returned to Europe and was a member of Interior Defence. After Franco died he stuck to his inflexible line and personality: he refused to collect his former minister’s pension unless it was backdated. He never repented of his participation in government and argued the case for firm discipline and militarisation, putting the defeat in 1936-39 down to ideological scrupulosity. Author of:
El fascismo internacional y la Guerra antifascista española (Barcelona 1937), Mi gestión al frente del Ministerio de Justicia (Valencia 1937), El eco de los pasos (Barcelona 1978), and wrote articles for CNT, Tierra y Libertad, El Luchador, etc.

34. HERREROS MIGUEL, Tomás. (?-1937)
One of the most sympathetic and controversial of pre-war anarchist personalities. An anarchist of the old school, he embraced the new theses of anarcho-syndicalism; he was self-educated, a public speaker of some note and a very cultivated man. It appears that he was born in La Rioja, even though he lived for many years in Barcelona and died there in 1937. The claims by some historians to the effect that he was a police informer can be disregarded, for his personal integrity was legendary (he helped to expose the Rulls and stood up to Lerrouxism, etc..) Active in the Arte de Imprimir in Barcelona, he achieved public notoriety following his clash with Lerroux on a personal and ideological level (in 1906 he had been a typesetter on the Lerrouxist newspaper El Progreso), a confrontation that was hot and heavy from 1908 onwards (he served several months in prison on the basis of false evidence from Lerroux). The controversy helped to boost the apolitical organisation by distancing it from the Radical Party. Very active at the Solidaridad Obrera congress of 1908, he was to be a member of the council of the nascent organisation in 1908-09. In the ensuing years he stood out for the emphatic style with which he spelled out his trade union and workerist views (as at the rallies in Logroño and Barcelona in 1911 when he urged the workers to cut their ties with the socialists and republicans and join the struggle). A writer, gifted speaker and street activist, he was frequently jailed; in July 1909 for his exhortations of the strikers, for the La Canadiense strike, for his propaganda tour in 1918, etc. He attended the congress in El Ferrol in 1915, debated with the socialists in 1914, headed the Barcelona prisoners’ committee in 1918 and seems to have been a crucial element at the anarchist conference of 1918, getting anarchists to enter the CNT en masse, etc. Such a high profile accounts for his having been harassed and even targeted for murder (Baldrich’s gunmen stabbed him with a stiletto as he stood in front of his bookstand). As a journalist he was central to the anarchist press of the day: he was editor and manager of the original Solidaridad Obrera, director and administrator of Tierra y Libertad (he was a member of the group of the same name), etc. He argued that the manual worker had the edge over the brain worker (see his famous argument with Prat at the foundation congress of the CNT). Author of several pamphlets: Alejandro Lerroux tal cual es. Historia de un infamia relatada por el mismo obrero que ha sido víctima de ella. (Barcelona 19070, La política y los obreros. Conferencia (Logroño 1913), El obrero moderno (Logroño 1911).

35. NIDO, Enrique. Alias of Amadeo Lluán, Barcelona 1869-Argentina 1926.
Catalan anarchist very closely connected with the Lorenzo, Miranda and Herreros libertarian families and, later, with Abad de Santillán. At the time of the campaigns against Ferrer and his educational innovations, Nido wanted to go to Madrid to retaliate against those involved in the show trial against the Modern School (which testifies to the strength of his convictions). He helped to expose the Rull episode (in an article in El Porvenir del obrero, 1906), denouncing it from Marseilles, where he was living after leaving Barcelona (following his implication in the execution of a hangman). Later he emigrated to Argentina where he attempted the life of the Spanish consul by way of retaliation for the killing of Ferrer, an attempt in which he himself was wounded and which led to his receiving a five year sentence which he served in Rosario. On his release he set up a rationalist school which lasted until he died. In Argentina, together with Torralvo he published the review Estudios, wrote for La Protesta (it seems that publication of its Suplemento was his idea) and it appears that he began a history of the workers’ movement (having access to most of Anselmo Lorenzo’s archives). It is not known if it was ever finished. Author of: La concepción filosófica del anarquismo (Rosario 1921), Páginas de afirmación (Rosario 1922), Informe general del movimiento anarquista en la Argentina (Buenos Aires 1923), Páginas dispersas and also wrote forewords to works by Nettlau.

36. MORIONES BENZÚNEGUI, Vicente. Alias El Navarro. Born in Sangüesa 1911, died in 1970.
A militant very active in the underground struggle in the post-Franco years. A member of Ponzán’s group, he was picked up by the Gestapo in Perpignan (1943) and deported to Buchenwald, from which he emerged in 1945, only to reenter Spain by clandestine means. The exposure of Melis as a traitor was his doing (1942). Captured inside Spain, he served 17 years in San Miguel de los Reyes prison, being released eventually following outside pressure. After his release he stayed in Spain, committed to the struggle. At the time of his sudden death in the street he was general secretary of the Basque CNT, a member of the trade union Alliance and of the Basque government’s Defence Junta in the interior.

37. NEGRE, José. (?-1939?)
A Valencian who did sterling work in the early days of Solidaridad Obrera and the CNT. His date of birth is not known, but he died after the 1936 civil war (having been in the Argelés concentration camp for a time and certainly died there). A type-setter, journalist and an very active and capable public speaker, he was one of the organisers of the CNT foundation congress, the last secretary of the Solidaridad Obrera organisation and the first secretary of the CNT. At the 1910 congress he argued the case for a a new workers’ organisation and served on the working party devising its regulations. In 1910 and 1911 he addressed rallies in Barcelona and Paris on the CNT’s behalf and was jailed following the 1911 strike (on the basis of information given by Leroy, alleging that Negre was a member of some supposed revolutionary committee). After the reorganisation of the CNT, some historians have him taking up the CNT secretaryship again (although it seems more likely that it went to Andreu). During the First World War he was part of the Solidaridad Obrera team and was accused by Seguí of having pro-German sympathies (hence the bad blood between him and El Noi de Sucre) and dark dealings with the German embassy. He was deeply wounded by these charges, so much so that in August 1917 he withdrew from all labour activity. (In 1936, by then an old man, he volunteered his services to the CNT to use as it might deem fit). He attended the trade union congress in London and around 1914 he was in touch with Lorenzo, planning publication of a review. An extraordinarily combative man convinced of the labour cause (in August 1910 he turned up as vice-president of the recently constituted Railway Workers’ Branch of the Catalan region even though he was not so employed, (the precise object being to avert any reprisals against the rail workers) and was frequently jailed (in connection with a propaganda tour in 1914, the La Canadiense strike, etc.,) and served at least eight years behind bars. It is due to his efforts and to Herreros’s efforts that the Solidaridad Obera-CNT organisation distance itself from the Lerrouxists whom he engaged in controversy in 1908. He wrote for Tierra y Libertad, Solidaridad Obrera, had letters published in El Progreso and El País, etc. Author of: Recuerdos de un viejo militante (Barcelona 1936) and ¿Qué es el colectivismo anarquista? (Barcelona 1937).

38. CIENCIA SOCIAL. Review of sociology, the arts and letters. Barcelona October 1895 to June 1896, 8 issues, plus a ninth that was confiscated by the police.
Anarchist monthly run by Anselmo Lorenzo. It was eventually banned by the authorities who, in the wake of the Cambios Nuevos events, arrested its type-setters and editors. A review of some quality which could count upon contributions from Dorado Montero, Unamuno (a frequent contributor), Mella, Tárrida del Mármol, Azorín, Vives, Verdes Montenegro, Gener, Brossa, Artigues, etc. It published texts by Bakunin, Kropotkin, About, Reclus, Hauptman, Haman, Brunellière, Grave and others.

39. CÓRDOBA, THIRD CONGRESS OF FRE IN, 1872-73. Scheduled for April 1873, it was brought forward after the holding of the congresses of The Hague and Saint-Imier and because of rumours of an uprising by the federal republicans. It was summoned by the 18 October circular issued by the Federal Council, but it was left to the internationalists in Córdoba (Cervantes, Navarro, Barrado, Suárez and González) to finalise the organisational details. The congress met in the Moratín theatre in Córdoba on 24 December and concluded its business on 2 January 1873. It was attended by 46 delegates plus the Federal Council (Albarracín, Tomás, Rosell, Asensi and Martí). From the Federal Council’s report it transpired that the FRE had grown from 50 local federations, 41 general trades sections, 147 trades sections and 13 individual members, to 101 local federations, 332 trades sections, 66 general trades sections and 10 individual members. In addition it boasted 10 national trades unions. There was representation from Alcoy (G. Morago, Fontbuena, Montaba, Abad, Boti, Santonja), Arahal (Gómez), Aranjuez (Pérez), Arenys de Mar (Castro), Barcelona (Serrallonga, Oliveras, García Viñas, Fournier, Farga, Balasch, Pedrola García, Pamías), Brihuega (Torres), Buñol (Rosell), Cádiz (Díaz Puerto), Carmona (Méndez, Claramunt), Ciudad Real (Pino), Cocentaina (Domínguez), Córdoba (Navarro), Chamartín (Martín), Enguera (Rivera), Gerona (Navarro), Granada (M. Rodríguez), Grao (Asensi), Igualada (Navarro), Jerez (Vázquez), Llagostera (Bochons), Madrid (Martín), Mahón (Pamías), Málaga (Guilina), Manzanares (Navarro), Medinasidonia (Castillo), Muro (Domínguez), Olot (Suárez), Palamós (Bochons), Palma de Mallorca (Tomás), Pamplona (Barrado), Puerto de Santamaría (Aguilar), Paradas (Pérez González), Reus (Jener), San Feliu (Bochons), San Martín de Provensals (Torrem, Curto), Sanlúcar (Sánchez, Fernández), Seville (Soto), Solana (Cervantes), Tarrasa (Asensi), Valencia (Montoro) and Valladolid (Yarza). 20, 252 out of the FRE’s 29,000 members were represented.
The first session chaired by González Morago (who expounded upon the IWMA) was held on the night of 24 December; in succeeding sessions the congress hit its stride and ended with anarcho-Bakuninist these triumphant; which is why it is regarded as the workers’ movement’s first full-fledged anarchist congress. The more important accords were: 1. - The Federal Council was to be disbanded and its place taken by a Federal Commission that would be nothing more than a statistical and correspondence clearing-house. The commission was to comprise four secretaries (and those chosen would be Albarracín (internal affairs), Pino (book-keeper), Tomás (external affairs) and Fontbuena (treasurer)), plus five comarcal secretaries to be elected after the congress. (Deomarco, Villa, Seguí, Abad and Castillo were the five chosen). 2. - Ratification of the Saint-Imier Agreement and condemnation of the congress of The Hague (which, the congress concluded, had been a put-up job by the General Council in London and nothing more than a gathering, a farce whose resolutions conflicted with the IWMA’s basic premises and aims, in that they bolstered the General Council’s power and called for political parties). It was stressed that the light had shone through in Saint-Imier; federalism, solidarity, destruction of political authority, revolutionary action, replacement of the State by a free association of producer groups, the strike weapon .. (This implied a total breakdown between marxists and anarchists and endowed the congress in Córdoba with an unmistakably anarchist flavour). 3. - The Madrid marxist group around La Emancipación was condemned (which was tantamount to bolstering the position of González Morago). 4. - On the matter of property, it was agreed during the Zaragoza congress that the marxists’ resolution be rejected and the motions tabled by the Madrid and Barcelona groups were endorsed, but the view was also taken that the matter merited further examination. 5. - The way would be smoothed for those expelled to return to the fold. 6. - The work of the Alliance of Socialist Democracy (a Bakuninist fief) was praised. 7. - The launching of an FRE mouthpiece was rejected, but at the same time approval was given to the publication of a correspondence and statistical Bulletin free of charge for all branches; this would steer clear of ideological matters but would favour solidarity work. 8. - The local federations were at liberty to forward subscriptions to the federal commission. 9. - Solidarity would be strengthened and practised. 10. Scientific usage f the strike weapon. 11. - The next congress would meet in Valladolid. 12. - The congress’s accords would become valid if they were endorsed by a majority of the membership (within 50 days). 13. - Unions had to afford priority to reduction of working hours and pressing for equal pay rates. 14. - The importance of education was stressed. Internationalist schools were to be set up, with books and teachers supplied by the FRE. 15. - The FRE line was clearly defined: it was apolitical, federalist and collectivist and opposed to the State. 16. The federal commission would be based in Alcoy.

40. TÀRRIDA DEL MÀRMOL, Fernando. Havana 1861-London 1915.
Son of Catalan immigrants from Sitges, an engineer by profession and a teacher of mathematics. His prestige in libertarian circles relates to the Montjuich trials and the theory of anarchism plain and simple (sin adjetivos), of which he was the chief exponent and which was accepted by Nettlau, Mella and V. Clairac; however, even prior to the repression in Catalonia he was a well known figure, as the editor of Acracia, as the Spanish representative at the Paris Conference in 1889, his attendance at the Barcelona congress on secular education in 1888, as a delegate to the Pacto congress in Madrid in 1891, where he crossed swords with the socialists, etc. Fleeing Spain at the end of the Montjuich trials, he waged a rabid campaign against the government terror, particularly from Paris and from London (thereafter his home), eliciting a great response. He also attended the trade union congress in London (with Negre) and acted as the spokesman of the Benevento group. A Kropotkinist and close friend of Lorenzo (the latter dedicated his book El Proletariado Militante to him), he was a man of intelligence, a plain man, with a particular interest in scientific matters and his ambition was to invest social issues with a rational, scientific basis (see the series he wrote for Acracia, and the science news section of La Revista Blanca). He also took an interest in criticism of the authorities, in anti-politics and education. He expounded his theory of anarchism plain and simple (sin adjetivos) at the 2nd Socialist Symposium in 1889, in several articles in Le Revolté and in some pamphlets: he took the line that there was an explanation for anarchism’s decline in certain places and its flourishing in Spain, namely that in Spain internal squabbling and personality cults had been averted and that it had taken root in the workers’ movement. It was Tárrida’s ambition thereby to avoid the harsh and ruinous squabble between collectivists and communists (yet he butted into the argument between supporters of the Entente and of the Germans in the First World War and sided with the former). He wrote for numerous publications: Acracia, La Revue blanche, L’Intransigeant, Daily Chronicle, La Révolte, El Corsario, Ciencia Social, El Productor, La Huelga General, El Porvenir del Obrero, La Protesta, Tierra y Libertad, etc. Author of: Anselmo Lorenzo. Estudio crítico-biográfico (Barcelona, undated), Les inquisiteurs d’Espagne (Paris 1897), Anarquía, ateísmo y colectivismo (Reus 1885), Problemas transcendantales (Paris 1908), Programa socialista libertario y la Constitución del mundo (Paris 1908).

41. TOMÀS OLIVER, Francisco. Mallorca 1850-Madrid 1903.
Bricklayer who did crucial work during the 1870s to advance the International in Spain, especially in organisational terms. An example of proletarian militancy of an anti-marxist stamp, he was the founder of the International in the Balearics and director of both its newspapers (El Obrero and La Revolución). His activity came to prominence at the labour congress in 1870 which he attended and at which he championed anarchist theses; at the 1872 congress in Zaragoza he adopted a more moderate line on the social organisation of the workers (and his line carried the day) and he came away as an elected member of the federal council (representing the Este comarca); he was also at the congress in Córdoba and again appointed to the federal commission (as secretary for external affairs, and he took Ferrer’s place when he stepped down). In the ensuing years he remained the axis of the FRE both in its underground as well as in its legal years (we know for certain that he was retained on the federal commission at the conferences in 1875-77, that he attended the Barcelona extra-ordinary conference in 1881 - representing Valencia - was reelected at the 1883 congress in Seville, was present at the congress of the Unión Manufacturera of Igualada in 1883 - at which he spoke out in favour of solidarity with the victims of reprisals in Jérez and was astoundingly competent.) Around 1884 he must have had problems with the Barcelona comrades and he moved to Madrid without abandoning his activity., because even though it is argued that he steered clear of social issues in 1885-86, he certainly attended the Pacto congress (in Madrid, 1891) and in 1900 the Madrid association of which he was a member (El Porvenir del Obrero) sponsored the holding of a congress in 1900; again, in 1901 we find Tomás among the delegates to the congress of the FSORE, or new FTRE, in Madrid. A man of great capability, he was a prominent representative of the collectivist line, opposed to both marxists and anarcho-communists (putting up quite a fight against the latter, especially at the congress in Seville in 1882, with help from Llunas). Unlike other anarchists, he could see the need for an efficient bureaucracy and preferred a lawful federation over a clandestine one. He wrote for the labour press (Revista Nueva, Bulletin du Jura, etc.) and is credited with authorship of the first history of Spanish anarchism, Del nacimiento de las ideas anarcocolectivistas en España (La Coruña 1893 and serialised in the press nine years earlier).

43. MERA SANZ, Cipriano. Tetuán de la Victorias (Madrid) 1897-Paris 1975.
Bricklayer. His entry into the history of anarchism goes back to the dictatorship and the connection was strengthened during the republic; during both periods he was regularly jailed for his commitment to labour militancy. Under the republic he was already one of the staunchest pillars of the CNT of the Centre region (and the great strides made by the CNT in the region, especially among construction workers, is primarily due to him) and well regarded nationally (in 1933 he served on the national revolutionary committee charged with overseeing the uprising in Aragon, as a result of which he was to be jailed until May 1934). The outbreak of the fascist revolt found him in prison (for membership of the construction industry strike committee). Freed on 19 July, he hit the rebels like a white tornado; in the attack on Campamento, the capture of Alcalà, Guadalajara, Sigüenza and Cuenca; with the establishment of the CNT’s Del Rosal column, he commanded the CNT battalion fighting in the Buitrago and Arenas de San Pedro areas (August), breaking through the cordon around Cebreros and reaching Robledo (October), at which point he argued for the necessity of guerrilla tactics. With the Francoists closing on Madrid he was took charge of the defences of the Puente de San Fernando district (January 1937), at which point experience of the war obliged him to lobby the CNT national committee to bring pressure to bear to have the columns militarised; after militarisation, he commanded the XIV Division which halted the Francoist advance at Pingarrón, played a part in the battle of Guadalajara and captured Guadalajara (the capture being the work of Mera rather than - as is mistakenly claimed- of El Campesino); later he fought in Alcolea and Brunete and from October 1937 on he was in charge of the IV Corps of the Army of the Centre, holding the rank of lieutenant colonel. In the final days of the conflict he resisted the Communists’ plans for a coup and defeated them in March 1939; whereupon, after discharging his troops, he left for Oran and began a calvary through North Africa (where he was jailed in Oran and Mezelquivir, the Morand concentration camp, from which he escaped into Morocco, settling in Casablanca while he waited to leave for America, but was arrested in March 1941 and, after another odyssey, was handed over to Franco in February 1942), resulting in his facing a death sentence in Spain (April 1943) before this was commuted to a thirty year prison term. In prison he contacted the CNT’s secretary, Amil, and was visited by envoys from Generals Aranda and Beigbeder who lobbied for CNT assistance in overthrowing Franco. When he was released in 1946, the aforementioned generals kept in touch with Mera, but he finally dashed their hopes and in February 1947 he moved to France. In France he dedicated himself to trying to reunify the shattered CNT, but to no avail, and later he sided with the moderates who supported collaboration against Franco. After the unification in 1960, he was commissioned to chair the reconciliation rally in Paris that November and was awarded a place on Interior Defence on account of his prestige. In 1963 he was jailed for his Interior Defence and FIJL connections (these being the agencies most steadfastly supporting direct struggle against Franco); in 1965-66 he took a very hard line with the Cincopuntistas and after the stormy Bordeaux plenum at which his honour was impugned, a CNT faction broke away from the Intercontinental Secretariat; he belonged this faction, referred to as the Frente Libertario faction, right up until his death. A man of action, with an iron will, he did not succumb as some other exiles did, to the quest for power and always stated that he would go to his grave with his trowel in his hand. He wrote hardly anything other than a few articles in Frente Libertario in the 1960s and Mujeres Libres. Author of: Guerra, exilio y cárcel de un anarcosindicalista (Paris 1976).

43. DURRUTI DUMANGE, Buenaventura. Leon 1896-Madrid 1936.
Without question Spanish anarchism’s most mythic figure of all time, even more so than Salvochea or Anselmo Lorenzo, and his tragic death on the Madrid front in circumstances still unclear would seem to have been a contributory factor in this. He came from a family of fighters that had been ruined by its support for social demands. Following primary schooling he worked as a mechanic in a workshop from 1910 on; in April 1913 he took out membership of the UGT, the only union in the area and he worked on the installation of washing machinery in Asturias (in Matallana) and even then stood out for his spirit of solidarity. Shortly after that he joined the railways as a mechanic and was actively involved in the 1917 strike, resulting in his dismissal and, at the same time, in his expulsion from the UGT (as a leftwinger) and was forced to flee to Gijón together with el Toto, wanted for sabotage and as a deserter; in December he crossed into France, living in a number of places (Marseilles, Béziers, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Biarritz..) In January 1919 he reentered Spain, working in Mieres and took out CNT membership; later he carried out sabotage missions in the mines of Leon until he was arrested en route to Galicia. Recognised as deserter, he was sent to Morocco where he was found to be suffering from a hernia. He was hospitalised and escaped to France (in June). In the spring of 1920 he returned to the peninsula, contacting Buenacasa in San Sebastián (Buenacasa advised him to move to Barcelona). He worked in Renteria and helped effectively to bolster the CNT and struck up links with a series of hardline militants (Suberviela, Ruiz, Aldabaldetrecu, Marcelino del Campo), with whom he formed the Los Justicieros group which operated in Zaragoza and the Basque Country (including an abortive attempt on the life of Alfonso XIII in San Sebastián). Together with Campos and Suberviela, he left for Zaragoza and contacted Pina, Torres Escartín, and others and undertook to travel to Barcelona, Andalusia and Madrid with an eye to the formation of a peninsula-wide anarchist federation. Thereafter the group threw itself into high-flying ventures, while assuming a more solid formation: in 1922 hit linked up with Ascaso and moved to Barcelona (Ascaso, Durruti, Torres Escartín, Campos and Suberviela), going, by that time, under the name of the Crisol group which name was later (in October) changed to Los Solidarios and was bolstered by the addition of further militants (particularly from the Barcelona woodworkers’ union), with Durruti taking it upon himself to build up an arsenal; in anticipation of a coup d’état, they laid the groundwork for an insurrectionary strike (which was to be funded by the proceeds of a hold-up of the Banco de España in Gijón). A little later Durruti crossed into France with Ascaso (they were in Paris from December 1923) and together they were crucial to the launching of an anarchist publishing venture: Durruti took part in the catastrophic Vera de Bidasoa expedition and in the planning of an attempt upon the life of Alfonso XIII, before mounting a campaign through the Americas (December 1924) from Cuba down to Argentina, subsidising rationalist schools and cowing bosses by robbing them (for a time, in Argentina, they forgot about these illegal activities and were drawn into the controversy prevailing in the anarchist movement in the country). In June 1926, Durruti was arrested in France (with Jover and Ascaso) on charges of attempting the life of the king of Spain and after some months in prison was expelled from France and eventually settled in Belgium. He returned to Spain with his comrades after the fall of the monarchy and set about making preparations for the revolution; he attended the 1931 congress, gave countless rallies, and was up to his neck in every revolutionary venture of the time and was regularly jailed and banished; he was on the CNT revolutionary committee, represented the Catalan regional at the national plenum of regionals in May 1934, and attended the Zaragoza congress in 1936. His theoretical stance at that point may be summarised as follows: arm the people and no to vanguards. Once the rebels had been put down in Barcelona in July 1936 he quit the Militias Committee following disagreements with García Oliver and set off for the Aragon front at the head of a column named after him. He remained there until November 1936 at which point he left for Madrid with part of his column to assist in the defence of Madrid where he met his death on 20 November 1936. There was a massive turn-out of people for the removal of his body to Barcelona and at his funeral there. Strictly a man of action (the only thing he wrote was one article in La Voz Confederal), he was immensely popular and to this day remains a symbol of the virtues of anarchists.

44. LA REVISTA SOCIAL. Periodical launched in Manresa (16 August 1872) at the instigation of the Unión Manufacturera. Later, publication was moved to Gracia and Barcelona (August 1873) where it remained until 1883 (its last edition being from 19 November 1883). For many years Francisco Abayá was secretary to the editorial team and he was succeeded by García Viñas (from 1876 to 1878, some say). It was the mouthpiece of the Spanish section of the IWMA and for that reason lifted texts from La Révolte and the Jura Bulletin. It was suspended for three months (February to May 1874) and it seems that from 1874 on it espoused a moderate line (which García Viñas attempted to shift) and adopted the sub-title of “Organ of the Unión Manufacturera of the Spanish Nation”. 418 editions were published.
According to Nettlau, in December 1880 García Viñas handed the review over to Serrano Oteiza who resurrected it in Madrid (as Revista Social rather than La Revista Social) from 11 June 1881 to 15 May 1884, for 154 editions in all. Under Serrano’s guidance it argued the anarcho-collectivist and Proudhonist case, adopted the sub-title “Eco del Proletariado” and was largely the organ of the FTRE. After its time in Madrid it returned to Catalonia (to Sans) where a further 39 editions appeared. It carried contributions from Ricardo Mella and Francisco Tomás, published pamphlets of Bakunin’s (God and the State) and reported on the congresses of the Spanish International. Other contributors included: Palacio, Orcal Arroyo, Espí, Vanoncí and García Viñas. Its print-run was in excess of 20,000 copies. Its disappearance was part of the fall-out from the Mano Negra events.

45. PUJOL GRÚA, José. Benisant (Tarragona) 1903-Porto Alegre (Brazil) 1966.
Joined the CNT as a young medical student. When the civil war broke out he was practising in La Roca and enlisted with the Roja y Negra column. By the end of the war he was major in the medical corps and spent time in concentration camps in France (Argelés, St Cyprien, Brams) where he was a great help until he was denounced by Communists and taken to Gurs (March 1941) and, from May 1942, was drafted into a labour company; he managed to join acquaintances in Carcassonne and helped rebuild the CNT in the Aude department, only to be rearrested by the Germans and taken to Bordeaux (where he again played a central part in rebuilding the Confederation) and from there, now categorised as a saboteur, he was deported to Germany but managed to escape in Metz. After the Germans were defeated he lived in Paris, Bordeaux and Toulouse and was involved in the anti=Franco struggle in France and inside Spain, having close relations with the action groups (particularly with Facerías) operating in the comarca of Barcelona. With the reconstruction of the CNT he was elected secretary of the SIA (in June 1945), a post he resigned in July 1946 in order to penetrate Spain on organisational missions; arrested in Gerona, he was freed from prison in Barcelona in June 1947 with serious lung disease, nit that this prevented him from treating a wounded guerrilla; identified by the police, he lived in hiding in Barcelona until a commando escorted him back to France. He stayed on in Toulouse and his home was a safe house for Facerías and other CNT and anarchist guerrillas. In the end, in January 1952 he left for Brazil, settling in Porto Alegre where he gained great prestige as a medical practitioner.

46. SERRANO OTEIZA, Juan. Madrid 1837-1886.
A fan-maker by trade, like his father before him, it is possible that he went on to become a jurist (though not a notary as some contend). Early on he turned to combative literature, got involved in subversive movements (being a member of the outlawed La Velada society and prominent in the riots in 1866), as a result of which he was forced into exile. He appears to have been in the federal republican camp (like so many others who later went over to anarchism) and was secretary of the Fomento de las Artes in 1865. A member of the International in Madrid from 1869, he turned into a fervent Bakuninist. His high profile in anarchism springs as much from his own priceless efforts as from the influence he wielded over his son-in-law, Ricardo Mella. He was Madrid’s representative at several congresses and especially to the fore at the 1882 congress as a champion of collectivism and the legal path against extremist Andalusian anarcho-communism. He was a prolific writer, especially of dramas, and was the guiding light of the Revista Social (the FTRE’s real mouthpiece) which he ran from 1881 on; he also wrote for all the like-minded publications of the day (El Condenado, El Orden - which he launched with González Morago- La Voz de la Juventud - which he ran - etc.) Author of: Pensativo (Reus 1885), Moral del progreso o la religión natural (Sabadell 1888), El pecado de Caín (1876), Almanaque para 1883. Biblioteca del proletariado (Madrid 1882), La Quinta, Dos Mujeres, Cuadros Sociales, Miserias de la Riqueza, Quien bien te quiera. Cupido sin Alas, El Poeta y el Mundo, Odios políticos, Historia de unas mujeres.

47. EL CONDENADO. Title borne by several anarchist periodicals.
1. - Libertarian newspaper, Madrid, February 1872- March 1873. Founded by González Morago. Initially sub-titled “Socialist Newspaper”, from July onwards this changed to “Collectivist Newspaper”. Defended the International. It appeared weekly and its emergence had to do with the conversion of La Emancipación into the platform of the Madrid marxists, whom it steadfastly opposed. It comprised 4 pages and 36 issues reached the streets (in addition to a supplement); in a second version, (February 1873 to 9 January 1874) it seems to have published 31 issues. It stuck by the Alliance programme and was governed by the principles of atheism, anarchism, anti-authoritarianism, collectivism and anti-capitalism. Prominent among its contributors were Serrano Oteiza, Morago, Estévanez, Manuel Muñoz, Busquiel and José Pellicer and it carried texts by Bakunin. A periodical of crucial importance in its day, it was the chief challenger of the marxist line of argument.
2. - Anarchist newspaper. Barcelona 1886. The first workers’ daily (ran for 27 days).
3. - Anarchist paper. Alcoy 1890-1893.

48. BARCELONA, FIRST FTRE CONGRESS IN, 1881.
The FTRE, replacing the FRE, was launched at the Barcelona congress (23-26 September 1881) attended by around 150 delegates (somewhere from 136 to 146, according to historians) representing 162 labour societies. It met on the premises of the Sans cooperative society on 23 September and its proceedings were opened in Barcelona’s Circo theatre the next day. Its decisions were: 1. - To condemn regionalism and Pi y Margall-ism. 2. - To resist all political parties, worker or bourgeois, as a step in the direction of doing away with all privilege. 3. - To stress the character of the FTRE as a purely economic organisation working towards realisation of a free federation of free associations of free producers. 4. - To underline the value of inalienable individual rights not susceptible to legislative regulation and to affirm that rights of suffrage, freedom of the press and of association and municipal autonomy are meaningless unless matched by collectivisation of property.
In addition it was agreed that the Andalusian comarca be split into two and that a Manifest be made public wherein the condemnation of political parties would be hammered home. Even though the more law-abiding, less anarchist character of the nascent FTRE has been remarked upon, there was little sign of it at this congress, where only 8 votes were cat against emphatically anarchist arguments and where there was insistence upon distancing from political parties.

49. ASCASO ABADÍA, Francisco. Almudévar (Huesca) 1901-Barcelona 1936.
Member of a CNT family, he was initiated early into social struggles in Zaragoza, taking part in numerous disputes between 1917 and 1920 (in 1919, as a member of the Voluntad group, he was jailed for inciting troops to mutiny). In 1920 he was jailed on charges of having killed a Zaragoza journalist and was released following great pressure brought to bear with an eye to the 1922 Conference. He came into contact with Durruti, Suberviela, Campos and Torres Escartín (Crisol group) and left for Barcelona; in Barcelona he worked as a waiter and joined Los Solidarios of which he was to be a leading member. He also headed the anarchist liaison committee. He was a participant in the operations against Soldevila, Martínez Anido and Languía 91923) and was jailed again; escaping from prison with the aid of Buenacasa (June), he crossed into France with Durruti via Barcelona, his mission being to set up a revolutionary sub-committee and a support publishing house. After 1922 his life runs parallel with Durruti’s. They were inseparable friends; he lived in Paris working in the lead industry, was involved in the disastrous Vera de Bidasoa incursion (1924), travelled the Americas from Cuba to Argentina, on an excursion punctuated by expropriations and social and ideological struggles, helped prepare an attempt on the life of Alfonso XIII in Paris and suffered the consequences (imprisonment, expulsion, clandestine travels, stays in Belgium and Berlin, etc.) With the advent of the republic he went home and threw himself into fevered activity, turning away from the expropriation policy and turning instead to countless rallies, gatherings and demonstrations.. He was involved in the uprisings in Figols and Zaragoza, in clashes with the treintistas, was secretary of the Catalan CNT (in which office his performance came in for criticism from the Asturians) in 1934, was an editor of Solidaridad Obrera in 1934-35, attended the Zaragoza congress in 1936, all of its punctuated by repeated escapes, banishments and imprisonment. When the fascist uprising got underway in Barcelona he was in the van of the resistance (in charge of coordination and communications) and was killed by a stray shot from the Atarazanas barracks (20 July 1936). His death deprived the revolution of a lightly made-up, restless, cool-headed, sharp-witted, calculating and extremely audacious figure. His few writings hint at a mistrust of far-seeing vanguards and suggest that his supposed anarcho-bolshevism had more to do with circumstance than beliefs.

50. BARRET ÀLVAREZ DE TOLEDO, Rafael. Santander 1876-Arcachon (France) 1910.
One of the greatest thinkers and writers produced by Iberian anarchism. Of aristocratic descent, he lived for a time in Bilbao and Paris up until 1900 when he moved to Madrid to complete his studies as an engineer and where he frequented high society circles until his money ran out (at that time he was fast friends with Maeztu and Valle Inclán). In 1903 he left Spain following an incident with the Duque de Arión and emigrated to the Americas. In 1904 he was in Buenos Aires where his criticisms in the press caused him problems and forced him to move on to Asunción, at which point his ideological shift in the direction of anarchism began. In Paraguay he worked on the railways, taught classes and ventured into journalism and literature, as well as adapting wholly to the Paraguayan way of life. He married and, together with Bertotto, he launched the review Germinal; at around this time he became a crusader for the oppressed, which brought the wrath of the government down on his head (an attempt was made to kill him at a rally on 1 May 1907). The following year he was jailed, a difficult time during which he contracted lung disease and was deported to Brazil. Later he lived in Montevideo and Corrientes. In 1910 he returned to Europe, meaning to recuperate from his illness, but to no avail, for after passing through Barcelona and Paris he died in Arcachon in France.
He wrote for many newspapers in the River Plate region: La Razón, Caras y Caretas, La Tarde, Los Sucesos, El Diario Español and for Le Figaro in Paris. After his death his literary oeuvre was collected (only Moralidades Actuales had seen publication in his lifetime) and it boiled down to journalism. Author of: El Terror Argentino (Asunción 1910), Diálogos, conversaciones, epifonemas (Montevideo 1912), Moralidades Actuales (1910), Lo que son los yerbales, Mirando Vivir, El dolor de los paraguayos (Montevideo 1912), Páginas Dispersas (Montevideo 1923), Cartas inéditas (Montevideo 1967), Obras Completas (Buenos Aires 1943), works which, in the opinion of many, make him the founder of Paraguayan literature and which have earned the praises of people with no connection with anarchism (Roa Bastos, Rodó, Vaz, Donoso, Blanco Fombona). He championed an anarchism that was level-headed and restrained and analysed reality, he was not so much a propagandist of anarchism as a creator, a committed intellectual with original views and concepts of anarchism (an anarchist being someone who believes in the possibility of life without the authority principle) and has been praised by Nettlau, Fontaura and Baciu. Barret was a man of considerable cultivation: he wrote in three languages and was a recognised writer on art and music; his writings embrace every issue (nationality, social oppression, sex, women, etc.), all dealt with in short, incisive articles redolent of the sense of regeneration associated with the ‘98 generation. His incontrovertible quality makes it hard to credit that in Spain Barret should be so little known even in anarchist circles.

51. CATALÁ TINEO, Sigfrido. Valencia 1906-1978.
Son of a bronze smelter of anarchist leanings (the founder in Valencia of a Ferrerian school, an exile and CNT militant), we find him enrolled with the CNT hides union at a very early age and working even as an adolescent in the printshop of Solidaridad Obrera (during its days in Valencia). An advocate of moderation and more of a syndicalist than an anarchist, he joined the Opposition Unions, representing them at the plenum of the Valencian CNT which put the finishing touches to reunification with the CNT (February 1936). He was secretary of the Valencia CNT and during the civil war held prominent office (as director-general of trade in Juan López’s ministry) and was to the forefront of the CNT’s amplified economic plenum (Valencia 1938). In the years after the civil war he remained behind in Spain, actively struggling against Francoism; he was one of the founders of the ANFD (and headed its committee) and he also acted as secretary of the CNT national committee up until his arrest in December 1944; after trial he was sentenced to death, a sentence later commuted and he served many years in San Miguel de los Reyes. After he was released he espoused a very syndicalist line akin to the Juan López line, which brought him a lot of criticism.

52. FARGA PELLICER, Rafael. Barcelona 1840-1890.
One of the strongest and most attractive personalities of the old International. He studied for a career as a master-builder and learned type-setting (in which field he proved truly inspired and an enduring influence) , enjoyed music and was a librarian for a time. In his early twenties he had links with federal republicanism and did important work at the Barcelona Federal Centre of Workers’ Societies, serving on the Central Directorate and on the Catalan workers’ Ateneo. After he converted to anarchism, this work was of enormous assistance in winning Catalan labour over the incipient IWMA. He met Fanelli in Barcelona (attending the meeting out which the Barcelona section emerged) and he embraced the principles of the IWMA and of the Alliance (in January 1890 he backed the federalists, but by August had turned into a determined supporter of the Bakuninist Alliance), so that in 1969, together with Sentiñón he represented the Federal Council at the congress in Basle, where he met Bakunin and became his close friend. At a meeting in Reus in January 1870, he spelled out apolitical and collectivist principles and from the columns of La Federación brought influence to bear to have the Spanish workers’ congress held in Barcelona; he attended that congress (1870) and fought there successfully to tip the balance in favour of anarchism and internationalism (it was he that drafted the message of affiliation to the IWMA and signed the manifesto to Portuguese workers). He enjoyed great standing in the eyes of internationalists (and was several times elected by universal suffrage to represent the Spanish section at congresses); at the congress in The Hague (1872) he fended off attacks directed at Bakunin and shortly after that attended the Saint-Imier gathering (the massive gathering that articulated the Bakuninist line of Spanish labour) where he made the acquaintance of Malatesta and was chosen as the Spanish correspondent for the Bulletin which it was agreed would be issued. Later at the anti-authoritarian congress in Geneva (1873) he tabled a scheme for organising along trades lines (endorsed at the congress on Córdoba) and at the Brussels congress in 1874 he stressed the anarchist line and signed the appeal issued to the workers of the world. When the repression began in Spain he stuck to his beliefs; in 1874 he met with Lorenzo and García Viñas to bolster the Alliance, and was on the federal council in 1875-77 and again in 1879; it also seems certain that he was one of those who prepared the relaunching of the FTRE in 1881 (he served on the federal commission in 1881-83). From 1886 to 1888 he published the renowned review Acracia. A man wholeheartedly committed to militant anarchism, he kept up correspondence with Bakunin, De Paepe, Fanelli, Malon, Brousse and Guillaume, was the mainstay of the internationalist press in Barcelona and Kropotkin stayed in his home when visiting Spain. Author of: Garibaldi, Historia liberal del siglo XIX, and Prolegómenos a la composición tipográfica. It has to be added that he contributed as a journalist to Natura and that it was at his instigation that El Productor was launched.

53. GÁLVEZ, Pedro Luis. Málaga 1882-Madrid 1940, shot by the fascists.
Son of a Carlist general, he studied at the seminary in Málaga (from which he ran away) and followed the family to Madrid. In the capital, he enrolled in the school of Fine Arts, from which he was soon expelled due to non-compliance with the school rules; he tried his hand at the theatre but his father quickly put paid to that. In 1901 he set off on foot for Paris where he led a bohemian existence in poverty; he returned to Spain and it was while in Irún (1905) that he fell in with anti-monarchist circles and toured Andalusia peddling the federal republican line and launching swingeing attacks on monarchy; arrested in Cádiz, he was sentenced to 14 years for insulting the king and the army. Incarcerated in Ocaña, he led a riot as a result of which he was chained to the walls of his cell; it was at about this time that he started to write; he produced Existencias Tormentadas and several short stories (like En la Cárcel), one of which (El Ciego de la Flauta) won him a competition, made him popular and led to his being pardoned. On his release reviews and newspapers competed for his the favours of this ex-jailbird, but his lack of interest in any steady job ensured that he was always short of money. He achieved prominence as a correspondent from the war in Morocco (with a chilling book, Por los que Lloran: apuntes de la Guerra del Rif, Madrid 1910) and became renowned as an incorrigible bohemian. On a whim he took himself off to Albania (1914) after a time in Berlin (where he earned a living as a painter), only to return to the peninsula after a short time and found a newspaper in Madrid, En la Puerta del Sol (1916) which never got beyond its first edition due to police harassment; he eked out a living as a literary “hack”, selling handwritten poetry and writing to order. Later he moved to Barcelona and made contact with the anarchists: at the same time his life was acquiring some stability (he was a correspondent for El Pueblo, 1920) and in the years that followed he delved deeper into anarchism (writing for libertarian publications and publishers, writing sonnets targeting politicians) as is evident in El Demonio de San Miguel (1926). In 1929 he started his Obras Completas (poesías de Negro y azul) and drew closer to militant anarchists. During the republic, his life took a more uneventful turn and when the civil war broke out he enlisted with the CNT; even when it was plain that defeat was imminent he refused to leave Madrid (confident that he would not face reprisals), but was arrested and jailed and finished off by a firing squad.
A sharp prose-writer and a poet of some merit, he had some reputation in his day (writing in first class newspapers like El Liberal, La Esfera, Nuevo Mundo). He is a typical example of the turn of the century cultural world, half way between bohemia, artistic avant-gardism and social protest. Unlike other literati who opted to abjure their ideas of emancipation, Gálvez’s beliefs became more pronounced. Author of: La Chica del Tapicero, Las Hembras de la Vistillas, Sonetos de la Guerra (Valencia 1938) and ¡Buitres! (Barcelona 1923).

54. FERRER GUARDIA, Francisco Juan Ramón. Alella 1859-1909 (shot in the ditch in Santa Eulalia , Barcelona on 13 October 1909).
Initially the recipient of clerical educati