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Since some of the most compelling black feminist writings tread the boundary between sex, race, and class, it seems appropriate that a consideration of all perspectives would recognize simultaneously a need to combine all viewpoints into a critical mass. Deconstructing Black Feminism in Music Black feminists have rejected one of the fundamental tenets of radical feminism the exclusion of male comrades. Black women have realized for some time now how fatal and counterproductive such a strategy can be since it foils their efforts in their battle to achieve basic civil rights. Black feminist consciousness is the recognition that African American women are status-deprived because they face discrimination on the basis of their race, gender, and class. Within recent years, emerging work in black feminist studies has reshaped and redefined feminist discourse. Black feminist theorists argue that African American women are empowered by principles of self-definition, accompanied by a strong will to challenge existing, externally defined, controlling images of themselves. Yet, feminist scholar, bell hooks recognizes that black feminist theorizing is not necessarily a part of ordinary womens lives. She states, Many [black] women do not join organized resistance against sexism precisely because sexism has not meant an absolute lack of choices. They may know they are discriminated against on the basis of sex, but they do not equate this with oppression. Although African American female musicians may not acknowledge an identifiably feminist rhetoric, they have not been passive, nor are they willing accomplices to their own domination. African American female musicians have grasped a connection between sexism and racism. Speaking about such issues as sexism, racism, and oppression in terms of her musical experiences, renowned Philadelphia jazz pianist/organist Shirley Scott states, I cannot change being black nor can I change being a woman. One thing for sure, I have not had a problem being a black woman on stage with a group of black males, but I have indeed experienced problems in being a Black person in American society. Likewise, Trudy Pitts (famous Philadelphia jazz organist and pianist) discusses how Blackness is more important than Feminism. When White entrepreneurs close the door on Black male musicians, they close the door on me too. In other words, my overall Blackness is much more important to me, in my opinion, than Black Feminism or White Feminism. Both Scott and Pitts emphasize it is not as significant to talk about Black Feminism versus White Feminism as much as it is to articulate White racism versus Black survival (male and female). Both these performers came into their own in the 1950s during the civil rights movement at a time when feminism was not in the forefront of the national consciousness. They were influenced by the struggle for racial equality. Therefore the way they theorize their world dictates their perception of feminist views. While I identify with concomitant issues of racism and oppression in American culture, I am equally concerned with the important issue of why African American women musicians have failed to recognize how social forces beyond racism (and sexism in particular) have directly or indirectly constrained their ability to compete on an equal basis with men in the music industry? A parallel to this most sensitive and probing problem stems perhaps from how implicit racism is embedded in American society, and likewise deeply entrenched in many white women. As a consequence, many Black females are reluctant to admit any common ground with white women whom they see as their oppressor. Feminist scholar Barbara Smith contends, I dont live in the womens movement, I live on the streets of North America. Smith levels her challenge toward white feminists, urging them to include a more comprehensive political assault on patriarchy that includes an analysis of race and class. While, Audre Lorde argues that white middle class women should recognize the racism within their ranks, bell hooks recognizes the ways in which racism empowers white women to act as exploiters by calling attention to the discourse of womens liberation that equated freedom with white womanhood. It is clear that most scholars acknowledge black feminist consciousness as the product of experiences with intersecting systems of domination, including those based on class and gender. Encoded in the works of cultural theorist Clenora Hudson-Weems is a similar prioritization of racial empowerment. The key to understanding true feminism is to acknowledge its historical and current female-centered agenda, which does not accurately reflect the true agenda of African women, who are instead family-centered by necessity as a result of a racist society which has wreaked havoc on their male counterparts. . . .  She contends the major aspiration of White feminism is based upon an agenda to attack male patriarchy. As Daphne Ntiri proclaims, Human discrimination transcends sex discrimination. . . the cost of human suffering is high when compared to a component, sex obstacle. In such analysis, sexism may be viewed largely as a divisive issue within the black community In a broader context, Hudson-Weems expresses a fundamental belief that African Americans can only succeed in their struggles by practicing active resistance and assertion under African-inspired leadership. Using this theory as a centering device for her groundbreaking study Africana Womanism: Reclaiming Ourselves, Hudson-Weems argues that no longer should a black feminist place her confidence in the white feminist movement that has long been exclusive and racist. Her argument provides a subtext that sabotages the surface text of both traditional feminism and Black feminism. She states, Merely appending Black to feminism (Black feminism) is insufficient . . . [long before the advancing notions of traditional feminism] Africana women have always been in the workplace next to their male counterparts. Moreover, they have always been verbal, voicing their opinions about issues in general. Hudson-Weems analysis, Africana Womanism encourages the inclusion of black male participants to fight against white political and economic social structures that continue to deny both black males and females individual agency and freedom. Attempting to balance the delicate nature between sexism and racism in black music, Michele Wallace in When Black Feminism Faces the Music, and the Music is Rap explains, Like many black feminists, I look on sexism in rap as a necessary evil. In a society plagued by poverty and illiteracy, where young Black men are as likely to be in prison as in college, rap is a welcome articulation of the economic and social frustrations of black youth. [However]. . . Feminist criticism, like many other forms of social analysis, is widely considered part of a hostile white culture. For a black feminist to chastise misogyny in rap publicly would be viewed as divisive and counterproductive.  Thus, Wallace contends that black feminists overt disapproval of black mens behavior creates an agreement and collaboration with racist notions to stereotype black men. A separate and potentially more productive position is found in Johnnetta Coles notion of either/or and the underlying assumption that one might choose ONLY one form of oppression against which Black women must struggle. In her opinion, this is neither necessary, nor helpful. She queries: [G]iven the multiple ways in which racism and sexism are cut from the same cloth, we cannot afford to fight the oppressions to which we are subjected on only one front . . . if both of your arms were tied behind your back as you prepared to swim, would you choose to have only one released?  Creating an agenda to combat sexism, and critically challenging racial oppression as a format for black feminism, Coles analysis presents a single-most powerful framework for me to situate African American women musicians of the twenty-first century into the larger landscape of American music. I advance the notion that both racism and sexism coexist in our lives and should be critiqued and analyzed on equal terms. Interrogating Music, Race, and Sexism as Categories of Analysis If one is white, one is valued: if one is black, one is devalued. . . . If one is male, one is valued; if one is female, one is less valued If one is black and female, one has no value. Racism and sexism (inherently) exercise the intricate position of placing African American women into the realms of being secondarily marginalized. Marginalization as a concept is a process by which a dominant group delegates secondary or inferior status to another group via ideologies, institutions, and social relationships. Cathy Cohen (1999) further discusses marginality by defining secondary processes of marginalization as power exercised by more privileged members of marginal groups within the same society: The exercise of power by relatively more privileged marginal group members [black men] over others [black women] in their community is not a new phenomenon. . . . Today, in contrast, these relations are based to varying degrees on more privileged marginal group members access to and mobility within dominant group and institutions.  Black men may be victimized by racism, but sexism allows the opportunity for both black and white men to oppress black women. Jazz vocalist Raye Avery (of Wilmington, Delaware) describes a similar situation that reinforces secondarily marginalized experiences in the lives of many vocalists: In music, my experiences has been predominantly with African American men, not European men. I have not dealt with European men in their attempts to exert their power over me. However, the Black male is very deep. They attempt to objectify us, and our worth is measured in terms of how appealing we look, or act. And if we rebel, they become hostile and condescending. They expect us to look sexy so that we attract customers; and then in the middle of our break, they want us to entertain the customers. I did not analyze all these patterns when I first started singing. I became keenly aware as I gained more experience performing. So, what does positioning our creative selves in this wholly masculinized culture entail? For most women I interviewed, this positioning invokes an induced context; we either become aware of such objectification and tolerate it for whatever benefits we desire, or we refuse to participate. More readily, many African American women find a common balance in responding to these issues. In terms of institutionalized marginalization, White women who dominate feminist discourse, moreover, have demonstrated very little understanding of white supremacy as a racial politic. bell hooks echoes a sentiment of other black feminists contends, [F]rom the onset of my involvement with the womens movement I was disturbed by the white womens liberationists insistence that race and sex were two separate issues. My life experience had shown me that the two issues were inseparable. . . . Katie Cannon, in comparison, argues that the interconnected roles of white supremacy and male superiority has characterized the Black womans reality as a situation of struggle--a struggle to survive in two contradictory worlds simultaneously, one white, privileged, and oppressive, the other [B]lack, exploited, and oppressed. I suspect that the problem underlying an assumption that African American women musicians (for example Shirley Scott and Trudy Pitts) who detest one form of oppression over the other does not support a weaker vision, in my opinion, of feminist discourse. Age, status, and class play a major role in determining the outcome of Black womens discourse on sexism and racism. Coming to age and initially performing in the 1970s, jazz guitarist Monnette Sudler states, To say, like their men, black women experience racism as blacks, and like white women, they experience sexism as female, erase our total life experiences. In other words, does the experience of African American women lie between the worlds of black men and white women? I dont think so. African American women has no institutionalized other to discriminate against, or exploit. Feminist scholar, Joy James states African American women often have a lived experience that directly challenges the prevailing classist, sexist, racist social structure and its concomitant ideology. This lived experience shape our consciousness in such a way that our worldview differs from those who have a great degree of privileges. The question of what constitutes the black womans self-definition generates a great deal of urgency in the lives of African American women musicians who weigh race and sexism in their analysis. In a sense, how do male chauvinism and black feminism negotiate and integrate musical perspectives on stage, and what is the consequence of such integration? Jazz vocalist Raye Avery articulates the dialectic between sexism and racism, and the connection between male chauvinism and black feminism. Reclaiming her space and recognizing racism and sexism as equally denigrating, Avery states, I have performed in various concerts with men who, in a sense are egotistical and moreover in some ways, chauvinistic. And in many ways, the performance is enhanced because while performing on stage with them, I consider myself more so, or just as superior as they. Indirect or explicit, male chauvinism and black feminism negotiate and integrate musical perspectives in complex ways. Such integration gives deeper meaning to a performance. Saxophonist, Fostina Dixon points to what she calls self-realization and a black womans awareness of her personal struggle to define her femaleness. In terms of the struggles she has had to overcome as an African American woman, Dixon recognized the fact that not only had white men and women collectively attempted to exercise power over her in the music industry, but black men, in more subtle ways, unleashed a certain amount of hostility. Dixon discusses this problem: During the late 1970s when I left Marvin Gayes band in California, and came to New York as a solo artist, I had the experience of being pushed aside by black male musicians. Unlike Shirley Scott and Trudy Pitts, the reality of Fostina being female was far more important than being Black. Self-realization, to this crucial extent, links the contention of African American women within a larger struggle against oppression of any kind. Most recently, Black feminists have stressed a need to reconceptualize externally defined images that contribute to the domination of some groups over others by creating new forms of knowledge that advocate a departure from hierarchical structures of unchanging common practices. Unlike Scott and Pitts who began their professional careers during the 1950s, women musicians of later generations have asserted ideologies of race and sexuality as reciprocal elements of analysis. To describe the intersections of race and sexuality as shaping social practices, vocalist Alfie Moss proclaims black female musicians cannot choose to ignore the suppressive natures of sexism or racism. Nor can she be unassuming in recognizing the specific ways in which both forms of oppression represent exploitation and abuse. If we assume that race, class, and gender are integral, then it should only follow that these categories also act upon each other within certain episodes of black womens lives, thus problematizing easy generalizations about black women. Working within constructs of sexism and race as mutually exclusive, Virgin Islander jazz vocalist Lucinda Jgen exposes sexism as a major factor of her consciousness. In her position as the only female musician working within an environment of black men as bandleaders, Jgen reveals the uncanny experience of continually rejecting the roles of caretaker and sex partner. Proceeding from a point related to, but different from other women included in this chapter, Jgen demonstrates that environment weighs heavily upon her analysis of gender, race, and class. : Unlike the British Caribbean with class issues, and unlike America with problems of racism, the American Virgin Islands are loaded with sexist overtones. On a predominantly Black island, like St. John, sexism figures more prominently in our daily lives than issues of race. Such breakdowns of differences in Black women experiences that live in separate territories, signify upon the general nature of sexism. This seems to me to provide the coordinates of an immensely important question. Are Black women in the United States and Black women in the American Virgin Islands bound by similarities or divided by differences? To address our commonalties without dealing with our differences is to distort that which separates us. The premise of female subordination affects so many customs that in conceptualizations of specified musical practices (Jgen as vocalist in an all-male band), it is seemingly hard to eradicate. To ignore its apparently obvious condition by remaining silent places female musicians in a sequestered position. To notice is to acknowledge an already obvious condition. Although Jgens liberating choice to resign as vocalist allowed her new paths in her career while organizing her own bands, the greater portion of her life had been invested in remaining silent and looking lady-like as maintaining credible rapport with her audience. Most Black feminists have focused on the concept of intersectionality, which suggests that interlocking oppressions circumscribe the lives of black women through day-to-day encounters with race and sexism as equally contentious. However, few scholars have engaged in persuasive attempts to deconstruct the fabrication of sexism itself. Contesting the assumption that sexism is an inevitable part of all social landscapes, Audre Lorde, for example, argues that black communities must take seriously the concerns of all black women. She discusses the ways in which sexism empowers black men to act as exploiters by calling attention to the discourse of black liberation that equated freedom with black malehood. Addressing her personal experiences of sexism in our society, Barbara Smith emphasizes, If we have to wait for racism to be obliterated before we can begin to address sexism, we will be waiting for a long time. The younger generation of hip-hop feminists (like their black feminist counterparts) maintains that feminism benefits the black community by challenging patriarchy as an Institutionalized Oppressive Structure and advocating the building of coalitions with them. Hip-hop feminists have made conscious efforts to avoid attacking black men in order to work with them to further their cause of equality and justice for women. Hip-hop feminist, Joan Morgan exemplifies this dilemma, White womens racism and the Feminist Movement may explain the justifiable bad taste the f-word leaves in the mouths of women who are over thirty-five, but for my generation they are abstractions drawn from someone elses history. And without the power of memories, these phrases mean little to nothing. Morgan furthers her cause by stating, When I told older heads that I was writing a book, which explored, among other things, my generation of black womens precarious relationship with feminism, they looked at me like I was trying to re-invent the wheel. I got lectured ad nauseam about the racism of the White Feminist Movement, the sixties and the seventies, and feminisms historic irrelevance to black folks. I was reminded of how feminisms ivory tower elitism excludes the masses. And I was told that black women simply didnt have time for all that shit. While I admit that I am not a hip hop feminist, and indeed wish not to disparage Morgans remarks, it seems undetached to reach back to the sixties and seventies for models of the kind of error that can occur when specific forms of black feminism are completely ignored and renounced. Just as egregious, representations of these former paradigms are still commonplace. It is precisely because of the older struggle that any progress at all has been accomplished in terms of race, class, sexism, and gender in American culture. Finally, what I propose here is to simply examine and re-examine issues of class and its impact upon both sexism and racism in American music. I echo the words of Joan Morgan as she states, Lack of college education explains why round-the-way girls arent reading bell hooks. More prominently, a college education nurtures forms of knowledge that establish the prerequisite of class structures in our society. It is not my intention to shift focus upon one structure in order to situate another, however, as Toni Morrison reminds us, knowledge is transformed from invasion and conquest, to revelation and choice. Like most Black feminists, I recognize my lofty position as a writer, musician, and faculty member as distinct from the round-the way black women Joan Morgan alludes to in her argument. And likewise, this privileged position separates me from the women who are daily beaten down, mentally, physically, and spiritually, as bell hooks charges, and the women who are powerless to change their condition. However, as sublime as status may be, I am nevertheless interested in challenging structures of racial ideologies and white patriarchy in music to explore how altered notions of class continue to emerge in third millennium politics of today. Transforming Music, Class and Altered Notions Any musician participating in the music industry, whether as an instrumentalist, vocalist, or composer, is in the business of creating meaning in music; and it is this creation of meaning that dictates how we make decisions, and on the basis of these decisions, how we act. Unfortunately, the means of disseminating these meanings are not distributed equally. Like previous debates of Black womens experiences in sexism, the mainstream position has been that race is of far more importance than class in understanding the situation of African Americans. In regard to this view, black women have faced fundamentally deep-seated prejudices and discrimination simply because of skin color, not because they are not wealthy or of lower class status. Unlike racism, the ideology that white people are superior to other groups, or sexism, the assumption that men are superior to women, class issues are far more complex. Based upon income and wealth, most prominent theories link class structures with economics and politics. While few scholars define class in terms of education, others identify class as social status, supporting the belief that an agreed upon hierarchy demarcates higher or lower status groups. It is my belief that education and income (particularly in the context of an African American community) is an attribution of class. Above all I am interested in what makes class domination in music possible, and in so doing, create a form of discourse capable of reconstructing knowledge that emphasizes the sociopolitical structures of music and class. Black feminist Audre Lorde reminds us of the true focus of revolutionary change is never merely the oppressive situations which we seek to escape, but that segment of the oppressor which is deeply implanted within each of us. Like their white counterparts, strongly rooted in conformity and domestic lifestyles, the black middle class womens club movement of the early twentieth century placed values on ideological concepts of the European Victorian woman. Concerned about their acceptance into mainstream white society, this educated segment of the black middle class regarded blues women as subverting racial progress, since by upward mobile standards, blues womens stage behavior and song lyrics dictated old assumptions of unrestrained behavior.  Likewise, members of black church congregations felt that the advancement of the race rested in the eradication of the behaviors that blues women glorified and inspired. Although many middle class black women agreed with the fundamental principles of Victorian womanhood, they nonetheless rejected the classist implications of such assumptions. Through song text and innovative lyrics of redefining Americas notion of black womanhood, Blues women, in all regards, left an indelible impression on early twentieth century American music. Their songs provided lenses that restored self-expression and individual freedom for all women. Although classic blues women defined a perspective of American life that had been considered lesser standards than that of the educated sectors of the black middle class, the blues women nevertheless provided a much more inclusive concept of black feminism than the ideologies connected with the black middle class women of the club movement. Revisiting history, from enslavement to postmodern capitalism, African American feminists throughout the twentieth century have not only insisted that the figure of the woman constructed in white feminist theory uncritically depends on the ideologies of race and gender, but equally important, on class issues. bell hooks relates mutually to the conflict between Black women and White women suggesting that in twentieth-century political discourse, the term woman is synonymous with White women and the term Black is synonymous with Black men. So where does this dichotomy place black women? Within the category of class, however, Black women and men are subjects. Thus, a new relation between race and class transpires. The influx of race and class interact in complex ways on different issues. Although it is clear that many African Americans are very class conscious in the sense that they understand the governing factors of where they stand, and who benefits the most from the social system, there is reason to believe that their sociopolitical structure and family values may be more significant than class. Jazz organist Shirley Scott states: Like many black people during the 1940s, we were poor black folks with humbling beginnings. Believe it or not, we cared less about class status because love, family values, and close community ties were embedded in our lives. . . . Love, care, and understanding became a substitution for class and status during the time I grew up. However, those who fit middle class standards on the basis of their advanced education and professional credentials are more likely to think of themselves foremost in terms of their occupational or professional standing. Middle-class African American women built Black-oriented structures in their diverse professional careers (particularly during the 1940s) and retained a firm commitment to class issues within the community. As a researcher interviewing both female and male musicians about issues pertaining to class, I came to realize the obvious: gender, age, and education defined each persons outlook. What became clear were the ways that musicians choose to talk about themselves, often sometimes alluding to externally controlling images as reflective to articulate class. Vocalist Raye Avery called attention to concepts of the mammy figure as central to class oppression. She states, When I am on stage, I am mostly conscious and aware of my status, class, and sexuality. I feel fulfilled until someone in the audience stands up and say, Oh I love Georgia on my Mind, could you sing that song for me? A song such as Georgia on my Mind, is stereotypical to me because it invokes a mammy-type-gutsy-style on stage. And I do not feel that way. As a woman, certainly I feel there are many songs that invoke these negative images of class and gender. In Black feminist philosophy, the mammy image is pivotal to connecting race, gender, and class as subordinate structures. Early in history, the mammy figure, like other controlling images (the Jezebel, matriarchs, and later, welfare queens) were created to maintain class subordination. In doing so, these images potentially place black women in disadvantaged compromising positions. Like women blues performers who fought to redefine controlling images, African American women of hip hop and popular culture are confronted with similar issues of negative images just as denigrating. The sexually explicit lyrics of hip-hop female rappers offer younger Black women a chance to re-create and re-define old stereotypes of formerly controlling images. After a century of being labeled super-sexual (as perceived in Jezebel stereotypes), female rap artists offer a fresh approach to challenging existing images by ostentatiously displaying sexuality and deconstructing past altered notions. Hip-Hop Feminist Eisa Davis states: Like many women I know, I have acquired an immunity to sexist lyrics. While some may call this immunity a weariness, or numb defeat, could it be the first inexplicable taste of inner power? . . . . I hope that the strength we gain from realizing that we womenand menare not bound to hip-hops representations can help dismantle the sexism weve internalized, and empower us to combat the sexism outside of us. By invoking externally controlling images in their music, black female rappers increase a sense of sexual freedom. Brief Commentary on Class and Gender Within Other Feminist Platforms Like Black feminists and hip-hop feminists, radical feminists, Marxist and socialist feminists have also sought to correct biased views of class. While Marxist feminists incorporate a concern solely for gender within traditional Marxist analysis, socialist feminist develop nonmonist (recognizes gender and class as co-equal oppressions ) perspectives of feminism that designates gender and class as co-equal oppressions (both disregarding issues of race). Radical feminist,  Ellen Willis proclaims the consciousness-raising, personal politics approach does not effectively challenge the structural political economy of class domination. She further argues consequentially that, women were implicated in the class system and had real class interests, that women could oppress men on the basis of class, and that class differences among women could not be resolved within a feminist context alone. Willis analysis, however, lacks definition on who belongs and who could be considered allies in this so-called liberal feminism. The assumption that women could oppress men? . . . on the basis of class?. . . as stated by Willis, contradicts the role of African American women in a racially divided society. Musician/activist Bernice Johnson Reagon contends organizing across class differences pose significant challenges that inhibit groups coalition-building even when women appear to share common material interests. Understanding how different women perceive their interests in a common struggle must be centerfold in feminist studies. Black feminist scholar, Joy James stresses the importance of distinguishing between an understanding of liberal feminism and radical feminism. She maintains that differentiating between liberalism and radicalism to theorize about black feminist liberation is complicated, however, extremely fundamental for comprehending the limitations of left politics and black feminism in contemporary society. For James, radical feminists, however, view black oppression as emanating from capitalism, neocolonialism, and the corporate state. Although radical feminists recognizes class issues as important in understanding feminist concepts, I contend that the limiting factors implicit in radical feminism is its underlining theory of not acknowledging racism as reinforcing class subordination. African Americans who believe in the superiority of European musical practices are in awe to assume that certain forms of black music might hold back racial progress. Recognizing blues and jazz as a lower forms of music, elitist educated African Americans, the general White population, and conservative church congregations maintain their status by continuing to reinforce class subordination in Black music. Such is the case with Rap. Literary critic Houston Baker states, We thus witness such pitiable instances of ignorance as a white or black parent adoringly watching her two-year-old gyrate to Sesame Streets alphabet rap while assuring a telephone interlocutor from next door that she hates rap because it is a woman-bashing, uninventive cacophony of local black noise for the lower classes. Such arrogant ignorance is not only pitiable, but also costly in economies of global understanding required for a coming century. Likewise, scholars who assume that we should substitute class consciousness for race consciousness, inevitably implicate race to reinforce class subordination by implying, Although class consciousness may very well be morally justified given the economic inequality in American society, it is not a morally sufficient answer to the problems addressed by race conscious policies for the simple reason that race is an independent source of disadvantage. In music, as in culture, and in reverence to re-invoke DuBois prophetic phrase, the problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color-line, should we likewise expect relevant problems of the twenty-first century to be polarized by acrimonious policies of color, class, and gender? Conclusions The split dimensions of Black womens oppression becomes obvious when we analyze the stories of Shirley Scott and Trudy Pitts who subconsciously think of themselves as gender-free. I invoke their remarks respectively as Scott proclaims, I have not had a problem being a black woman on stage with a group of black males, and similarly Pitts states, when White entrepreneurs close the door on Black male musicians, they close the door on me too. I examine each womans story in the context of her experience in regard to the way she theorizes racial inequality and class oppression. In a sense, considering the double whammy of race and class allows both Scott and Pitts a space to be gender-free. Thus, what happens to the female performer who positions her creative self in a wholly masculinized music industry? A separate and potentially more productive position in maintaining the strife for a balance between racial equality and class status takes precedence. The double burden of racial discrimination and class domination is eclipsed when female consciousness and/or awareness of female presence prevail. Saxophonist, Fostina Dixon demonstrates the strength of a black womans awareness of her personal struggle to define her femaleness. Unlike pianists/organists Shirley Scott and Trudy Pitts, the reality of Fostina Dixon, being a woman saxophonist, was far more important than her blackness in a male dominated popular music industry. Self-realization, within this critical extent, links the contention of African American women within a larger struggle against oppression of any kind. Similar to Fostina, guitarist Monnette Sudler asks, to say, like their men, black women experience racism as blacks, and like white women, they experience sexism as female. I advance the notion that our current problems with feminism will only be resolved as we recognize the interaction of class, race, and gender as co-dependent. Until we fully embrace this theoretical combination as agents of change in our society, the difficulty of facing challenges of the twenty-first century become meaningless. CONTRIBUTOR BIOGRAPHIES Linda F. Williams received her Ph.D. in Ethnomusicology with major concentrations in Jazz and African music from Indiana University, Bloomington (1996). She received a Masters of Music Degree (Saxophone Performance) with a double concentration in Music Education from the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. Williams is assistant professor of Music and African American Studies at Bates College in Lewiston, Maine where she teaches courses in Black Women in Music; Music of the African Diaspora; and Ethnomusicology Research Methodology. As a saxophonist and bandleader, Williams also conducts the Bates College Steel Pan Ensemble. Her publications include articles in American Music Journal, Readings in African Diaspora Music, International Jazz Archives Journal, Presentation Program of the National Endowment for the Arts, and Bibliographic Guide to the Traditional, Popular, Art, and Liturgical Music of Sub-Saharan Africa; and reviews in the Journal of American Ethnologist, and Quarterly Journal of the Music Library Association. Amy Abugo Ongiri is assistant professor of African American Literature and Culture in the Department of English at the University of California, Riverside. She received her Ph.D. from Cornell University, 1998 (dissertation: Black Arts Black People!: The Cultural Politics of the Black Power Movement and the Search for a Black Aesthetic). Her research addresses the impact of African American culture on popular culture and film. Ongiris work as appeared in College Literature, Race-ing Representation: Voice, History, & Sexuality; Issues Involving Innovative Afrocentric Art Form; and the Call and Response Journal. She has published in Camera Obscura, and College Literature on Blaxploitation Film, and Film Bagdad Caf. She is currently serving as a one-year Duke Faculty Fellow at Duke University, Durham, N.C. Tammy L. Kernodle is assistant professor of Musicology at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio. Kernodle received her B.M. in Choral Music Education from Virginia State University in Petersburg, Virginia; and her M.A. and Ph.D. in Music History from Ohio State University in Columbus, Ohio. Kernodles dissertation, Stills Trouble Island, A Troubled Opera: Its Creation, Performance and Reception, was the first work written on composer William Grant Stills opera, Trouble Island. Her later works on the religious compositions of jazz pianist Mary Lou Williams, Anything You Are Shows Up in Your Music: The Sanctification of Jazz, is the first study to address the compositional style of Mary Lou Williams. Kernodle has published in the Journal of Musicological Research; the Arkansas Historical Quarterly; and Musical Quarterly. Eileen M. Hayes received her Ph.D. in Music from the University of Washington. Her chapter on black womens participation in the predominantly white lesbian social field of womens music emerges from her dissertation, Black Women Performers of Women-Identified Music: They Cut Off My Voice; I Grew Two Voices. Hayes received a M.A. degree in Folklore (Ethnomusicology) from Indiana University, and a B.M. in piano/music history from Temple University. Hayes is the recipient of several fellowships and awards including the Danforth-Compton Fellowship for Dissertation Writing from the University of Washington and The George Washington University Fellowship for Minorities in Teaching and Dissertation Research. She resides in Chicago where she consults with music school and conservatory administrators on issues of multi-cultural diversity and gender awareness. Deborah Smith-Pollard is associate professor of English Language, Literature, and Humanities at the University of Michigan-Dearborn where she has taught since 1995. She received her Ph.D. from Michigan State University in English/American Studies (dissertation: Gospel Announcers and the Black Gospel Music Tradition). Born in Detroit, Michigan, she has worked as a Gospel Announcer (disc jockey) since 1982 at both urban contemporary and gospel stations. Since 1983, she has continuously produced several major gospel music events, including two of the countrys largest free outdoor gospel concerts, the McDonalds Gospel Fest and the Farmer Jack Praise Fest. Her publications include articles in Arkansas Review: A Journal of Delta Studies, College Language Association, and College English Association Critic. Nanette de Jong is an assistant professor at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, New Jersey where she teaches ethnomusicology and flute performance. She received her Ph.D. in ethnomusicology from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Her research concentrates on music of the avant-garde jazz tradition. She has taught at the University of Michigan Center for African American and African Studies, and has worked with Kwabena Nketia at the University of Ghanas International Centre for African Music and Dance. As a flutist, she has played traditional repertoire in orchestras including the Chicago symphony. Charles Nero is an associate professor of Rhetoric and Theater at Bates College in Lewiston, Maine. Nero received a B.A. in communication and theater from Xavier University in New Orleans, an M.A. from Wake Forest University, and a Ph.D. in speech communications from Indiana University. He has taught at Valdosta State College, and Ithaca College. His publications include articles in Call and Response: The Riverside Anthology of the African American Literary Tradition, and Brother to Brother. Teresa Shelton-Reed is an assistant professor of music at Tulsa University in Tulsa Oklahoma where she teaches music theory, and African American music, and directs the certificate program in African American Studies. She received her B.S. degree in music from Valparaiso University (1987), Masters degree in Music Theory from Tulsa University (1990), and Ph.D. in music theory and African American Studies from Indiana University, Bloomington (1997). Shelton-Reed has presented on topics in music theory and African-American music both nationally and internationally. Her publications include articles in Journal of Religious Thought, and Popular Music and Society. Gwendolyn D. Pough is an Assistant Professor of Womens Studies at the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities Campus. She received her B.A. in English from William Paterson University, M.A. in English from Northeastern University, and Ph.D. in English from Miami University of Ohio. In her dissertation, Rhetorical Disruptions: Black Public Culture and the Public Sphere, Pough examines the political potential and relevance of the Black Panther Party and rap music/ hip-hop culture for contemporary African-Americans. Born in New Jersey, Pough considers herself a child of hip-hop. Although she no longer writes rhymes, she is still very involved in the culture via her teaching, research, and her continued appreciation of the music. END NOTES PAGE 23  Mandel, Nancy, Feminist Issues: Race, Class, and Sexuality (Ontario: Prentice-Hall, Inc.), 1995:198.  (James and Sharpley-Whiting 2000: 135).  (interviewed 4.29.2000).  (interviewed 4.24.2000).  Writings on Race, Gender, and Freedom: The Truth That Never Hurts, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. (1998:101).  Audre Lorde 1984; bell hooks 1984, 1989.  (Hill 1998:1812).  (Ntiri 1982:6).  (Hill 1998:1814).  For example, see pages 25-28 in Reading Culture: Contexts for Critical Reading and Writing edited by Diana George and John Trimbur; Harper-Collins Publishers (1992). (George and Trimbur 1992:25-26).  (Guy-Sheftall 1995:550).  See Audre Lordes An Eye for an Eye, in Sister Outsider (New York: Quality Paperback Book Club, 1984).  See for example Cathy Cohens The Boundaries of Blackness: Aids and the Breakdown of Black Politics (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1999.   Interview: Raye Avery, August 4, 2000.  Cathy Cohen states, Categorical strategies of marginalization include practices that seek to exclude an entire class or group of people from any central control over dominant resources and institutions. This form of marginalization deploys numerous practices involving identities, institutions, ideologies, and social relationships to enforce the complete exclusion of some group. A central component of successful categorical marginalization involves the manipulation of ideological concepts norms, values, and attitudes in an attempt to explain and legitimize the exclusion of, and developing domination over, marginal communities, in The Boundaries of Blackness: Aids and the Breakdown of Black Politics (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1999:55-56)  See for example, bell hooks Aint I A Woman: Black Women and Feminism p. 12.  See for example Canons The Emergence of a Black Feminist Consciousness. In Feminist Interpretations of the Bible, edited by Letty M. Russell (1985:30).  (interviewed 8.1.2000).  The Black Feminist Reader, edited by Joy James and T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting. Blackwell Publishers. Massachusetts, 2000 (p. 144).  (interviewed 8.4.2000).  interviewed 8.2.2000).  **Talk about Patricia Hill Collin, Black Feminist Thought  (interviewed 7.15.2000).  (interviewed 8. 9.2000).  Not just race, not just gender: Black Feminist Readings, Valerie Smith. Routledge Publishers (p. xvii, 1998).  interviewed 7.20.2000  Crenshaw 1993, 1995; King 1988.  Audre Lorde 1984; See also, bell hooks 1984, 1989.  Introduction. In Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology, (ed.). Kitchen Table/Women of Color Press. 1983.  When Chicken-heads Come Home to Roost: A Hip-hop Feminist Breaks it Down. by Joan Morgan; Simon & Schuster (2000).  2000:51- 53).  Ibid. 52-53.  Ibid. 53.  Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination. New York: Random House, Inc. (1992:8).  look up the source . . .  Inspired by __s Ethnic Notions, a documentary highlighting the ethnocentrism of our society, I use the inverted analysis altered notions to refer to eurocentrism.  Glenn Jordan and Chris Weedon, Cultural Politics: Class, Gender, Race and the Postmodern World. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers (1995:112).  Talk about Black Wealth/White Wealth, by Shapiro and . . .  page 107 -- U.S. Womens History. by Dana Frank.  Lorde (1984:123).  In their attempts to elevate lower classes of women, the leaders behind the womens club movement still held black women to the standards of white womanhood established by white feminist in the cult of womanhood whose cardinal tenets [were] domesticity, submissiveness, piety, and purity in order to be good enough for societys inner circles (Giddens, 47). See also for example, Hazel V. Carby, It jus Bes Dat Way Sometime: The Sexual Politics of Womens Blues, in Ellen Carol DuBois and Vicki L. Ruiz, eds., Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Womens History (New York: Routledge, 1990), pp. 238 - 49. Originally published in Radical America 20:4 (1986), pp. 9-24 for demonstrations of the middle class critique of blues women. Likewise, see Joan Morgans When Chicken-Heads Come Home to Roost: A Hip-Hop Feminist Breaks It Down. (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1999) for examples of middle class critiques of hip-hop. And finally, see Linda Dahls Stormy Weather: The Music and Lives of A Century of Jazzwomen. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984) for discussions of jazz women criticism. See for example, Hazel V. Carby, It jus Bes Dat Way Sometime: The Sexual Politics of Womens Blues, in Ellen Carol DuBois and Vicki L. Ruiz, eds., Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Womens History (New York: Routledge, 1990), pp. 238 - 49. Originally published in Radical America 20:4 (1986), pp. 9-24 for demonstrations of the middle class critique of blues women. Likewise, see Joan Morgans When Chicken-Heads Come Home to Roost: A Hip-Hop Feminist Breaks It Down. (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1999) for examples of middle class critiques of hip-hop. And finally, see Linda Dahls Stormy Weather: The Music and Lives of A Century of Jazzwomen. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984) for discussions of jazz women criticism.  Such unmitigated calls for redefinition of womanhood and other significant factors led to the creation of the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) in 1896. In Paula Giddings When and Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America. New York: Morrow (1984).  See for example, Daphne Harrisons Blues Queens of the 1920s Black Pearls (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1988:8-9).   Interviewed, April 20, 2000.  Cheryl Townsend Gilkes point out strong evidence in documenting the tradition of cross-class activism by middle-class African American women. ** Find reference to Cheryl Gilkes work.  Interviewed: August 4, 2000.  See for example, Patricia Hill Collins Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment (New York: Routledge, 1990).  See for example, Sexism and the Art of Feminist Hip-Hop Maintenance, in Rebecca Walkers To be Real: Telling the Truth and Changing the Face of Feminism (New York: Anchor Books, 1995:333-341).  Ellen Willis, Radical Feminism and Feminist Radicalism, in The Sixties without Apology, ed. by Sohnya Sayres, Anders Stephanson, Stanley Aronowitz, and Fredric Jameson (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press), 1984: 89 - 120.  Much of the early history of radical feminist (not synonymous with the womens liberation movement, but a specific political movement within ) has been lost or distorted . The left, the right, and liberal feminists have all for their own reasons contributed to misrepresenting and trivializing radical feminist ideas. To add to the confusion, radical feminism in its original sense barely exists today. The great majority of women who presently call themselves radical feminists in fact subscribe to a politics more accurately labeled cultural feminist. That is, they see the primary goal of feminism as freeing women from the imposition of so-called male values, and creating an alternative culture based on female values. Cultural feminism is essentially a moral, countercultural movement aimed at redeeming its participants, while radical feminism began as a political movement to end male supremacy in all areas of social and economic life, and rejected the whole idea of opposing male and female natures and values as a sexist idea, a basic part of what we were fighting. Though cultural feminism came out of the radical feminist movement, the premises of the two tendencies are antithetical. Yet on the left and elsewhere the distinction is rarely made (Sayres 1984:91).  Ellen Willis, Radical Feminism and Feminist Radicalism, in The Sixties without Apology, ed. by Sohnya Sayres, Anders Stephanson, Stanley Aronowitz, and Fredric Jameson (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press), 1984: 89 - 120.  Coalition Politics: Turning the Century, by Bernice Johnson Reagon in Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology, edited by Barbara Smith (1983: 356-368).  Joy James contends that part of the difficulty of delineating the left of black feminists stems from the resurgence of the right and its modification of liberal and progressive thought in recent politics. In Naomi Schillers article in Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, Fall 2000 [Number 29:119].  Houston Bakers Black Studies: Rap and the Academy. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1993: 62.  David Wilkins introduction in Color Conscious: The Political Morality of Race by K. Anthony Appiah and Amy Gutmann. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996:12-13.  W.E.B. DuBois, The Souls of Black Folk, ed. John E. Wideman (New York: Vintage Books, 1990:16).  Personal communication with Scott and Pitts (April 24, and April 29, 2000). 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Williams Bates Loaners((0r@1 0r@0r@1s@11s@1111 1>110t@111 11111111"1*1111111P1\1l1100t@1t@111u@10hu@1 1 1101N1t111111110u@1&1v@1v@1w@1*1j1w@110w@111111111H1j1n110x@1x@10z@1110z@11111z@11x@0|@1B1@1v0@1x0@11 1 1 1 1P 1j 0~@0Ѕ@0@0@0@GTimes New Roman5Symbol3 Arial3Times"AhBW\DWV(K~@ !+r0bI Curriculum Vitae Linda F. Williams Bates Loaners [(@(NormalCJmH : : Heading 1$d@&54`4 Heading 2 $$@&56`6 Heading 3$d@&5 FMicrosoft Word DocumentNB6WWord.Document.8gA@{$ *WkB~h,6N8_c ՜.+,D՜.+,h$ hp  ' 812-9742544 ?B:  Curriculum Vitae Title Curriculum Vitae  6> _PID_GUID'AN{83D2CD8B-6F8D-11D5-A578-003065439154} Oh+'0  $0 L X d p|' Curriculum Vitae dCurLinda F. WilliamsdindindNormal.Bates Loanersam16eMicrosoft Word 8.0d@<[?@s@l@ |z~/3)*W & 6N./k/~UBBM,]KyA%bIHXN<҇!#p"v9R9uPi4Jg)vD:I{pxd=M |w>}xNV33_ԶB P-G*O'MvЖbP7m^'S5w߉ {BUSg{u<ԍj*DZ9O| ܭ,vu).cI꛴*_pQл_tqSy-eb&Gj@rO^㟮UuYcRV^,95T܄ZA2no-J{#ltered Notionsituation of African Americans. Class domination in the United States has been constructed by racial politics of white supremacy. 19 bell hooks,  Black Women: Shaping Feminist Theory in Call & Response: The Riverside Anthology of the African American Literary Tradition, (ed.). Patricia Liggins Hill (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1998:8144). c {jbjbSS 11Zw"]GJJNNNP$ mmm8*n4^n\]~oooooo.oo ~uuuuuuuzuNooooou [(@(NormalCJmH : : Heading 1$d@&54`4 Heading 2 $$@&56`6 Heading 3$d@&5X X Heading 4,$$h@& 8@  !G&5EH<A@<Default Paragraph Font,@,Header  !, @,Footer  !&)@& Pa(QdY  1\}/lJ W~{Unknown Bates LoanersGwendolyn PoughInformation ServicesDeborah Smith Pollard~ ! OLE_LINK1 OLE_LINK2jjڧڧa a%6KT1;o`ba%6 Bates LoanersRMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Black Women's Anthology:Chapt. 1- Theoretical draft II Bates LoanersQMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Black Women's Anthology:Chapt. 1- Theoretical chapter Bates LoanersQMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Black Women's Anthology:Chapt. 1- Theoretical chapter Bates LoanersQMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Black Women's Anthology:Chapt. 1- Theoretical chapter Bates LoanersQMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Black Women's Anthology:Chapt. 1- Theoretical chapter Bates LoanersQMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Black Women's Anthology:Chapt. 1- Theoretical chapter@aaaa)] $dC$Eƀb'C$Eƀ6b'_=U]cge Number0+@"0 Endnote TextCJ6*@16Endnote ReferenceH*2B2 Footnote TextCJ8&@Q8Footnote ReferenceH**B@b* Body Text4P@r4 Body Text 2 dVP@V Body Text 2)hd 8@  !G&EH4P4 Body Text 2 drfpH[ W$(+-d045782;m=@(DFFGrHLRSTUXQZ]^m`abeWfhij$llnlunyzMՁf-k2DXm?<# = V   6 X s  $ [ B3Wydp[,!!C""""      " q- !!!!!!!!! ! ! ! ! !!!!!! $ !%+4<ENV `xhpsyV''-U [  &BC[\^5 j}J #L#6pJH@Loon6p6p6po:NoNo~uNOJJ MMo~u6pH6p~uNN~unn]Bm p~u CHAPTER I Speaking Black, Speaking Feminist, Speaking Music Linda F. Williams The creative innovators of virtually every genre or style of African American music have been identified as male. Accurate as such assertion may be, this position obscures the complex and fractious history (or nature) of African American women in music. I am interested to know how this erasure or evasiveness of black women musicians affected music in the United States. When does female consciousness and/or awareness of female presence enrich perspectives of American music, and when does such awareness disempower musical creativity? What does positioning our creative selves in this wholly masculinized musical culture entail? What happens to the female performer who thinks of herself, consciously or subconsciously, as gender-free? In a sense, how do male chauvinism and black feminism negotiate and integrate musical perspectives on stage while performing, and what is the consequence of such integration? How in a music industry (that applauds innovation) could this lofty consequence not be embraced as an agent of change? Thinking about these issues has challenged me not only as an African American musician, but also as a writer and a teacher. One theme in need of critical attention is the way African American women musicians engender differences or, more specifically, endorse modernity. In this introduction, I situate black women in the context of African American music cultural practice. Focusing on black womens experiences, I examine the ways in which specific forms of consciousness (race, class, and gender) are embedded in the history of African American music of the twentieth century. I am concerned most centrally with how woman performers mediate between self-definition or self-representation and the limiting factors of womens lives in the music industry. Critical analysis of this type will show how black womens voices are parts of a necessary reconstruction of African American music history. I remain convinced that race, class, and gender occupy definitive places in black music and ought to be a major concern of ethnomusicology, musicology, and feminist studies. The voices of African American women in music and the awareness of their culture will both resuscitate the study of music in the United States. This introduction offers four perspectives on contemporary black feminism. It shows how older African American women musicians (ages 50 and above) emphasize the prioritization of racial empowerment over sexual liberation. Such discourse queries traditional feminism as exclusively racist, and in fact, an inverted form of white patriarchy. Most middle aged African American women musicians (ages 35 49) push forward the notion that both racism and sexism coexist and should be critiqued and analyzed on equal terms. Many younger African American women musicians (ages 22 34) rely exclusively upon class as a major factor affecting both race and gender. While I approach the subject from all###4$[$\$M%%@&&&'L'''(((l((,,,--h01144458q=AHFdIL0QTVVVW[WWWXXTZ\eafaabg(lnpt,tkttt'unuouwww)xx=yqyrysy{}})~u~~~'PQ )>\6Ȍst7s|'58p4 J + ufgikpv$Dixy!C-35L555555577)959B9999:::C:;;q=B>>>>>>>@@@@4DTDUD\D]DDDDDDDFFbISJJLLLLM:MNNPQ QQQRRTTUUaUUUUUUUUUUVV^^aafffg*gLgiiOjQj&l2lOllmAp`pppppqqqqqrrrrssBt]tittttttt$u%u-u.ulumuww(w/w1w;wEwGwHwVwWwXwYwbwiwkwwx'x:x?xIxPxTxUxgxhxoxpxqxxxxxx:y;yoyyyyyyyyy4z@zAzJzVzmzyz{{{{{{{{{{N|b|};}C}O}w}}}}h789+,X]oˆن3@_}EdňՈy6AH[okِ͐zY$%/15678QRSUn (6:er͚Ӛۚ?cěśǛכ89MRΜ؜!"%-9:<Lm~89>?@JvSmop,X̢٢Tlڣ'o|Ȥפ-U|}~0@1,1p1111&1(1@1*1411 @11@11101@11F0@11@@1@10@11 @11"@1X10#@00#@00B$@10&@1&@11*@1D1z1111-@11.@110/@1<1/@1F1`/@1|11/@11/@10/@11;@11<@1@1:=@10?@11@@10C@0e@106v@11>w@11Rw@11w@1B0{@11x~@11~@1.12@1N11d@10@1@1@1111@11@1`1@1d0@1h11j@11x@1111:@1 0F@101*@0V@1V0x@111V@11 1@1z1@1|10B@11@1 0^@1$1R1Z1@1p1z@12@11111@ mselves. Yet, feminist scholarInterviews I have conducted over the past year validates that anot profess 20 See appendices for a list of the female musicians I interviewed from January 2000 through May 2001. ctives on stage during aance, Most n American female musiciansdistinguish theconnection in music. ocial forces beyond racism ( with men in the music industry.nd probing problem stems in partseminists, urging them to formulate In fact, iparticipate. Mo11@0B0@1D1@0 06@1n1@11@10|@11@10@1.@11@1B0@1J11@11R@0r@11J1l1z1@11z@11@1.0@1h0@11&@10L@1h@01@011 0n@0 1X@111*181<1P1d1h1j1111110@10@1(@11@11@1 1d@ 1 1111@1 1:1^@0<1@0>0f@0@1@1~1.@11111@1@11V@11h@10@1111211@11$@11l@1:1@1b1P@1111@0@1"1 @1$1@1b1@1l1n1@1p1z0@11@11 0t@1.1l1L@11@111@11h@181,@1v0@10@11%@11Z&@1*1&@180&@1`1`0<)@10,@11,03@11f;@00 0"0$0X<@0r@0@0r@1 0r@0r@1s@11s@1111 1>110t@111 11111111"1*1111111P1\1l1100t@1t@111u@10hu@1 1 1101N1t111111110u@1&1v@1v@1w@1*1j1w@110w@111111111H1j1n110x@1x@10z@1110z@11111z@11x@0|@1B1@1v0@1x0@11 1 1 1 1P 1j 0~@0Ѕ@0D@1 1؆@1&@1* 1, 1:@1< 0@1> 1@1X 1r 0j@1 1 0@1 1Ԉ@1 1 0@0,@0@0@0@GTimes New Roman5Symbol3 Arial3Times"hBWDWV(K~@ !+0bI Curriculum Vitae Linda F. Williams Bates Loaners [(@(NormalCJmH : : Heading 1$d@&54`4 Heading 2 $$@&56`6 Heading 3$d@&5X X Heading 4,$$h@& 8@  !G&5EH<A@<Default Paragraph Font,@,Header  !, @,Footer  !&)@& Page Number0+@"0 Endnote TextCJ6*@16Endnote ReferenceH*2B2 Footnote TextCJ8&@Q8Footnote ReferenceH**B@b* Body Text4P@r4 Body Text 2 dVP@V Body Text 2)hd 8@  !G&EH4P4 Body Text 2 drfpH[ W$re often w,e feminist discourse, premacy and male superiority haven musicians rm of oppression over another (racism over sexism or sexism over racism) a weaker visionscourse on sexism and racism. Coming of so. African American women havectives on stage during aance, consequence of such integration? lylyirley Scott and Trudy Pitts, for ,being Black. Self-realization (crucially to this extent),connects(1970s and beyond) ent of black men as bandleaders (during the mid 1980s), s9 xperiences (according to regional and territorial locations),,ilent and  looking lady-like in order to maintainn through day-to-day encounters, on of hip-hop feminists has maintainedtionalized Oppressive Structure, , they have advocatedbuilding of coalitions with their male counterparts Within this contextan community) is an attribute uncovering ossible, and in so doing, creating12   &*, >@B0j       "&:560JmHCJ+ lyg text and innovative lyrics lensh-century political discourse, the term  woman is coterminousd the term  Black is coterminousmplex ways on different issues. African American female musicianstional or professional standing. ear that many African American women musicians e and family values are more during the 1940s, we were with humbling beginnings. Wclass and status became a (over weight, asexual, very dark complexion,  happy-go-lucky, surrogate mother) nd sexuality. I feel fulfilled,  Oh, please for me? to me because ist philosophy, the mammy image class, race, and gender,today s hip hopdenigrating ative images15 >@  "$&,B   d :dd controlling undesirable hip-reotypes of negativeentatiously displaying sexual freedom,onstructing formerly externally-defined controlling imagessves of feminism that designate that esthat consequentially s16 from coalition building feminism. She maintains that distinguishingted, althoughprehending the limitations of left politics ugh radical feminists recognizeontend that the limiting factorical feminism is its underlyingmusical practices olars who ousness for race consciousness endorseclass subordination:Not only are we at a point in our history failing to solve problems of race and gender in both music and society, but we are at a stage in not recognizing how the duality of race and gender subordinate class. 17 ssion becomeThe triple burden of discrimination based on gender, race, and class fully embrace the intersectionality of class, race, and gender 20 4 g s The Black Feminist Reader (Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers, 2000:135)y 2000 through JuneThis study is based on seventeen months of research conducted in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, West Chester, Pennsylvania; Wilmington, Delaware; Seattle, Washington; Portland, Oregon; Moscow, Idaho; St Thomas, Virgin Islands; and St. John, Virgin Islands. m: The Truth That Never Hurts (ick: Rutgers University Press, (+-d045782;m=@(DFFGrHLSTUXPZ]^l`cdfghWjklswx}ǁˌ9k2DXm?<# = V   6 k ` u  G [ TWv/r !!!"o"r"      gr" o !!!!!!!!! ! ! !        $ !%+4<ENV `h?qyp]ggU Z  7BC[\^5 j}J #L####4$[$\$M%%@&&&'L'''(((l((,,,--h01144458q=AHFdIL0QTVVVWZWWWXXSZ\cadaae[jl.o;r_rrrsZsssuuv\v(wpwwwwQy{|\|||}Z}}}}}=~Ɂ\qCD։!i+j͌ΌȎɎ׎GHIJKMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]$% tuټ 9:?@_01JK@A[\vwx"#WX=>MN\]hij%&bc9H| 6CJCJ6 j0JU\J@[v"W=M\h%b !@[v"W=M\h%b !9|+y{* *9pqm !"Fm9:+Q|}p>m+,z{50JmH6 j0JU6CJCJj0JCJUX9|+yz{D d$d) 000 P/ =!"p#$%While African American women have been involved in the creation and performance of African American music from its inception, tmusic. In this chapter, I explore the dynamics of y, as  gender-free? In essencectives on stage as women perform How in a music industry that applauds innovation could thisIn this chapterAmerican women in music and an mulations, my analysisnist writings tread the boundariess would recognize simultaneous 2 23 guxIdКb~KSmΠ`{ZآxVӤ56&'JK̭ϭmXdO 7!!!PS!PS!PS!PS!!!|!jJ!(3!5%!!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS! v<! A!(3!5%!)! A! A!` !PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS! ! !PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!!!7!!!PS!@M !5%!!PS!PS!PS!PS! A!@.!A! v<!A!@.!@.! v<!(3!!!!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!!` !5%! v<!!! v<! v<!5%!5%!)!!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!!` !PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!! A!5%!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!!@M !!!(3!5%!@.!!!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!!@M !!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!!!!!7!@.!!!!!!!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!!!PS!PS!u!!!!!!!u!PS!!!!!!!u!u!PS!!!!!!!u!PS!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!u!u!!!!!!!u!T!!!!!!!!PS!!PS!PS!PS!u!!!!!!!PS!PS!! !!!!!PS!!u!u!PS!!BC[\^5 j}J #L####4$[$\$M%%@&&&'L'''(((l((,,,--h01144458q=AHFdIL0QTVVVWZWWWXXSZ\cadaae[jl.o;r_rrrsZsssuuv\v(wpwwwwQy{|\|||}Z}}}}}=~Ɂ\qCD։!i+j͌ΌȎɎ׎GHIJKMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]ghi19The s Sister Outsider (New York: Quality Paperback Books, 1984) and bell hooks Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center(Boston: South End, 1984) I Diana George and John Trimbur (Harper-Collins Publishers, :25-28). In Beverly Guy-Sheftall s Words of Fire: An Anthology of African-American Feminist Thought (New York: The New Press, 1995:550))Ibid. p. 70. Cathy Cohen, (1999:55-56) tion over, marginal communities. (Boston: South End, 1981:) See James and Sharpley-Whiting (2000), 144. See Patricia Hill Collin 21s Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment (New York: Routledge, 1990:67-90). 21  Introduction. (Boston: )Joan Morgan, . (New York: Simon & Schuster, Ibid. 2000:51- 53Toni Morrison, (New York: Random House, uvwxIdКb~KmΠ`ZآxV(( $?Vj|">Mw t-[u ;Vnţ5ʤ֤=\Цyzjk2R.dϺ{ݻ.!!!PS!PS!PS!PS!!!|!jJ!(3!5%!!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS!PS! v<! A!(3!5%!)#`QdY *1\}/lJ* W~{Unknown Bates LoanersGwendolyn PoughInformation ServicesDeborah Smith Pollard ! 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Bates LoanersRMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Black Women's Anthology:Chapt. 1- Theoretical draft II Bates LoanersQMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Black Women's Anthology:Chapt. 1- Theoretical chapter Bates LoanersQMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Black Women's Anthology:Chapt. 1- Theoretical chapter Bates LoanersQMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Black Women's Anthology:Chapt. 1- Theoretical chapter Bates LoanersQMacintosh HD:Desktop Folder:Black Women's Anthology:Chapt. 1- Theoretical chapter@|)] $dC$Eƀb'C$Eƀ6b'@_=U]cp4 J + ufgikpv$Dixy!C-35L555555577)959B9999:::C:;;q=B>>>>>>>@@@@4DTDUD\D]DDDDDDDFFbISJJLLLLM:MNNPQ QQQTUUUbUUUUUUUUUUVV^^fffg,gNgiiQjSj(l4lQllmCpbpppppqqqqqrrrrssDt_tkttttttt&u'u/u0unuouww*w1w3w=wGwIwJwXwYwZw[wdwkwmww x)xNo:;@ABLx Uoqr.Z΢ۢV2+,-0@1,1p1111&1(1@1*1411 @11@11101@11F0@11@@1@10@11 @11"@1X10#@00#@00B$@10&@1&@11*@1D1z1111-@11.@110/@1<1/@1F1`/@1|11/@11/@10/@11;@11<@1@1:=@10?@11@@10C@0e@106v@11>w@11Rw@11w@1B0{@11x~@11~@1.12@1N11d@10@1@1@1111@11@1`1@1d0@1h11j@11x@1111:@1 0F@101*@0V@1V0x@111V@11 1@1z1@1|10B@10@1$1R1Z1@1p1z@12@11111@11@0B0@1D0@1n1@11@10|@11@10@1.@11@1B0@1J11@11R@0r@11J1l1z1@11z@11@1.0@1h0@11&@10L@1h@01@011 0n@0 1X@111*181<1P1d1h1j1111110@10@1(@11@11@1 1d@ 1 1111@1 1:1^@0<1@0>0f@0@1@1~1.@11111@1@11V@11h@10@1111211@11$@11l@1:1@1b1P@1111@0@1"1 @1$1@1b1@1l1n1@1p1z0@11@11 0t@1.1l1L@11@111@11h@181,@1v0@10@11%@11Z&@1*1&@180&@1`1`0<)@10,@11,03@11f;@00 0"0$0X<@0r@0@ FMicrosoft Word DocumentNB6WWord.Document.8gA@{$ *WkB~h,6N8_c ՜.+,D՜.+,h$ hp  ' 812-9742544 ?B:  Curriculum Vitae Title Curriculum Vitae  6> _PID_GUID'AN{83D2CD8B-6F8D-11D5-A578-003065439154} Oh+'0  $0 L X d p|' Curriculum Vitae dCurLinda F. WilliamsdindindNormal.Bates Loanersam17eMicrosoft Word 8.0d@8=A@s@l@|z~/3)*W & 6N./k/~UBBM,]KyA%bIHXN<҇!#p"v9R9uPi4Jg)vD:I{pxd=M |w>}xNV33_ԶB P-G*O'MvЖbP7m^'S5w߉ {BUSg{u<ԍj*DZ9O| ܭ,vu).cI꛴*_pQл_tqSy-eb&Gj@rO^㟮UuYcRV^,95T܄ZA2no-J{# 21 See *dc {jbjbSS 11gp"]r (((8(42)df KZ*^*t*t*t*t*.** &1(1(1(1(1(1(1,KMT1*t*t***T1+H&t*t*)+++*:t*t*&1*&1++&1&1)nf`(*"&1 CHAPTER I Speaking Black, Speaking Feminist, Speaking Music Linda F. Williams The creative innovators of virtually every genre or style of African American music have been identified as male. Accurate as such assertion may be, this position obscures the complex and fractious history (or nature) of African American women in music. I am interested to know how this erasure or evasiveness of black women musicians affected music in the United States. When does female consciousness and/or awareness of female presence enrich perspectives of American music, and when does such awareness disempower musical creativity? What does positioning our creative selves in this wholly masculinized musical culture entail? What happens to the female performer who thinks of herself, consciously or subconsciously, as gender-free? In a sense, how do male chauvinism and black feminism negotiate and integrate musical perspectives on stage while performing, and what is the consequence of such integration? How in a music industry (that applauds innovation) could this lofty consequence not be embraced as an agent of change? Thinking about these issues has challenged me not only as an African American musician, but also as a writer and a teacher. One theme in need of critical attention is the way African American women musicians engender differences or, more specifically, endorse modernity. In this introduction, I situate black women in the context of African American music cultural practice. Focusing on black womens experiences, I examine the ways in which specific forms of consciousness (race, class, and gender) are embedded in the history of African American music of the twentieth century. I am concerned most centrally with how woman performers mediate between self-definition or self-representation and the limiting factors of womens lives in the music industry. Critical analysis of this type will show how black womens voices are parts of a necessary reconstruction of African American music history. I remain convinced that race, class, and gender occupy definitive places in black music and ought to be a major concern of ethnomusicology, musicology, and feminist studies. The voices of African American women in music and the awareness of their culture will both resuscitate the study of music in the United States. This introduction offers four perspectives on contemporary black feminism. It shows how older African American women musicians (ages 50 and above) emphasize the prioritization of racial empowerment over sexual liberation. Such discourse queries traditional feminism as exclusively racist, and in fact, an inverted form of white patriarchy. Most middle aged African American women musicians (ages 35 49) push forward the notion that both racism and sexism coexist and should be critiqued and analyzed on equal terms. Many younger African American women musicians (ages 22 34) rely exclusively upon class as a major factor affecting both race and gender. While I approach the subject from all mselves. Yet, feminist scholarInterviews I have conducted over the past year validates that anot profess 20 See appendices for a list of the female musicians I interviewed from January 2000 through May 2001. ctives on stage during aance, Most n American female musiciansdistinguish theconnection in music. ocial forces beyond racism ( with men in the music industry.nd probing problem stems in partseminists, urging them to formulate In fact, iparticipate. More often w,e feminist discourse, premacy and male superiority haven musicians rm of oppression over another (racism over sexism or sexism over racism) a weaker visionscourse on sexism and racism. Coming of so. African American women havectives on stage during aance, consequence of such integration? lylyirley Scott and Trudy Pitts, for ,being Black. Self-realization (crucially to this extent),connects(1970s and beyond) ent of black men as bandleaders (during the mid 1980s), s9 xperiences (according to regional and territorial locations),,ilent and  looking lady-like in order to maintainn through day-to-day encounters, on of hip-hop feminists has maintainedtionalized Oppressive Structure, , they have advocatedbuilding of coalitions with their male counterparts Within this contextan community) is an attribute uncovering ossible, and in so doing, creating12   &*, >@B0j       "&:(*560JmHCJ/ lyg text and innovative lyrics lensh-century political discourse, the term  woman is coterminousd the term  Black is coterminousmplex ways on different issues. African American female musicianstional or professional standing. ear that many African American women musicians e and family values are more during the 1940s, we were with humbling beginnings. Wclass and status became a (over weight, asexual, very dark complexion,  happy-go-lucky, surrogate mother) nd sexuality. I feel fulfilled,  Oh, please for me? to me because ist philosophy, the mammy image class, race, and gender,today s hip hopdenigrating ative images15 >@  "$&,B     d :dd controlling undesirable hip-reotypes of negativeentatiously displaying sexual freedom,onstructing formerly externally-defined controlling imagessves of feminism that designate that esthat consequentially s16 from coalition building feminism. She maintains that distinguishingted, althoughprehending the limitations of left politics ugh radical feminists recognizeontend that the limiting factorical feminism is its underlyingmusical practices olars who ousness for race consciousness endorseclass subordination:Not only are we at a point in our history failing to solve problems of race and gender in both music and society, but we are at a stage in not recognizing how the duality of race and gender subordinate class. 17 ssion becomeThe triple burden of discrimination based on gender, race, and class fully embrace the intersectionality of class, race, and gender 20 n American Literary Tradition, (ed.). Patricia Liggins Hill (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1998:8144).