1. CARBÓ CARBÓ, Eusebio. Palamós 1883-Mexico 1958.
Coming from a family of federalists and anti-clericals, he was active in the Federalist Youth before going over to anarchism following his reading of Godwin, Proudhon, Kropotkin and Bakunin and observation of the world around him. A bit of a globe-trotter (even in his prison experience, seeing the inside of nearly sixty prisons from the age of 18 onwards) he lived for a long time in Valencia and travelled Europe and the Americas (he was especially familiar with Italy and knew many of the Italian anarchists, like Malatesta, Borghi and Fabbri, being much impressed by Malatesta). Early in the century (1905) he was close to the Avenir group and by the time the First World War came around he was an anarchist of some prestige. In 1915 he attended the congress in El Ferrol (representing Solidaridad Obrera), in 1918 he was at the Anarchist Conference in Barcelona, was present at the International Labour Congress in Geneva and the sixth congress of the F.N.A. in Valencia (where he was outstanding for his vehemence and hard line). His presence at the La Comedia congress in 1919 has been described as crucial: he drafted the anarchist manifesto, was on the working party on propaganda and opposed the line taken by Quintanilla. In the ensuing years he was a leading representative of the most anarchist tendency (and from 1921 stood out on account of his condemnation of the dictatorship of the proletariat). He plotted against Primo de Rivera and acted as go-between for the anarchists and syndicalists in Valencia, intervened in the controversy about anarchist organisation in Italy, and was also caught up in the polemic that pitted Peiró against Pestaña. In 1933 he opposed the FAI uprising; three years later at the congress in Zaragoza he came under severe criticism for non-completion of his mission to Paris. Come the 1936 war, his ideological surefootedness went to pieces ( a short time before that he had reaffirmed anarcho-syndicalist orthodoxy from the secretaryship of the IWA) and like many another he took up political posts (as a member of the economic council in Catalonia, plus posts with the Generalitat’s propaganda commission and at the Education and Training Ministry). Once it had become apparent that the war was lost he left for France and thence on to Santo Domingo (1940), winding up in Mexico where he settled until his death. In Mexico he held the secretaryship of the CNT (1942) and resisted the García Oliver line from the ranks of the Nueva FAI; these were years when he was returning to his ideological roots (turning down the offer of a ministerial post in the Giral government-in-exile in 1945); later, as the prospects of returning to Spain faded, Carbó the journalist came to the fore. But his gifts as a journalist were always in the service of his beliefs. A great public speaker and a writer of excellence possessed of a punchy style, his output is strewn throughout countless publications: as a journalist, his writings may be found in El Corsario, Regeneración, Acción Social Obrera, Estudios, etc. In addition, he was an editor on Solidaridad Obrera (in 1930, in 1934-35) and director of the Valencia edition of Solidaridad Obrera, wrote for Reivindicación, La Guerra social, Más Lejos and Cultura y Acción .. as well as the leading CNT titles in Europe and the Americas. He used a number of noms de plume (Negresco, Mario Negro, Gustavo, Simplicio, Romano, Rodrigo..) and was the author of El la línea recta. El naturismo y el problema social (Barcelona 1930), La bancarrota fraudulenta del marxismo (Mexico 1941), Reconstrucción de España, sus problemas económicos, políticos y morales (Mexico 1949) and Interviú con el gran revolucionario Enrique Malatesta (1921, location not given).

2. CANÉ BARCELÓ, Pedro. Barcelona 1896-Mexico 1973.
Although born in the Barcelona district of Pueblo Nuevo, he lived from early on in Badalona where he worked in the glass industry; a staunch friend of Peiró, he was secretary of the glassworkers’ union and of the Badalona local federation for whose mouthpiece La Colmena Obrera he wrote articles. In 1919 he was living in Seville and two years after that he was in Villaviciosa, only to return to Badalona prior to the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, joining the CNT’s revolutionary national committee and the underground anarchist groups opposed to the dictator; in May 1929 he fled to France only to return after a short while and was jailed. During the Republic he was a prominent representative of the moderate line (and signed the Manifesto of the Thirty), not that this spared him the hatred of the employers (he was seriously injured in 1932); he was general secretary of the National Glass Industrial Federation and during the civil war he was mayor of Badalona (having been a member of the city’s public safety committee a short while before) and held the under-secretaryship for industry in Peiró’s ministry. In the post-war years he stuck to his circumstancialist line and collaboration with other antifascists; in exile in Mexico he backed the García Oliver platform and held an under-secretaryship in Leiva’s republican government-in-exile.

3. CERVANTES DEL CASTILLO VALERO, Agustín. Llerena 1840-Badajoz 1874.
Son of a Murcian lawyer, he studied law and philosophy successfully at Madrid University and took a doctorate in law in 1864. Strapped for cash, he would attend any debates that were going (this helped him broaden his knowledge); he was substitute teacher of law in Cáceres, an officer of the civil government in that province, teacher of Latin and Castilian in Córdoba and, from 1870 to 1874, teacher of law at the recently founded University of Córdoba. It was in Córdoba that he joined the International to the stupefaction of the conservatives who declared outright war on him following publication of his Tres discursos socialistas sobre la propiedad y la herencia (Three Socialist Speeches against Property and Inheritance) (Córdoba 1872), which venom obliged him to quit the city (1874) for the Instituto in Badajoz, in which city he died. A member of the Alliance from 1871, he became a go-between between the Alliance and the F.R.E. in the south, doing very valuable work, especially on the organising of the 1872-1873 congress, which he attended as an active delegate.

4. ACRACIA
Title of a number of periodicals of libertarian content.
1. Monthly publication sub-titled Revista sociológica. Barcelona January 1886-June 1888, 30 issues. Initially 8 pages in size it grew to 16 (from No 6) and then to 32 (from No 19); No 5 also carried a 20 page supplement. Salvador Peris(and later Bienvenido Rius) looked after the administration, and the running and editing was in the hands of Farga Pellicer, Anselmo Lorenzo and Tárrida del Mármol. An article in the first issue spelled out its objective as “illustrating militant socialism”. Its line was unmistakably anarchist and collectivist, not that pro-communist articles were not included too. It serialised important works such as The Social Question in the Light of Science (Tárrida del Mármol), The Social Question (Drury), Capital (Tárrida), The Individual (by Lorenzo), The Reaction in the Revolution (Mella), The Lies (Nordau), Scientific Bases of Anarchy (Kropotkin), etc., as well as numerous articles on anarchy, the individual versus the State, the workers’ party, collectivism and communism, the eight hour day, the death penalty, dynamite, the categorical imperative, capitalism in agriculture, bourgeois and worker science, the militant proletariat, the liquidation of society, the family, poverty, etc., over the signatures of Nieva, Lorenzo, Halliday, Alvarez, Canibell, Gomis, Mella, Cuadrado and others. A high quality review.
2. Mouthpiece of the Libertarian Youth in Asturias, published in Gijón, 1937.
3. Supplement to Tierra y Libertad, Barcelona, September 1908-1910. Run by Cardenal and Boix, it carried texts by Lorenzo, Lanza, Vallina and Kropotkin.
4. Newspaper run by H. Plaja, Reus, 1923, 5 issues.
5. Sociological review, Barcelona 1922-23.
6. Anarchist publication from Tarragona, run by H. Plaja, 1918, 28 issues.
7. Lérida 1933-34 and 1936-37. In its first phase it was run by F. Lorenzo Páramo; in its second, (when publication was weekly or even daily) by Manuel Magro and it could count upon contributions from Alaiz, Peirats, Amador Franco, Lamolla and V. Rodriguez. It pushed a line opposed to the CNT’s governmentalism at a time when the Confederation had a share in the government.
8. Organ of the Libertarian Youth of Lérida, 1981, 3 issues.

5. ACÍN, Ramón. Huesca 1887? - 1936, murdered by the fascists.
Bakuninist Aragonese anarchist, who studied at the Instituto in Huesca where he struck up an enduring friendship with Felipe Alaiz (who would later be his biographer); in his native city in 1915-1920 he was a member of an anti-reactionary group (Bel, Alaiz, Samblancat and Maurín) and around 1920 he secured a post as a sketch artist in Huesca, the city where he spent much of his life and where he gained considerable prestige as a forward-thinking person and lover of culture. A member of the CNT, he experienced banishment, imprisonment and exile, represented the unions of Upper Aragon art numerous plenums and congresses (being on the propaganda working party at the La Comedia congress) and his disciples included Encuenta, Viñuales and Ponzán. A friend of Galán, he did his best to prevent the uprising in Jaca, but failed and was thus indirectly obliged to flee to exile in France (December 1930-April 1931). He occupied a position of some stature in the world of culture: his pictures were exhibited at the Dalmau gallery in Barcelona, he sculpted excellent altarpieces and sculptures and had plans for a trades museum in Aragon.. Possessing the soul of an artist, he was fond of antiquities and crafts and used a lottery win to fund Buñuel’s film Las Hurdes. He made significant contributions to the press; he published several reviews around the region, like Mañana, Floreal, Revista de Aragón and Claridad and his flowery aphorisms in honour of his hero Salvador Seguí (1923) were famous.

6. GOMIS MESTRE, Celso. Reus 1841-Barcelona 1915.
A resident of Madrid from a very early age, he studied to become a road engineer and this took him all over the country. He was implicated in the federalist uprising of 1869 and was forced to go into exile. While in exile he made Bakunin’s acquaintance and joined the Alliance in Geneva (January 1870). Returning to Madrid in March 1870 he was active in the efforts of the International in Madrid (chairing its first public meeting), holing the post of propaganda secretary and helping out greatly with the editing of La Solidaridad. In 1876 he moved to Barcelona and took an interest in matters of regional culture, folklore and sport; he also collaborated with significant libertarian reviews (like Tramontana. El Productor, Acracia..), particularly with a series of articles about emigration, especially in the 1880s. An advocate of organisation, in 1889 he deplored the fact that anarchists paid such little attention to it. In his later years he lost an arm (1909) and quit his profession to become literary editor of a Barcelona publishing house. Highly educated, he wrote much on a variety of topics and published numerous books in Castilian and Catalan (including school books). Author of A las madres (Sabadell 1877), El catolicismo y la cuestión social (Sabadell 1886).

7. CORDÓN AVELLÁN Salvador. Cabra 1886-Seville 1936.
Andalusian revolutionary and anarchist. As a very young boy in Almodóvar he came into contact with anarchism through the press; jailed briefly in 1905, at the age of twenty he emigrated to Argentina, a well-known anarchist by that point. In Argentina he married Isabel H. Pereira and together they carried out tremendous agitational and recruitment work. He returned to the Peninsula in 1914 to take charge of a workers’ school in Castro del Río and embarked upon a very intense phase of journalistic and oral propaganda activity in Andalusia; in 1915 he launched the review, Alas, travelling the province of Córdoba on propaganda tours, sometimes on his own and sometimes with Sánchez Rosa and Rodríguez Romero; the following year, he did the same in Lower Andalusia. In 1917 he published the anarchist review Los Nuestros in Montejaque and Aznalcóllar; in 1918 we find him in Cabra leading a strike there and bringing his influence to bear on the assembly that year; shortly after which he settled in Córdoba where his written and oral debates with socialists and federalists created something of a stir, whilst he did not forget to make periodical propaganda tours through the countryside organising and relaunching peasant unions, all of which resulted in his being brought to trial and spending time in jail (February 1919). In 1920 he was in Algeciras where he launched the newspaper Prometeo.. These were years when he struck fear into the bosses who blamed him for any agitation that broke out in the south. An advocate of extremist tactics and subversion, he fell fleetingly under the spell of the Russian revolution (changing his name to Kordhonief). As the red years receded, he eased up on his work rate. He was published by all of the anarchist and syndicalist press in Spain and his prestige among the peasants and anarchists of Andalusia was unrivalled except for Sánchez Rosa. Author of: Frente al Estado (Seville 1919), De mi bohemia revolucionaria (Madrid 1921), Pueblo en sombras (Barcelona 1928) and Retiros obreros. Real decreto de 11 de marzo de 1919 que ha de regular su implantación en España. Estudio crítico (Madrid 1919).

8. CORTIELLA, Felipe. Barcelona 1871-1937.
Anarchist occupying a prominent place in Catalan literature. An anarchist militant and CNT fighter the chief focus of his literary and cultural effort was the theatre (he founded the Agrupació Avenir company) which he sought to place in the service of the common people. In Cortiella’s view theatre has a duty to set out a libertarian project for society, so he rejected theatre as mere entertainment, which explains why so many of his characters embody the virtues of honesty, justice and integrity that he saw in anarchism. Thus, society should not turn a blind eye to society but indeed should have a didactic function to perform. He is mistakenly regarded by some as a Catalanist; Cortiella drew a precise distinction between language and culture on the one hand and political independence movements and creation of borders on the other; he was a dyed-in-the-wool internationalist. It is a fact, though, that some of the positions he espoused caused surprise because of the zeal he displayed in championing the Catalan tongue (he refused the editorship of Solidaridad Obrera because the CNT would not accept his suggestion that it be printed in Catalan only). He contributed to the labour press (La Revista Blanca, Solidaridad Obrera, Avenir..) and a school of thought grew up around him ( it included Mas Gomeri, Albert, Claudio and Bausà) and was the author of: Els artistes de la vida (1898), La brava joventut (an anti-Lerrouxist piece from 1933), Dolora (1903), El Morenet (1904), El cantor de l’ideal (1901), El plor del alba, El teatro y el arte dramático, La vida que jo he vist. These in addition to poetry (Anarquines, published in 1908) and translations in which his enthusiasm for Ibsen was evident.

9. CLARAMUNT, Teresa. Sabadell 1862- Barcelona 1931.
Celebrated Catalan anarchist who for years was the symbol of libertarian virtue. A textile worker, he acquired a certain prestige early on for her intellect, culture and courage. In 1884 she founded a women’s anarchist group in Sabadell in tune with the ideas of Tárrida del Mármol and in the years that followed she was caught up in the most important developments affecting militant anarchism, together with the inevitable sequel of harassment and imprisonment; she was arrested in 1893 following the bombing of the Liceo and again in 1896 in relation to the Cambios Nuevos events, was deported and spent some years in France and England as a weaver. She returned to Barcelona in 1898 and got involved in the campaign against the Montjuich trials: shortly after that she played a crucial part in the launch of El Productor (1901) and was one of the people behind the unleashing of the big Barcelona strike of 1902, in which year she achieved prominence in a big propaganda tour through Andalusia. In succeeding years she took part in numerous meetings and propaganda tours, etc., proving at all times her great ability to draw and galvanise a crowd. With the workers’ federation relaunched she settled in Zaragoza (1909) where she was to do a lot for Aragonese labour (being prominent in the 1911 strike). With the passing of the years, her home turned into a place of pilgrimage for young anarchists (as witness the influence she had over the members of the Crisol-Solidarios group). In 1924 she returned to Barcelona but progressive paralysis prevented her from keeping up her activism, although she stuck by her ideas to the end. Her writings were carried in many of the newspapers and reviews of the day, such as El Productor, El Rebelde, Tribuna Libre, El Productor literario, El porvenir del obrero, Fraternidad, La Alarma, El Proletario, Buena Semilla, etc. She wrote: La mujer. Consideraciones generales sobre su estado ante las prerrogativas del hombre (Mahón, 1905). Her two main themes were championing equality of the sexes in socioeconomic terms and her opposition to politics. For a time too (during the 1920s) she fought shy of trade unionism in which she detected obvious reformist dangers.

10. GARCÍA VIÑAS, José. Málaga 1848-Melilla 1931.
As a medical student in Barcelona he belonged from the start to the Barcelona nucleus of the International established by Fanelli. He attended the labour congress in 1870 and belonged to Bakunin’s Alliance. He was also present at the famous Córdoba congress (1872-73) and was Iberian internationalism’s delegate to the international congresses in Geneva (1873) - at which he displayed great radicalism, insisting that the general strike must be an insurrectionary strike - in Berne (1876) and in Verviers (1877). Then again, he was a member of the Federal Council in 1875 and again in 1877-1880. In 1880 he withdrew from militant activity (but neither his contact with nor interest in the movement: he was a great friend of Kropotkin), apparently for two reasons: ideological differences with Fargas and Llunas (who advocated law-abiding tactics and collectivist principles) and disquiet at the lack of audience which he put down to his not being possessed of “horny hands”. He was a very important figure in the 1870s (and was described as the dictator of the Federal Council and an autocratic anarchist), a friend of Bakunin and Kropotkin (the latter stayed in his home in Barcelona), ran very important reviews such as La Federación and La Revista social, and had many supporters among the workers (his medical practice helped him here) and he was at all times a man of action and a battler (together with Brousse he seized control of Barcelona city hall for several days in June 1873 as part of the uprising by federalist republicans). An advocate of insurrectionary tactics and acting outside the law, he was more of an anarchist than a trade unionist, in that he detected a damaging tendency towards reformism in the latter. Having withdrawn from activity, he lived in Málaga and, after 1902, in Melilla, practising as a doctor.

11. GARCÍA VIVANCOS, Miguel. Mazarrón (Murcia) 1895-Córdoba 1972.
His militant activity was centred on Barcelona and on his membership of the Los Solidarios group (alongside Durruti, Ascaso and García Oliver) from its establishment in 1922 and he participated in many of its operations. With the advent of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, he moved to Paris together with Durruti and Ascaso, but, due to certain misunderstandings and disagreements over touring the Americas, he returned to Barcelona in 1926 to work as a taxi-driver (a short time before, in 1924, he had been caught up in the Vera-Atarazanas operation). Throughout the Republic he was in touch with García Oliver, but did not, contrary to Oliver’s claims, act as his driver during the civil war, and he appears to have shared the latter’s views: he had a hand in all of the events of the time (the FAI revolts, the opposition to treintismo and reformism within the CNT..). After the civil war broke out he fought with the Los Aguiluchos column, was adjutant to Jover and later commanded several divisions on the republican side. In exile in France and Africa, he had a hand in the foundation of the García Oliver-ist POT and supported the case for regionals based on place of origin, as a result of which he was expelled from the CNT (Marseilles, 1945). A man who did a lot of jobs during his life-time (docker, driver, painter and decorator..) he earned himself a reputation as a naive painter following the end of the second world war, but never lost sight of his beliefs.

12. GIMÉNEZ ORIVE, Wenceslao. Born in Gijón 1921, killed in Barcelona 1950.
Known as Gimeno and as Wences. He was a leading member of the action groups operating within Francoist Spain. Having moved to Zaragoza as a child, he was arrested on several occasions prior to 1946, the year in which he seems to have contacted Zubizarreta and developed an interest in anarchism and the fight against Franco. In 1947 he represented Aragon at the CNT’s national plenum of regionals in Madrid that July. He spent some time with the rural guerrillas until, disillusioned by its ineffectuality, he left for France (working as a fitter in Paris and Lyon). The following year he began an association with Facerías and joined the urban guerrilla campaign in Spain, initially with Facerías and then with a group of his own (Los Maños). Operated in the Barcelona comarca - and, fitfully, in other areas, as well as i Madrid in an attempt to assassinate Franco - coming and going from France. In December 1949 he entered Catalonia in an attempt to bring a halt to the disastrous wave of guerrillas perishing at police hands. With him went Rodolfo, Salgado, Plácido and Simón. In a brush with the police in Barcelona in January 1950, Wences was wounded and may well have taken his own life.

13. FRENTE LIBERTARIO.
Title borne by two libertarian newspapers.
1. Publication appearing out of Madrid between October 1936 and 1939, initially as the organ of the Confederal Militias, but from 30 November 1938 on, as the Organ of the Centre Region’s Defence Committee. Daily from January 1937 (having previously been published two or three times a week): it was published by the Defence Committee of the Regional Confederation of Labour, Centre Region and was distributed free of charge on the battle-fronts. A few editions were also issued in other languages, especially Italian (the weekly Bollettino per le miliziani conmbattenti al fronte di Madrid).
2. Monthly. Paris July 1970-March 1977 (72 issues). Wound up as agreed at the Narbonne Conference (1976) after the CNT was relaunched inside Spain. Its publication had been prompted by the rejection on the part of some CNT militants of the expulsions of prominent militants (such as Mera, Manent, etc.). Its director was Gómez Peláez. 38x38 cms. in format, with a print-run of between 2,000 and 4,500 copies with 6 to 12 pages per issue.
The idea of launching it seems to have emanated from Mera and it was a remarkable success. It carried extensive reports from Spain, publishing plenty of anarchist and Confederation documents and news and boasted a series of pretty much fixed sections (window on the world, bibliographical notices, obituaries, in passing, 40 years ago, pot pourri, strikes, clandestine publications, etc.) and the list of its contributors is a lengthy one, including names like Bárcena, Borrás, Blanco, Quintana, V. García, García Pradas, Bermejo, Carpio, Mera, Olaya, Alberola, Arcos, Peiró, Cohn-Bendit, Mintz. etc. Articles by Peirats, Sender, Gálvez, Cortinas, Fontaura and Quintana were especially frequent. A very interesting review, the tradition was in part carried on by Confrontación.

14. GONZÁLEZ MORAGO, Tomás. Born in a village in Madrid, date unknown, died in prison in Granada in 1885.
Engraver by profession, he had a workshop in the Calle de Gracia in Madrid which was a meeting place. In 1868 he belonged to the Castelar-style individualist republican camp and enlisted with García López’s battalion: he was a member of the choral society at the Fomento de las Artes, where he stood out for his intellect and his temperament, a blend of activity and laziness. Late in 1869 he spoke at a republican meeting, but after initial contacts with the incipient IWMA, it was through him that Cané, Lorenzo and others went over to the International and he was charged with making the preparations for the famous meeting at which Fanelli spelled out the new doctrines (24 January 1869). However, he was not present at the meeting himself due to an oversight. A member of the first propaganda commission of the Madrid core group, his efforts on behalf of the organisation were tremendous in the 1870s; he addressed Madrid rallies in 1870 and spoke at conferences in 1871 and proved to be an inspired ad-libber and a gifted public speaker both vehement and impassioned. He attended the labour congress in 1870 - and was elected on to the Federal Council. He was a member of the Alliance in Geneva, corresponding with Bakunin from November 1869 onwards: travelling to Lisbon in 1871 with Lorenzo and Mora, he split off from them (in August) and stayed there (refusing election on to the Federal Council) and contacted Quental and Fontana, proving of crucial assistance to them in launching the IWMA in Portugal. He attended the Zaragoza congress in 1872 and there launched a scathing attack on the authoritarianism of the IWMA statutes, making a firm stand against the ambitions of the marxists; elected by referendum to attend the congress in The Hague (1872), once there he opposed the manoeuvring against Bakunin and, shortly afterwards, attended the get-together in Saint-Imier (the accords of which he defended at the Córdoba congress). In the ensuing years there was no let-up in his activism: he was exceptionally prominent in resisting the republicans and marxists (squabbling with Fernando Garrido and launching El Condenado) and seems to have drafted the manifesto of March-April 1874 (along with Tomás) and attended the Verviers congress (1877) as a delegate. He contributed articles to La Solidaridad and edited El Orden, newspapers from which he challenged the Madrid Federation’s deviation in the direction of marxism. Expelled from the Madrid Federation in December 1883 for immoral conduct against the organisation, to borrow the terminology employed to mean counterfeiting money (he was a type-setter with the official printers), which offence led to his being jailed (even now a very controversial episode, some maintaining that the Federation knew of his activities but committed the crime of failing to show solidarity). Less well known than other first-generation Internationalists he may nonetheless be regarded as the true architect of Bakuninism’s success in the Iberian peninsula and of the defeat of marxism, much more so than Lorenzo, Llunas and the rest.

15. GONZÀLEZ SANMARTÍN, Ramón. Granollers 1920-Barcelona 1948, killed in a brush with the police.
Known as El Nano, a member of the anti-Francoist action groups. A CNT member since 1933, he was arrested in connection with the events of October 1934 and released the following year; later he committed himself to organising the Libertarian Youth and was on the first Granollers committee, representing it at the regional plenum in Badalona in May 1936. He joined the FAI and fought on the Aragon front (with Ginés Mayordomo’s militia and with the Roja y Negra Column and subsequently with the Ascaso (28th) Division) until discharged for being a minor, whereupon he returned to organisational activity before re-enlisting after the collapse of the Aragonese front with the 26th Durruti Division (April 1938). Exile in France saw him held in the concentration camps (Vernet, Agde, Barcarés, Argéles and Saint-Cyprien) before enlisting with the Foreign Legion from which he was discharged in Morocco: returning to France as an ex-serviceman, he was arrested by the Nazis in Toulouse and sent to work in Sète, from where he escaped to join the maquis (acting as liaison between it and the CNT). When the German occupation ended, he became very active in the FIJL and eventually joined the combat groups making repeated incursions from France into Catalonia along with Facerías and García Casino (and, from time to time, with Los Maños); he was involved in the execution of the traitor Melis and was attracted to the MLR (in the summer of 1947). Killed during an incursion (13 June 1948).

16. FERRER FARRIOL, Juan. Igualada 1896- Paris 1978.
From a family where anarchists rubbed shoulders with Carlists. From the age of eleven he worked in the textile industry, picking up the trade of tanner and early on he joined the groups taking on the strike-breakers (1912). In the CNT (which he joined in 1911) he carried out important work in his native city (unionising women in 1913, taking part in the leather strike of 1915). In 1916 he backed the metalworkers’ and bricklayers’ strike in Barcelona (and got a month in prison for it) and the following year was implicated in the revolutionary happenings, as a result of which he was forced to flee (Martorell, Pallejà, etc.). living rough and working at numerous trades. In 1918 he was a member of the Barcelona Local Federation (representing the tanners) and attended the Sants congress (where he came out in favour of the sindicatos únicos). Under the dictatorship, he was prominent in journalism in Igualada (together with Anselmo he published Germinal and Sembrador) and under the republic he tried (unsuccessfully) to mediate between the faístas and the treintistas. Following the outbreak of revolution in 1936 he served on the revolutionary committee in Igualada and on the Huesca front (supply section), was deputy mayor of the city and ran collectives (while also counsellor for agriculture in Igualada); later he went up to Barcelona as editor and manager of the daily Catalunya which he left to take up a post as Solidaridad Obrera correspondent on the front (1938), where he also ran El Frente. After the defeat he was interned in the camp in Argelés (where he was secretary of the Catalan CNT) and later in the one in Barcarés; later he worked in agriculture and sundry trades in the south of France. After the Nazis were defeated, he settled in the Pyrenees as part of the infrastructure of the CNT active service units in Spain; later he moved to Toulouse and Paris as director of the newspaper CNT (until 1954) and worked for a time as a factory watchman; in 1956 he switched back to journalism, running Solidaridad Obrera in Paris (1956-62) and its replacements (Solidaridad, Boletín CNT, Boletín) and from 1962 he took charge of Le Combat Syndicaliste. In the exile community in France he always sided with the apolitical, anti-governmental defenders of CNT orthodoxy. Author of: Interpretació llibertaria del moviment obrer català (Bordeaux 1946), Conversaciones libertarias (Paris 1965), De l’Anoia al Sena sensa presa (Paris 1966) Garbuix poètic (Paris 1956), Costa Amunt (Paris 1975), El intruso (Toulouse, undated), Congresos anarcosindicalistas en España (Paris and Toulouse 1977), Un rural en Barcelona (Paris 1960). Also wrote for Cénit, Historia Libertaria, Cultura Libertaria, etc. and managed Cénit and Umbral. Used the noms de plume of Ramón Ollé and Joan del Pi.

17. ESTEVE,Pedro. Barcelona 1866-New York 1925.
Printer by trade, active in Barcelona’s famous Arte de Imprimir, representing it at the Madrid congress of the Pacto de Unión (1891); by that time he was an anarchist of some standing, linked ideologically with the decidedly anti-socialist group of Oller and Torrens. Around 1892 he left Barcelona bound for North America, after taking part in a propaganda tour through Spain (1891-2) with Malatesta. In 1893 he attended the International Anarchist Conference in Chicago, presenting Notes on the Spanish Situation. Over the ensuing years his prestige as a journalist and public speaker grew. By the turn of the century (1901) he was in Tampa, from where he was forced to flee the employers’ backlash (following a tobacco-workers’ strike) and settled in New York, thereafter the centre of his activity. In New York he was to become the driving force behind the renowned newspaper Cultura Proletaria. He wrote for, ran and edited numerous libertarian and company newspapers: El Productor, Boletín de la sociedad de impresores, Mother Earth, El Despertar, Doctrina anarquista socialista, etc. Esteve was a typical representative of the anarchist faction opposed to Malthusianism. Great friend of Mella. Author of: A los anarquistas de España y Cuba, Memoria de la Conferencia Anarquista Internacional celebrada en Chicago en septiembre de 1893 (Paterson, 1900, previous editions in 1893 and 1899), Reformismo, dictadura, federalismo (1922), I congressi socialisti internazionali (1900), Reflexiones sobre el movimiento obrero en México (1911), Socialismo anarquista. La ley. La violencia. El anarquismo. La revolución social (Paterson 19020

18. EMANCIPACIÓN, La.
Title of a number of libertarian publications.
1. Weekly paper of the International and replacement for La Solidaridad. Madrid, 19 June 1871 to 12 April 1873. Publication ceased because of doctrinal disagreements. Initially championed the International but it switched emphasis from November 1871 (articles by Mora), culminating in its going over early the next year to marxism, which brought the wrath of the Bakuninists down upon it. Its initial masthead read “Socialist Newspaper Championing the International”. Its editorial team was made up of Lorenzo, Mesa, Iglesias, Pagés, Lafargue, Pauly and Engels (in April 1872 Pagés took over from Lorenzo was secretary to the editors) and it was run by Mesa. It comprised two pages divided up into several sections (events of the week, notices, serial and correspondence). Published the inaugural manifesto of the IWMA, the Communist Manifesto, articles on the family, the Paris Commune, etc., and other articles opposing republicanism. After if went over to the marxist faction it entered into a bitter squabble with El Condenado and La Federación.
2. Newspaper, La Coruña, 1901 (questionable existence).
3. Anarcho-collectivist newspaper from 1887 (?)
There are two other newspapers with the title of Emancipación rather than La Emancipación.
4. Monthly review, Madrid 1977-78, 6 issues. mid-way between the CNT, assemblyism and class autonomy.
5. Organ of the Local Federation of CNT unions, Sabadell, 1977, one issue.

19. SIERRA ALVÁREZ, Pedro. Oviedo 1888-Mexico 1969.
One of the best known of the Asturian anarchists representing the very moderate line associated with that region. Very friendly with Quintanilla and a disciple of Mella. Even when his activity essentially took the form of journalism and organisational efforts, he wound up in jail several times (half a year following the 1911 congress, and also in relation to the 1909 events in Barcelona, etc.). Attended the 1910 congress where he played a prominent role (serving on the working party on CNT regulations, and dealing with the internationalist theme. He argued the case for launching the CNT and clashed with Herreros over the role of intellectuals in the workers’ movement) as well as the 1911 congress. In 1915 he represented the workers’ associations of Gijón at the congress in El Ferrol, and the following year he attended the Asturian trade union congress. He was secretary of the Woodworkers’ National Industrial Federation and as a journalist he wrote for Tribuna Libre, Solidaridad Obrera de Gijón, Renovación, Acción Libertaria, CNT de Gijón, etc. and managed Solidaridad Obrera de Gijón, Solidaridad, Acción Libertaria, El Libertario, La Cuña, frequently in conjunction with Quintanilla, whom he also joined in holding meetings. He condemned anarchist Jacobinism, rejected the mythic status afforded social revolutionism and violence and combated the reformism of party political socialists. His life as a militant was bound up with the city of Gijón right up until he left to go into exile.

20. ESGLEAS JAUME, Germinal. Malgrat 1903-Toulouse 1981.
Spent his childhood years in Morocco. Worked in the textile and woodworking sectors. Joined the CNT as a young boy and by the age of 17 was secretary of the general trades union of Calella and experienced imprisonment. Made his name around 1923 (addressed a rally with García Oliver and was appointed to the secretariat of the Catalan CNT). However his popularity and influence stem from the civil war years and were consolidated during the years in exile in France which he came to be regarded as a symbol (albeit a very controversial one). In 1928-29 he was jailed following an underground plenum and later became a teacher at a glassworkers’ union school in Mataró. At the 1931 congress he spoke up for political and ideological intransigence. (He was a faísta in those days). After the civil war broke out he was to have been a CNT representative in the economic affairs department of the Generalitat (June 1937) but never took up office; in May 1938 he was a member of the Executive Committee set up by García Oliver as well as a member of the Catalan CAP. His exile in France began in the camp at Argelés and he later served time (three years) in jail in Notron, from where he was freed by the maquis in 1944. After the defeat of the Nazis, the figure of Esgleas came to the fore when he refused to yield representation of anarcho-syndicalism to the Juanel line (Juanel was appointed secretary) on the strength of his post as vice-secretary of the General Council of the MLE. This obstinacy reflected a factional struggle that smashed the CNT in 1943-45. Indeed, after the defeat of 1936-1939 (even though he is credited with vacillation at the beginning of his days in exile) Esgleas took the line that defeat had been due to departure from principles, whereupon he became a conspicuous representative of the orthodox, anti-collaborationist line at a time of obvious tension, a line that triumphed at the Paris congress in 1945, especially when Esgleas was elected general secretary of the national committee. In succeeding years he frequently held positions of the highest rank: member of the Inter-Continental Commission in 1947 and 1948, secretary of the Inter-Continental Secretariat in 1952 and 1963, secretary of the IWA, member of Interior Defence, etc. In exile in France, his school of thought gave its name to the majority faction (“esgleismo”), a highly controversial line about which opinions are divided; some see it as breathing new life into the CNT and anarchism, others see it as do-nothing officialdom. Be that as it may, the fact is that Esgleas’s view has been the predominant one among the CNT exiles for more than thirty years. Author of: Sindicalismo:orientación y funcionamiento de los sindicatos y federaciones obreras (Barcelona 1933), Decíamos ayer. Verdades de todas horas.

21. DEFENSORES DE LA INTERNACIONAL.
After the FRE was outlawed by Sagasta (1872) the Federal Council arranged for the setting up of hand-picked groups of militants charged with keeping the federation afloat: these groups were the Defensores de la Internacional (Defenders of the International). The leadership of these groups would be vested in the federal council and the groups were to be clandestine. This organisational set-up would attempt to draw any protest movements launched by republicans into the labour orbit and would also seek to influence workers by means of organising fund-raising, declaring strikes and fostering propaganda. They were to be set up in localities with an IWMA presence and to this end Francisco Mora and Anselmo Lorenzo travelled through the south and the Levante region, establishing contact with Alonso Marselau, Pino, Soriano, Salvochea and others.
The establishment of them has been a matter of great controversy because the Bakuninists of the Alliance suspected that behind them there was a marxist ploy to whittle away the anarchist presence (a reasonable enough interpretation given the powers claimed by the federal council which allowed it to set up many more groups than Alliance nuclei), especially with Mora being to the fore and when Lorenzo at that time was torn between the anarchist line and the marxist one. Others, however, prefer to take a different view of things: as well as giving the slip to persecution, the aim was to bring about an amalgamation of the International and the Alliance.


22. ALAIZ DE PABLO, Felipe. Bellver de Cinca (Huesca) 1887-Paris 1959.
Educated in Lérida and Huesca, between 1915 and 1920 he joined with Bel, Acín, Samblancat and Maurín in setting up a group in Upper Aragon to oppose the reactionaries. early on he showed an interest in literature and journalism and, together with Acín he published a number of Aragonese reviews (Floreal, Claridad, Aragón, Revista Aragonesa) and lived in bohemian circles in Madrid (where he struck up a friendship with Baroja and accompanied him on an election tour through Aragon). His haphazard temperament led to his abandoning a potentially brilliant career in journalism (he was an editor with Ortega y Gasset’s El Sol) and throwing in his lot with the anarchist movement, which was more in tune with his adventurous nature. He was to acquire a considerable profile in anarchist circles as a CNT journalist between 1920 and 1950: he was director of Los Galeotes, Hoy, La Revista nueva, Fructidor, Impulso, CNT (in exile), Tierra y Libertad and Solidaridad Obrera (under the republic and during the civil war) and he was a contributor to a huge number of publications, including La Revista Blanca, Solidaridad Obrera (Paris), Umbral, Ruta, Acracia, La Noche, Día Gráfico, Voluntad, etc. A restless figure (he lived in Madrid, Barcelona, Tarragona, Zaragoza, etc.) he was also not exempt from ideological wavering (in 1942 he was to propose the establishment of a libertarian party, and in 1944 he supported the idea of running in municipal elections and within months he had joined the ranks of the orthodox), even though he was almost always numbered among the champions of purism, even on occasions when it was to his personal cost (thus he turned down the leadership of the French CNT because it espoused a line with which he disagreed) and even led to his being jailed (he spent four years behind bars for his beliefs, courtesy of the Republic, having espoused the faísta line against treintismo. Opinion as to his merit has varied; some hold him to have been a man who failed to live up to his potential, with only his journalism worthy of the reading; others contend that he is the acme of anarchist writing this century; it seems clear that his inconsistency prevented him from achieving literary work of merit (in fact he only ever wrote one book, Quinet) and it is hard to assess his journalistic output on account of its being dispersed (he wrote thousands upon thousands of articles). His style is marked by an emphasis upon irony, destructive criticism, his erudition, elegance and his sharp-eyed facility for bringing hidden facets to light. He translated Sinclair, Nettlau and Berneri and is the author of: Cómo se hace un diario (Barcelona 1933), La expropiación invisible (Barcelona 1933), El problema de la tierra. Reforma agraria y expropiación social (Barcelona 1935), Azaña: combatiente en la paz, pacifista en la Guerra (Toulouse, undated), Hacia una federación de autonomías ibéricas (Rennes 1945-48), Indalecio Prieto, padrino de Negrín y campeón anticomunista (Toulouse, undated), Por una economía solidaria entre el campo y la ciudad (Barcelona 1937), Vida y muerte de Ramón Acín (Barcelona 1937), Tipos españoles (Paris 1962, 1965), Arte de escribir sin arte (Toulouse 1945), La nueva maldición del practicismo (Toulouse, 1976), La zarpa de Stalin sobre Europa (Toulouse, undated), Quinet (Barcelona 1924), Los aparecidos (Barcelona 1933), María se me fuga de la novela (Barcelona 1932).

23. ALBARRACÍN, Severino. Libertarian teacher who died in Barcelona in 1878.
Experienced the heroic period of the First International and endured persecution for his work in charge of the FRE. Friendly with Bakunin, Kropotkin and Guillaume, his prestige and importance were great between 1872 and 1878; he attended the congresses in Zaragoza and Córdoba (at the latter he spoke in favour of the resolution calling for the establishment of internationalist schools) and was elected at both to join the federal council. Following the events in Alcoy, he was persecuted, charged with clandestine propaganda and jailed. His freedom was secured through the good offices of Gil and Morago; shortly after that, he left the country (April 1874), living abroad until 1977 and liaising with the interior (he was appointed delegate to the Berne congress in 1876, which, in the end, he failed to attend). Having returned to Spain in 1877 he died of TB the following year.

24. LIBERTARIAN MOVEMENT GENERAL COUNCIL.
Established in Paris on 25 March 1939 as the supreme representative body of the CNT-FAI-FIJL in France, after the capture of Barcelona. Comprising 25 (secret) members, it was headed by Marianet (secretary), Esgleas (vice-secretary), Federica Montseny, Germinal de Sousa, V. Mas, Herrera, R. Alfonso, Horacio M. Prieto, Gallego Crespo, Iñigo, Aliaga, Xena, García Oliver, García Birlán, Miró, Isgleas and Rueda. At all times it led a very precarious existence, due to the untimely death of Marianet (1939) and the German occupation of France which led to dispersion, imprisonment or confinement of its members (with the exception of F. Montseny). Initially it kept in touch with the membership scattered through the concentration camps and its members served on the SERE and the JARE, arranging for militants to get out of France and affording them financial assistance. With the outbreak of the second world war, its activity ceased and the membership completely marginalised the the Council, so much so that, come the reconstruction of the confederation (June 1943 Plenum) it was concluded that it did not exist and indeed sanctions were imposed upon its members (who were disbarred from holding any office until such time as they gave an account of their stewardship). Just when everything to do with the Council seemed done and dusted, the issue came to the fore again in 1944-45: the October 1944 Plenum asked the National Committee to subpoena Esgleas (the serving secretary of the Council); after much toing and froing a compromise was worked out: those who had been sanctioned were rehabilitated and the supreme authority of the national committee of the CNT-MLE was acknowledged. The matter was settled once and for all when Esgleas was elected to the secretaryship of the CNT (at the Paris congress in 1945) and the commission that was established (Teixidó, Aransáez, Zamorano, Gutiérrez) espoused the Esgleist line, whereby Esgleas would render an account of his stewardship.. to a congress inside Spain.
The Council’s very existence was severely criticised since its very establishment represented a complete trampling upon libertarian principles (the membership having had no hand in its election); it was part of the ideological degeneration triggered by collaborationism in the 1936-39 period. The controversy of 1944-45 about Esgleas has to be seen in the context of the factional squabbling (then at its highest point) between the orthodoxes and the collaborationists.

25. CINCOPUNTISMO.
This is the name given to the agreement signed in 1965 between representatives of Francoism and members of the CNT (the so-called Madrid group). It was scarcely a novel arrangement because (if we are looking for precedents) it can be linked to Falangist efforts during the years of the republic (when Falangism made a great fuss about its revolutionary message) to court the CNT; it can also be linked with the 1939-41 entreguismo of Clará, Fornells, Corbella and others (who were unanimously labelled traitors) that led to the Partido Laborista, and even with attempts by the Falangists’ vertical unions in 1947 to come to an accommodation with Iñigo and Marco Nadal, attempts rejected by the latter (even though they were in prison). Curiously enough, , twenty years on, possibly doubtful of the prospects of the CNT and disillusioned and worn out by years of imprisonment and the increasing disenchantment in the Confederation, it was to be Iñigo and Marco Nadal who engaged in negotiations with the Falangist unions and gave rise to the Cincopuntismo episode. Even though Cincopuntismo can be dated to 1965, it seems certain that the contacts began even earlier. This is the only way of explaining a series of unusual things that occurred the previous year (Lorenzo Iñigo chaired meetings of the Regional Committee of the Centre even though he had previously asked to be relieved of his post, the Madrid delegation failed to implement resolutions, and there was a request that the national committee transfer to Madrid, something previously always rejected). The Cincopuntismo process gathered pace with the forwarding of a - to say the least - suspect resolution to the forthcoming national plenum of regionals, the agenda for which was sent out in March 1965, but which never met because of the repression visited upon Barcelona (which affected the national committee), because of Catalonia’s request that it be postponed and because of the delay for reorganisation in Aragon and Galicia.
Events gathered pace: in April, the Madrid group issued a first cincopuntista document and in June they spoke up on behalf of the national committee (taking over its functions in the wake of the repression), stating that a provisional agreement had been signed with the vertical unions; next, Royano travelled to Barcelona and to France to brief them on the agreement (he reported to the Montpellier plenum, but his timing was off; there was a frantic factional struggle in progress). On 4 November, a draft resolution on Spanish labour unionism was circulated and in December the pro-agreement faction summoned a national plenum of regionals which endorsed its conduct; a further text at the beginning of 1966 brought home to many people for the first time the gravity of what had been signed (cooperation between the classes, national co-existence..) and a goodly number of those initially involved spoke of treachery. The most damning condemnations came from France (from the Paris CNT, from Edo, Alberola..) and from the Asturian and Basque regionals as well as from the rank and file, but it is clear that Cincopuntismo had numerous supporters within and without Spain (the result of weariness in the membership) and that anything the exiles did would not have been enough, had opposition not arisen within the Falangist camp (particularly from Alonso Vega). The famous agreement was signed by Lorenzo Iñigo, Jaime Morancho, Luis Orobón. Francisco Royano, Enrique Marco Nadal, Natividad Adalia, José Marín, Juan Ferrer Villamala, Manuel Fernández, Gregorio Gallego, José Espín, Eduardo de Guzmán (on the CNT side) and by D. Martín, Lafont, Chozas, Lapiedra, Ginestal, Arroyo, Martín Villa, Fernández Sordo, Emilio Romero, García Bernal, Muñoz Alonso, and Lizcano (for the vertical unions). Furthermore, Diego Abad de Santillán, Villar, Prieto and Juan López were approached for their support (only the last-named gave his endorsement).
The Royano document stated that, in the light of favourable evolution within the Franco regime, a CNT group had decided to open talks with Muñoz Alonso and that these had blossomed into negotiations between the CNT and the vertical trade unions, with support from Solís, that a five point agreement had been reached and a working party appointed (including Adalia, Iñigo, Carod, Orobón, Royano and Gallego for the CNT). And it had been agreed that heads of agreement be drafted regarding the social and political outlook of the trade union organisation, trade union, political and economic tactics and statutes.
The celebrated five points were as follows: 1. - A single trade union, with compulsory membership. 2.. - Self-government for workers within their organisations; independence of the government; autonomy of political organisation; differentiation from employers (with whom there might be liaison and coordinating bodies). 3. - Mutuality at work, shared with the employers; worker participation in every sphere. 4. - Right to strike as a last resort. 5. - A boost for cooperativism.

26. TORRES MAESO, Domingo. Valencia 1895-1980.
Docker involved in social struggles going back to 1913. Active in the trades societies connected with the Paso a la verdad group, he earned himself great notoriety in the port of Valencia (hence the massive influx of the transport sector into the CNT in 1916). He carried out very intensive organising work, pushing the sindicato único format as agreed at the congress of Sans (1918). Accused of involvement in the actions of the groups, he was jailed from 1919 until spring 1921; he had a miraculous escape from the ley de fugas and crossed into France; towards the end of the dictatorship, he was Valencia’s representative on the 1928 national plenum of regionals, where he made the acquaintance of Peiró and espoused the latter’s outlook. Fought intensely to get rid of Primo de Rivera in 1930. There was no let-up in his activities with the advent of the republic; at the Conservatorio congress he spoke in favour of national industrial federations, tried to set up a transport union over the heads of the members of individual unions and sided with the Opposition Unions (being their leading light in Valencia) and even set up Valencia’s Workers’ Alliance (1934). He went into exile after the uprising in Asturias. After the reunification of the Confederation was completed, he threw himself into frantic propaganda campaigning throughout 1936 and when the fascist revolt came he joined the Valencia strike committee; later he represented the CNT on Valencia’s Economic Council (November 1936) and held the post of mayor of Valencia up until the end of the war. Persuaded that participation in government was the thing to do, he spoke at the October 1936 rally celebrating the Confederation’s presence and later, in June 1937, he addressed another rally that pressed for the CNT to resume its governmental duties. In exile after the war, he argued for collaborationism and was the foreign relations secretary on the national committee elected by the Toulouse national plenum of regionals in October 1944. He returned to Spain to die after thirty years in exile.

27. URALES, Federico. Alias of Juan Montseny Carret. Reus 1864-Salon (France) 1942.
Head of a family wielding great influence in Spanish anarchism (husband to Soledad Gustavo and father to Federica Montseny) through some very important reviews. A cooper and a student, he received his grounding in anarchism in 1887, was arrested for the first time in 1887, married in 1891 and settled in Reus as a teacher. Arrested in 1892 (over protests against the repression in Jérez) and again in 1896 (the Cambios Nuevos incident) in Montjuich, from where, after serving a year’s imprisonment, he was deported to Liverpool. He made his way back illegally to Madrid and together with Lerroux he waged a brilliant campaign against the repression, one that he carried on himself from the pages of La Revista Blanca (which he had launched in 1895). The following year saw the emergence of that review’s Supplement, which, from 1900 onwards, bore the title of Tierra y Libertad. His popularity soared during this time (he was friendly with Sánchez Rosa, attended the 1901 congress, engaged Unamuno in a debate about Quixotism and religion ..) and was accused, without foundation, of lining his pockets (there was a campaign of criticism emanating from Camba, Azorín, Polo, Romeo and Nákens). After some time with a government newspaper (which he quit over its incompatibility with his friendship with Ferrer) he turned his hand to farming, but found himself caught up in a controversy with the builders of the Ciudad Lineal; this turned out badly for him and he was driven out of Madrid. He went to Barcelona where he would make a living from journalism and as a playwright, simultaneously making enemies of some trade unionists (he denounced syndicalism as a deviation) and shortly afterwards he relaunched La Revista Blanca (which the CNT had boycotted in 1918) and signed a Manifesto in favour of the Allies in the first world war. Years later (1925), he launched the equally famous La Novela Ideal genre and went on to publish numerous pamphlets. Already elderly by the time the Spanish revolution broke out, he went into exile in France after the defeat; he spent time in concentration camps in St Laurens, Montpellier and, finally, in Salon, where he died.
A champion of anarchism plain and simple (as early as 1887 he was understanding of violent anarchism and skeptical towards Tolstoyans), he hovered between spontaneism and organisation (for a time, in 1900, he severed his ties with the labour movement), only to end up an apologist for the existence of an FAI that was to anarchise the trade union. In educational matters, he espoused a nuanced version of Ferrer’s precepts. Then again, he trusted to mass action and the general strike; he repudiated religion (it being founded upon terror) and believed in progress, whilst arguing for a socialist morality attuned to nature and based upon solidarity and equality. Revolution, by his reckoning, consisted of reverting to people’s original good qualities which had been corrupted by society; however, even though he had a clear preference for the peasant commune over the industrial city, he was not recommending a return to the past but that society should adapt to growth.
His written oeuvre is extensive. He wrote for countless publications, including La Anarquía, El Corsario, La Idea Libre, Nueva Senda, El Productor, El Escándalo, El Luchador, El Porvenir del Obrero, La Bandera Roja, Fraternidad, El Eco del Rebelde, etc.) He wrote many ideological and literary works: El Último Quijote (Barcelona, undated), Honor, alma y vida (Madrid 1899), Ley de herencia (Madrid 1900), Los hijos del amor (Valencia, undated), Sembrando flores (Barcelona 1906), Renacer (Barcelona, undated), Mi Don Juan (Barcelona, undated), Los mártires (Barcelona, undated), Los grandes delincuentes (1923), Las preocupaciones de un despreocupado (Reus, 1891, with Soledad Gustavo), Dos cartas (Reus, 1891, with S. Gustavo), Ley de vida (Reus 1893), Una pelotera (1909), Sociología anarquista (La Coruña 1893), La abolición del dinero (Asunción 1924), Consideraciones sobre el hecho y la muerte de Pallás (La Coruña 1893), El proceso de un gran crimen (La Coruña 1895), La anarquía en el Ateneo de Madrid. Conferencia (Madrid 1903), El sindicalismo español. Su desorientación (Barcelona 1923), Consideraciones morales sobre el funcionamiento de una sociedad sin gobierno (New York 1926), La anarquía al alcance de todos (Barcelona 1928), El ideal y la revolución (Barcelona 1932), La religión y la cuestión social (Buenos Aires 18960, Los municipios libres (Barcelona 1932), Mi vida (Barcelona 1929-30), La evolución de la filosofía en España (Barcelona 1929), La barbarie gubernamental: España 1933 (Barcelona 1933), Pedagogía social (Barcelona 1933), Por qué no somos comunistas (Montevideo, undated), Fanatismo contra amor, Flor deshojada, La conquista del pan, El aventurero desventurado, etc.

28. VIADIU, José. Born in Igualada in the late 19th century, died in Mexico 1973.
Exemplary representative of anarcho-syndicalism. Son of a tanned goods manufacturer, he moved to Barcelona while very young, led a bohemian lifestyle and became a man of the world. He began his political activism with the Radical Party from which he moved on to the CNT through contacts he had struck up with CNT members who frequented the Español cafe in Barcelona. In the years following the foundation of the CNT he began to come to attention: on the barricades in 1917, on the strike committee in August the same year, as secretary of the tanners’ union in 1918, when deported to La Mola in 1919, attending the Sans congress and the Zaragoza conference (he served on the working party that broached the topic of a political CNT). Very friendly with Seguí and Peiró, he joined with the latter in signing the manifesto of the Republican Intelligentsia in 1930. During the republic he held aloof from controversy. Married to another famous militant, Libertad Ródenas, he left for exile in France after the civil war broke out (arriving in Bordeaux in December 1936), before moving on to America; in Santo Domingo he and Peirats established a collective, but he was taken ill and eked out a living on a subsidy from the SERE until he eventually settled in Mexico. A man of great erudition and an avid reader, he was a superb public speaker, lecturer and journalist, ran Solidaridad Obrera during its time in Valencia (1921) at at the end of the war; while in exile he contributed to Solidaridad Obrera in Paris, ran the Mexican Solidaridad Obrera, established the review Estudios Sociales, and wrote for Cultura Proletaria, Frente Libertario, Umbral, etc., and ran Mexico’s veteran Tierra y Libertad. Author of: Salvador Seguí, el Noi del Sucre (Valencia 1930), and Nuestro Noi del Sucre ( included in Salvador Seguí, Paris 1960).

29. VILA CAPDEVILA,Ramón. Also known as Caraquemada or Pasos largos. Staunch CNT and anarchist militant born in Peguera (near Berga) 1908 and killed in a brush with the Civil Guard in Balsareny district 1963.
A CNT member from a very early age, he was actively involved in the uprising in Figols (1932), resulting in his being imprisoned in Manresa. He remained very active during the republic and with the outbreak of the civil war he served with the SIP (or Scouting Intelligence Service) and even infiltrated the enemy’s lines (Zaragoza). With the defeat of the republic he crossed into France where he passed through the inevitable concentration camps; escaping from the camp at Argelés in 1941, he embarked upon underground warfare in the ranks of the French resistance and distinguished himself as a saboteur. He had joined the earliest anti-Franco action groups, performing important work as a guide and courier. Arrested on one of his many trips through France he served two months in captivity in Perpignan, before being sent to work in the aluminium mines in Bédarieux, from which he escaped, joining the French resistance in Limoges: as a member of the Menessier network and the Haute Vienne maquis, he distinguished himself in reprisal and sabotage operations (using the nom de guerre of Captaine Raymond). With the defeat of the Nazis, he turned his back on the quiet life of comfort that his outstanding service against the Germans might have afforded him; he returned to the frontal assault on Francoism in the Pyreneean comarcas, supporting the active service groups making for Barcelona (especially Sabaté’s) and also operating on his own account for many a long year (very often alongside Massana) in the Berga comarca. Strong, vigorous and highly active, he was one of the most effective and enduring of the Confederation’s guerrillas: with his death, the resistance to Franco effectively ceased.

30. VILLAR MINGO, Manuel. Pradoluengo (Burgos) 1904-Argentina 1972.
Electrician by trade, he emigrated at an early age to the Argentine Republic and there joined the FORA. By 1926 he was an editor on La Protesta and he held that post until he was deported (to Chile and Uruguay) in 1930. He returned to Argentina by irregular means in 1932 and was again deported (a short time before, in 1929, he had attended the foundation congress of the ACAT and been appointed director of its mouthpiece, La Continental Obrera). In 1933 he turned up in Spain alongside Abad de Santillán (theirs was a lasting friendship) and in Barcelona he was the director of Solidaridad Obrera (up until December 1933) and wound up in jail (for his efforts to relaunch the paper); later he took over the helm again from 1934 to 1936 and from that position encouraged readers to vote in the 1936 elections (which brought friction with Peirats and Carbó) and he tried to effect a reconciliation between faístas and treintistas. During the war he served on the central supplies committee in Catalonia on behalf of the FAI and in 1939 he headed a mission to Mexico. At the end of the civil war he was arrested and released after a few months, only to be jailed again for anti-Francoist activities from 1941 to 1946: he had scarcely been freed when he took up the secretaryship of the underground CNT’s national committee, at a time when the Confederation was, in spite of the repression, thriving and he was arrested in November 1947 and sentenced to a 25 year prison term. On emerging from prison in 1960 he left for Argentina, summoned there by Abad de Santillán, whom he helped in the compilation of encyclopaedias. In addition to his journalism, he ran CNT and Fragua Social. Author of: Condiciones para la revolución en América (1932), España en la ruta a la libertad (Buenos Aires 1962), La insurrección anarquista del 8 de diciembre de 1934 (Barcelona 1934, with Santillán and Juanel), El peligro comunista. Sus causas y su remedio (Madrid, undated). Other books attributed to Villar (under his supposed nom de plume of Ignotus) were really by Solano Palacio, to wit: El anarquismo en la insurrección de Asturias (Valencia 1935), and La represión de octubre. Documentos sobre la barbarie de nuestra civilización (Valencia 1935), the latter being the same book under a different title.

31. ZUBIZARRETA ASPAS, Ignacio. Zaragoza (Azuara?) 1898-died in prison (possibly murdered) in Zaragoza in 1958 on the eve of his release date.
Active as a militant in Zaragoza, he managed to escape to the loyalist zone when the civil war erupted in 1936 and joined the Ascaso Column, serving in its Remiro Battalion (a guerrilla unit) as a captain. When the war ended he experienced the concentration camps and labour companies in France, only to wind up by 1943 training anti-Franco guerrillas in Trompelang. Almost as soon as France had thrown off the Hitlerite yoke he publicly established the CNT in the county and made unprecedented efforts on behalf of the liberation of Spain. In April 1945 he crossed into Spain with two purposes, to organise direct struggle against fascism there and to resurrect the CNT ideologically (the CNT in the interior espoused a collaborationist line) and he toured much of the country (Valencia, Zaragoza, Madrid and Catalonia) analysing the situation on the ground; he established his clandestine residence in Zaragoza (he was the MLE delegate for the Aragon region) and he tried to be a rallying point (establishing contact with Wenceslao Giménez); he even planned a raid on the Zaragoza Military Academy, which plan was foiled when he was arrested in August 1946. Sentenced to death, he died in prison.

32. SANTAMARIA CORTIGUERA, Roque. Born in Quintrana (Burgos), date unknown, died in Toulouse in April 1980. Whilst very young, during the republic, he moved to Madrid as a barber and joined the CNT and the FIJL; arrested in connection with a barbers’ strike, he was committed to the reformatory in Alcalá (being under age at the time); later he would see the inside of the prison in Ocaña, from which he would emerge under the 1936 amnesty. He moved to Valencia, helping effectively to neutralise the rebels: his standing in the barbers’ union grew (he became secretary of the Health Union) and he took up a post on the Valencia city council. When the fascists won in 1939 he made his way to Oran and was later incarcerated in the concentration camps of Cherchel and Morand (where he was in charge of coordination for the CNT) until the Allies arrived in November 1942, when he was elected secretary of the CNT’s North African branch. In 1946 he travelled to the International Conference in Toulouse and made his home in that city, the CNT’s headquarters in France, and there, with the passing of the years he became the militant that could be depended upon when it came to filling the positions of greatest responsibility; he was administrator of CNT in 1947, a member of the CI that same year (defence secretary and later general secretary), secretary of the FAI and of the Toulouse local federation in 1948-50.. His time of greatest prestige was reached in 1960 when he held the secretaryship of the SI at the time when the breakaway CNT was brought back into the fold (he signed the unification declaration along with Ginés Alonso on 1 November 1960) and was reelected on the strength of this, but there is some controversy about his handling of the Interior Defence affair around 1963. After the reunification, he drifted away from his old allies (Esgleas), breaking with them in 1969, (when there were expulsions from the Bordeaux plenum) to align himself with the Frente Libertario group. When the CNT was rebuilt inside Spain he worked hard (attending the regional plenum of unions in Vitoria in 1978 and the Fifth Congress in 1979) but failed to win acceptance for the arguments of the Narbonne faction; when the CNT split came about in December 1979 he went with the breakaways (Valencia Congress). At the time of his death he was secretary of that faction of the exile community known as the Agrupaciones confederales. A militant of great merit, with particular strengths as a public speaker and polemicist and well versed in matters organisational.

33. GARCÍA OLIVER, Juan. Reus 1902-Mexico 1980.
One of the select group of the most legendary CNT members. A very popular man with loyal friends, but many detractors because of his seemingly vanguardist view of revolution and his revisionism during the civil war and in the post-war years; he was in any event a militant with great presence and readily faced up his responsibilities. From a working class family, by the age of 11 he was working in a wine store and later was an apprentice cook and waiter (the latter being his most regular occupation). By 1917 he was in Barcelona and by the following year in Montserrat too; in 1919 he joined the La Alianza waiters’ association and sided with the anarchists (he helped set up the waiters’ union and federate it to the CNT); at that time he was active with the Regeneración group (along with Rico, Bover, Romá, Pons and Alberich) representing it at the local federation (Bandera Negra) of anarchist groups; after serving prison time over a strike, he left for Reus on a CNT commission to unionise the workers in the area and met with great success, thanks to the backing of the action groups (1920); the following year he took charge of the Tarragona provincial committee and by the end of the year was back in prison. Joining Los Solidarios he was to have a hand in numerous operations from 1922 on. In 1922 he attended the Zaragoza conference and experienced dire economic straits in Valencia and Barcelona comarca; in 1923 he represented Reus at the regional plenum of unions and together with Ascaso put paid to the Languía problem (a gunman in the hire of the bosses) in Manresa. He spent a year in prison and then moved to France ( where he rejected overtures from Macíà), living in Paris and earning a living as a French polisher, along with Miguel, Arroyo and Pérez Combina, and with Los Solidarios with whom he hatched a plan to assassinate Mussolini (abandoned when the Italians failed to come through) and one targeting Alfonso XIII. Later he lived in Belgium with Aurelio Fernández and returned to Spain in 1926, at which point he was arrested (in Navarre); he was to remain behind bars in Burgos until 1931. During the republic he was utterly opposed to treintismo, championed revolution at the Conservatorio congress and resisted the National Industrial Federation format, as well as assuming the secretaryship of the FAI; later, he was on the editorial staff of CNT (until it shut down in 1934). He was on the defence committees of Barcelona and Catalonia and was a theoretician and practitioner of the insurrectionary revolutionary gymnasium. He attended the 1936 congress where he argued the case for trade union unity and libertarian communism. Having played a crucial role in the defeat of fascism in Barcelona (July 1936), within days he was at a regional plenum urging that they “go for broke” (i.e. anarchist dictatorship), which suggestion was not accepted. On the other hand he was confirmed in his post on the militias committee, had a hand in the setting up of the People’s War School and the school for militants and organised the Los Aguiluchos column with which he fought in Aragon (July-August 1936); later he was the Generalitat’s defence minister, and the Republic’s minister of Justice (November 1936) and, for a time, was in charge of public services in Catalonia (June 1937), a member of the Catalan CAP, creator (and a leading member) of the controversial Executive Committee of the CNT-FAI-FIJL in April 1938. With the collapse of Catalonia he crossed into France (January 1939) where he would be a member of the MLE General Council, before moving to Sweden with the assistance of the SAC. He spent the 18 months that he lived in Sweden engaged in intense correspondence (especially with Jover, Vivancos and Doménech) and proposed the setting up of of a political party (the POT), a scheme that was soon abandoned. Off he went to the Americas, via Russia and would live for years in Mexico (from January 1941 onwards). In Mexico he carried on with his CNT activities and (in the April 1942 motion) argued in favour of republican unity against Franco and this led to a split in the CNT in Mexico. He expressed interest in a place in the Giral government-in-exile, was reduced to dire economic straits and saw how the CNT was gradually dwindling away. With the reunification in the 1960s he returned to Europe and was a member of Interior Defence. After Franco died he stuck to his inflexible line and personality: he refused to collect his former minister’s pension unless it was backdated. He never repented of his participation in government and argued the case for firm discipline and militarisation, putting the defeat in 1936-39 down to ideological scrupulosity. Author of:
El fascismo internacional y la Guerra antifascista española (Barcelona 1937), Mi gestión al frente del Ministerio de Justicia (Valencia 1937), El eco de los pasos (Barcelona 1978), and wrote articles for CNT, Tierra y Libertad, El Luchador, etc.

34. HERREROS MIGUEL, Tomás. (?-1937)
One of the most sympathetic and controversial of pre-war anarchist personalities. An anarchist of the old school, he embraced the new theses of anarcho-syndicalism; he was self-educated, a public speaker of some note and a very cultivated man. It appears that he was born in La Rioja, even though he lived for many years in Barcelona and died there in 1937. The claims by some historians to the effect that he was a police informer can be disregarded, for his personal integrity was legendary (he helped to expose the Rulls and stood up to Lerrouxism, etc..) Active in the Arte de Imprimir in Barcelona, he achieved public notoriety following his clash with Lerroux on a personal and ideological level (in 1906 he had been a typesetter on the Lerrouxist newspaper El Progreso), a confrontation that was hot and heavy from 1908 onwards (he served several months in prison on the basis of false evidence from Lerroux). The controversy helped to boost the apolitical organisation by distancing it from the Radical Party. Very active at the Solidaridad Obrera congress of 1908, he was to be a member of the council of the nascent organisation in 1908-09. In the ensuing years he stood out for the emphatic style with which he spelled out his trade union and workerist views (as at the rallies in Logroño and Barcelona in 1911 when he urged the workers to cut their ties with the socialists and republicans and join the struggle). A writer, gifted speaker and street activist, he was frequently jailed; in July 1909 for his exhortations of the strikers, for the La Canadiense strike, for his propaganda tour in 1918, etc. He attended the congress in El Ferrol in 1915, debated with the socialists in 1914, headed the Barcelona prisoners’ committee in 1918 and seems to have been a crucial element at the anarchist conference of 1918, getting anarchists to enter the CNT en masse, etc. Such a high profile accounts for his having been harassed and even targeted for murder (Baldrich’s gunmen stabbed him with a stiletto as he stood in front of his bookstand). As a journalist he was central to the anarchist press of the day: he was editor and manager of the original Solidaridad Obrera, director and administrator of Tierra y Libertad (he was a member of the group of the same name), etc. He argued that the manual worker had the edge over the brain worker (see his famous argument with Prat at the foundation congress of the CNT). Author of several pamphlets: Alejandro Lerroux tal cual es. Historia de un infamia relatada por el mismo obrero que ha sido víctima de ella. (Barcelona 19070, La política y los obreros. Conferencia (Logroño 1913), El obrero moderno (Logroño 1911).

35. NIDO, Enrique. Alias of Amadeo Lluán, Barcelona 1869-Argentina 1926.
Catalan anarchist very closely connected with the Lorenzo, Miranda and Herreros libertarian families and, later, with Abad de Santillán. At the time of the campaigns against Ferrer and his educational innovations, Nido wanted to go to Madrid to retaliate against those involved in the show trial against the Modern School (which testifies to the strength of his convictions). He helped to expose the Rull episode (in an article in El Porvenir del obrero, 1906), denouncing it from Marseilles, where he was living after leaving Barcelona (following his implication in the execution of a hangman). Later he emigrated to Argentina where he attempted the life of the Spanish consul by way of retaliation for the killing of Ferrer, an attempt in which he himself was wounded and which led to his receiving a five year sentence which he served in Rosario. On his release he set up a rationalist school which lasted until he died. In Argentina, together with Torralvo he published the review Estudios, wrote for La Protesta (it seems that publication of its Suplemento was his idea) and it appears that he began a history of the workers’ movement (having access to most of Anselmo Lorenzo’s archives). It is not known if it was ever finished. Author of: La concepción filosófica del anarquismo (Rosario 1921), Páginas de afirmación (Rosario 1922), Informe general del movimiento anarquista en la Argentina (Buenos Aires 1923), Páginas dispersas and also wrote forewords to works by Nettlau.

36. MORIONES BENZÚNEGUI, Vicente. Alias El Navarro. Born in Sangüesa 1911, died in 1970.
A militant very active in the underground struggle in the post-Franco years. A member of Ponzán’s group, he was picked up by the Gestapo in Perpignan (1943) and deported to Buchenwald, from which he emerged in 1945, only to reenter Spain by clandestine means. The exposure of Melis as a traitor was his doing (1942). Captured inside Spain, he served 17 years in San Miguel de los Reyes prison, being released eventually following outside pressure. After his release he stayed in Spain, committed to the struggle. At the time of his sudden death in the street he was general secretary of the Basque CNT, a member of the trade union Alliance and of the Basque government’s Defence Junta in the interior.

37. NEGRE, José. (?-1939?)
A Valencian who did sterling work in the early days of Solidaridad Obrera and the CNT. His date of birth is not known, but he died after the 1936 civil war (having been in the Argelés concentration camp for a time and certainly died there). A type-setter, journalist and an very active and capable public speaker, he was one of the organisers of the CNT foundation congress, the last secretary of the Solidaridad Obrera organisation and the first secretary of the CNT. At the 1910 congress he argued the case for a a new workers’ organisation and served on the working party devising its regulations. In 1910 and 1911 he addressed rallies in Barcelona and Paris on the CNT’s behalf and was jailed following the 1911 strike (on the basis of information given by Leroy, alleging that Negre was a member of some supposed revolutionary committee). After the reorganisation of the CNT, some historians have him taking up the CNT secretaryship again (although it seems more likely that it went to Andreu). During the First World War he was part of the Solidaridad Obrera team and was accused by Seguí of having pro-German sympathies (hence the bad blood between him and El Noi de Sucre) and dark dealings with the German embassy. He was deeply wounded by these charges, so much so that in August 1917 he withdrew from all labour activity. (In 1936, by then an old man, he volunteered his services to the CNT to use as it might deem fit). He attended the trade union congress in London and around 1914 he was in touch with Lorenzo, planning publication of a review. An extraordinarily combative man convinced of the labour cause (in August 1910 he turned up as vice-president of the recently constituted Railway Workers’ Branch of the Catalan region even though he was not so employed, (the precise object being to avert any reprisals against the rail workers) and was frequently jailed (in connection with a propaganda tour in 1914, the La Canadiense strike, etc.,) and served at least eight years behind bars. It is due to his efforts and to Herreros’s efforts that the Solidaridad Obera-CNT organisation distance itself from the Lerrouxists whom he engaged in controversy in 1908. He wrote for Tierra y Libertad, Solidaridad Obrera, had letters published in El Progreso and El País, etc. Author of: Recuerdos de un viejo militante (Barcelona 1936) and ¿Qué es el colectivismo anarquista? (Barcelona 1937).

38. CIENCIA SOCIAL. Review of sociology, the arts and letters. Barcelona October 1895 to June 1896, 8 issues, plus a ninth that was confiscated by the police.
Anarchist monthly run by Anselmo Lorenzo. It was eventually banned by the authorities who, in the wake of the Cambios Nuevos events, arrested its type-setters and editors. A review of some quality which could count upon contributions from Dorado Montero, Unamuno (a frequent contributor), Mella, Tárrida del Mármol, Azorín, Vives, Verdes Montenegro, Gener, Brossa, Artigues, etc. It published texts by Bakunin, Kropotkin, About, Reclus, Hauptman, Haman, Brunellière, Grave and others.

39. CÓRDOBA, THIRD CONGRESS OF FRE IN, 1872-73. Scheduled for April 1873, it was brought forward after the holding of the congresses of The Hague and Saint-Imier and because of rumours of an uprising by the federal republicans. It was summoned by the 18 October circular issued by the Federal Council, but it was left to the internationalists in Córdoba (Cervantes, Navarro, Barrado, Suárez and González) to finalise the organisational details. The congress met in the Moratín theatre in Córdoba on 24 December and concluded its business on 2 January 1873. It was attended by 46 delegates plus the Federal Council (Albarracín, Tomás, Rosell, Asensi and Martí). From the Federal Council’s report it transpired that the FRE had grown from 50 local federations, 41 general trades sections, 147 trades sections and 13 individual members, to 101 local federations, 332 trades sections, 66 general trades sections and 10 individual members. In addition it boasted 10 national trades unions. There was representation from Alcoy (G. Morago, Fontbuena, Montaba, Abad, Boti, Santonja), Arahal (Gómez), Aranjuez (Pérez), Arenys de Mar (Castro), Barcelona (Serrallonga, Oliveras, García Viñas, Fournier, Farga, Balasch, Pedrola García, Pamías), Brihuega (Torres), Buñol (Rosell), Cádiz (Díaz Puerto), Carmona (Méndez, Claramunt), Ciudad Real (Pino), Cocentaina (Domínguez), Córdoba (Navarro), Chamartín (Martín), Enguera (Rivera), Gerona (Navarro), Granada (M. Rodríguez), Grao (Asensi), Igualada (Navarro), Jerez (Vázquez), Llagostera (Bochons), Madrid (Martín), Mahón (Pamías), Málaga (Guilina), Manzanares (Navarro), Medinasidonia (Castillo), Muro (Domínguez), Olot (Suárez), Palamós (Bochons), Palma de Mallorca (Tomás), Pamplona (Barrado), Puerto de Santamaría (Aguilar), Paradas (Pérez González), Reus (Jener), San Feliu (Bochons), San Martín de Provensals (Torrem, Curto), Sanlúcar (Sánchez, Fernández), Seville (Soto), Solana (Cervantes), Tarrasa (Asensi), Valencia (Montoro) and Valladolid (Yarza). 20, 252 out of the FRE’s 29,000 members were represented.
The first session chaired by González Morago (who expounded upon the IWMA) was held on the night of 24 December; in succeeding sessions the congress hit its stride and ended with anarcho-Bakuninist these triumphant; which is why it is regarded as the workers’ movement’s first full-fledged anarchist congress. The more important accords were: 1. - The Federal Council was to be disbanded and its place taken by a Federal Commission that would be nothing more than a statistical and correspondence clearing-house. The commission was to comprise four secretaries (and those chosen would be Albarracín (internal affairs), Pino (book-keeper), Tomás (external affairs) and Fontbuena (treasurer)), plus five comarcal secretaries to be elected after the congress. (Deomarco, Villa, Seguí, Abad and Castillo were the five chosen). 2. - Ratification of the Saint-Imier Agreement and condemnation of the congress of The Hague (which, the congress concluded, had been a put-up job by the General Council in London and nothing more than a gathering, a farce whose resolutions conflicted with the IWMA’s basic premises and aims, in that they bolstered the General Council’s power and called for political parties). It was stressed that the light had shone through in Saint-Imier; federalism, solidarity, destruction of political authority, revolutionary action, replacement of the State by a free association of producer groups, the strike weapon .. (This implied a total breakdown between marxists and anarchists and endowed the congress in Córdoba with an unmistakably anarchist flavour). 3. - The Madrid marxist group around La Emancipación was condemned (which was tantamount to bolstering the position of González Morago). 4. - On the matter of property, it was agreed during the Zaragoza congress that the marxists’ resolution be rejected and the motions tabled by the Madrid and Barcelona groups were endorsed, but the view was also taken that the matter merited further examination. 5. - The way would be smoothed for those expelled to return to the fold. 6. - The work of the Alliance of Socialist Democracy (a Bakuninist fief) was praised. 7. - The launching of an FRE mouthpiece was rejected, but at the same time approval was given to the publication of a correspondence and statistical Bulletin free of charge for all branches; this would steer clear of ideological matters but would favour solidarity work. 8. - The local federations were at liberty to forward subscriptions to the federal commission. 9. - Solidarity would be strengthened and practised. 10. Scientific usage f the strike weapon. 11. - The next congress would meet in Valladolid. 12. - The congress’s accords would become valid if they were endorsed by a majority of the membership (within 50 days). 13. - Unions had to afford priority to reduction of working hours and pressing for equal pay rates. 14. - The importance of education was stressed. Internationalist schools were to be set up, with books and teachers supplied by the FRE. 15. - The FRE line was clearly defined: it was apolitical, federalist and collectivist and opposed to the State. 16. The federal commission would be based in Alcoy.

40. TÀRRIDA DEL MÀRMOL, Fernando. Havana 1861-London 1915.
Son of Catalan immigrants from Sitges, an engineer by profession and a teacher of mathematics. His prestige in libertarian circles relates to the Montjuich trials and the theory of anarchism plain and simple (sin adjetivos), of which he was the chief exponent and which was accepted by Nettlau, Mella and V. Clairac; however, even prior to the repression in Catalonia he was a well known figure, as the editor of Acracia, as the Spanish representative at the Paris Conference in 1889, his attendance at the Barcelona congress on secular education in 1888, as a delegate to the Pacto congress in Madrid in 1891, where he crossed swords with the socialists, etc. Fleeing Spain at the end of the Montjuich trials, he waged a rabid campaign against the government terror, particularly from Paris and from London (thereafter his home), eliciting a great response. He also attended the trade union congress in London (with Negre) and acted as the spokesman of the Benevento group. A Kropotkinist and close friend of Lorenzo (the latter dedicated his book El Proletariado Militante to him), he was a man of intelligence, a plain man, with a particular interest in scientific matters and his ambition was to invest social issues with a rational, scientific basis (see the series he wrote for Acracia, and the science news section of La Revista Blanca). He also took an interest in criticism of the authorities, in anti-politics and education. He expounded his theory of anarchism plain and simple (sin adjetivos) at the 2nd Socialist Symposium in 1889, in several articles in Le Revolté and in some pamphlets: he took the line that there was an explanation for anarchism’s decline in certain places and its flourishing in Spain, namely that in Spain internal squabbling and personality cults had been averted and that it had taken root in the workers’ movement. It was Tárrida’s ambition thereby to avoid the harsh and ruinous squabble between collectivists and communists (yet he butted into the argument between supporters of the Entente and of the Germans in the First World War and sided with the former). He wrote for numerous publications: Acracia, La Revue blanche, L’Intransigeant, Daily Chronicle, La Révolte, El Corsario, Ciencia Social, El Productor, La Huelga General, El Porvenir del Obrero, La Protesta, Tierra y Libertad, etc. Author of: Anselmo Lorenzo. Estudio crítico-biográfico (Barcelona, undated), Les inquisiteurs d’Espagne (Paris 1897), Anarquía, ateísmo y colectivismo (Reus 1885), Problemas transcendantales (Paris 1908), Programa socialista libertario y la Constitución del mundo (Paris 1908).

41. TOMÀS OLIVER, Francisco. Mallorca 1850-Madrid 1903.
Bricklayer who did crucial work during the 1870s to advance the International in Spain, especially in organisational terms. An example of proletarian militancy of an anti-marxist stamp, he was the founder of the International in the Balearics and director of both its newspapers (El Obrero and La Revolución). His activity came to prominence at the labour congress in 1870 which he attended and at which he championed anarchist theses; at the 1872 congress in Zaragoza he adopted a more moderate line on the social organisation of the workers (and his line carried the day) and he came away as an elected member of the federal council (representing the Este comarca); he was also at the congress in Córdoba and again appointed to the federal commission (as secretary for external affairs, and he took Ferrer’s place when he stepped down). In the ensuing years he remained the axis of the FRE both in its underground as well as in its legal years (we know for certain that he was retained on the federal commission at the conferences in 1875-77, that he attended the Barcelona extra-ordinary conference in 1881 - representing Valencia - was reelected at the 1883 congress in Seville, was present at the congress of the Unión Manufacturera of Igualada in 1883 - at which he spoke out in favour of solidarity with the victims of reprisals in Jérez and was astoundingly competent.) Around 1884 he must have had problems with the Barcelona comrades and he moved to Madrid without abandoning his activity., because even though it is argued that he steered clear of social issues in 1885-86, he certainly attended the Pacto congress (in Madrid, 1891) and in 1900 the Madrid association of which he was a member (El Porvenir del Obrero) sponsored the holding of a congress in 1900; again, in 1901 we find Tomás among the delegates to the congress of the FSORE, or new FTRE, in Madrid. A man of great capability, he was a prominent representative of the collectivist line, opposed to both marxists and anarcho-communists (putting up quite a fight against the latter, especially at the congress in Seville in 1882, with help from Llunas). Unlike other anarchists, he could see the need for an efficient bureaucracy and preferred a lawful federation over a clandestine one. He wrote for the labour press (Revista Nueva, Bulletin du Jura, etc.) and is credited with authorship of the first history of Spanish anarchism, Del nacimiento de las ideas anarcocolectivistas en España (La Coruña 1893 and serialised in the press nine years earlier).

43. MERA SANZ, Cipriano. Tetuán de la Victorias (Madrid) 1897-Paris 1975.
Bricklayer. His entry into the history of anarchism goes back to the dictatorship and the connection was strengthened during the republic; during both periods he was regularly jailed for his commitment to labour militancy. Under the republic he was already one of the staunchest pillars of the CNT of the Centre region (and the great strides made by the CNT in the region, especially among construction workers, is primarily due to him) and well regarded nationally (in 1933 he served on the national revolutionary committee charged with overseeing the uprising in Aragon, as a result of which he was to be jailed until May 1934). The outbreak of the fascist revolt found him in prison (for membership of the construction industry strike committee). Freed on 19 July, he hit the rebels like a white tornado; in the attack on Campamento, the capture of Alcalà, Guadalajara, Sigüenza and Cuenca; with the establishment of the CNT’s Del Rosal column, he commanded the CNT battalion fighting in the Buitrago and Arenas de San Pedro areas (August), breaking through the cordon around Cebreros and reaching Robledo (October), at which point he argued for the necessity of guerrilla tactics. With the Francoists closing on Madrid he was took charge of the defences of the Puente de San Fernando district (January 1937), at which point experience of the war obliged him to lobby the CNT national committee to bring pressure to bear to have the columns militarised; after militarisation, he commanded the XIV Division which halted the Francoist advance at Pingarrón, played a part in the battle of Guadalajara and captured Guadalajara (the capture being the work of Mera rather than - as is mistakenly claimed- of El Campesino); later he fought in Alcolea and Brunete and from October 1937 on he was in charge of the IV Corps of the Army of the Centre, holding the rank of lieutenant colonel. In the final days of the conflict he resisted the Communists’ plans for a coup and defeated them in March 1939; whereupon, after discharging his troops, he left for Oran and began a calvary through North Africa (where he was jailed in Oran and Mezelquivir, the Morand concentration camp, from which he escaped into Morocco, settling in Casablanca while he waited to leave for America, but was arrested in March 1941 and, after another odyssey, was handed over to Franco in February 1942), resulting in his facing a death sentence in Spain (April 1943) before this was commuted to a thirty year prison term. In prison he contacted the CNT’s secretary, Amil, and was visited by envoys from Generals Aranda and Beigbeder who lobbied for CNT assistance in overthrowing Franco. When he was released in 1946, the aforementioned generals kept in touch with Mera, but he finally dashed their hopes and in February 1947 he moved to France. In France he dedicated himself to trying to reunify the shattered CNT, but to no avail, and later he sided with the moderates who supported collaboration against Franco. After the unification in 1960, he was commissioned to chair the reconciliation rally in Paris that November and was awarded a place on Interior Defence on account of his prestige. In 1963 he was jailed for his Interior Defence and FIJL connections (these being the agencies most steadfastly supporting direct struggle against Franco); in 1965-66 he took a very hard line with the Cincopuntistas and after the stormy Bordeaux plenum at which his honour was impugned, a CNT faction broke away from the Intercontinental Secretariat; he belonged this faction, referred to as the Frente Libertario faction, right up until his death. A man of action, with an iron will, he did not succumb as some other exiles did, to the quest for power and always stated that he would go to his grave with his trowel in his hand. He wrote hardly anything other than a few articles in Frente Libertario in the 1960s and Mujeres Libres. Author of: Guerra, exilio y cárcel de un anarcosindicalista (Paris 1976).

43. DURRUTI DUMANGE, Buenaventura. Leon 1896-Madrid 1936.
Without question Spanish anarchism’s most mythic figure of all time, even more so than Salvochea or Anselmo Lorenzo, and his tragic death on the Madrid front in circumstances still unclear would seem to have been a contributory factor in this. He came from a family of fighters that had been ruined by its support for social demands. Following primary schooling he worked as a mechanic in a workshop from 1910 on; in April 1913 he took out membership of the UGT, the only union in the area and he worked on the installation of washing machinery in Asturias (in Matallana) and even then stood out for his spirit of solidarity. Shortly after that he joined the railways as a mechanic and was actively involved in the 1917 strike, resulting in his dismissal and, at the same time, in his expulsion from the UGT (as a leftwinger) and was forced to flee to Gijón together with el Toto, wanted for sabotage and as a deserter; in December he crossed into France, living in a number of places (Marseilles, Béziers, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Biarritz..) In January 1919 he reentered Spain, working in Mieres and took out CNT membership; later he carried out sabotage missions in the mines of Leon until he was arrested en route to Galicia. Recognised as deserter, he was sent to Morocco where he was found to be suffering from a hernia. He was hospitalised and escaped to France (in June). In the spring of 1920 he returned to the peninsula, contacting Buenacasa in San Sebastián (Buenacasa advised him to move to Barcelona). He worked in Renteria and helped effectively to bolster the CNT and struck up links with a series of hardline militants (Suberviela, Ruiz, Aldabaldetrecu, Marcelino del Campo), with whom he formed the Los Justicieros group which operated in Zaragoza and the Basque Country (including an abortive attempt on the life of Alfonso XIII in San Sebastián). Together with Campos and Suberviela, he left for Zaragoza and contacted Pina, Torres Escartín, and others and undertook to travel to Barcelona, Andalusia and Madrid with an eye to the formation of a peninsula-wide anarchist federation. Thereafter the group threw itself into high-flying ventures, while assuming a more solid formation: in 1922 hit linked up with Ascaso and moved to Barcelona (Ascaso, Durruti, Torres Escartín, Campos and Suberviela), going, by that time, under the name of the Crisol group which name was later (in October) changed to Los Solidarios and was bolstered by the addition of further militants (particularly from the Barcelona woodworkers’ union), with Durruti taking it upon himself to build up an arsenal; in anticipation of a coup d’état, they laid the groundwork for an insurrectionary strike (which was to be funded by the proceeds of a hold-up of the Banco de España in Gijón). A little later Durruti crossed into France with Ascaso (they were in Paris from December 1923) and together they were crucial to the launching of an anarchist publishing venture: Durruti took part in the catastrophic Vera de Bidasoa expedition and in the planning of an attempt upon the life of Alfonso XIII, before mounting a campaign through the Americas (December 1924) from Cuba down to Argentina, subsidising rationalist schools and cowing bosses by robbing them (for a time, in Argentina, they forgot about these illegal activities and were drawn into the controversy prevailing in the anarchist movement in the country). In June 1926, Durruti was arrested in France (with Jover and Ascaso) on charges of attempting the life of the king of Spain and after some months in prison was expelled from France and eventually settled in Belgium. He returned to Spain with his comrades after the fall of the monarchy and set about making preparations for the revolution; he attended the 1931 congress, gave countless rallies, and was up to his neck in every revolutionary venture of the time and was regularly jailed and banished; he was on the CNT revolutionary committee, represented the Catalan regional at the national plenum of regionals in May 1934, and attended the Zaragoza congress in 1936. His theoretical stance at that point may be summarised as follows: arm the people and no to vanguards. Once the rebels had been put down in Barcelona in July 1936 he quit the Militias Committee following disagreements with García Oliver and set off for the Aragon front at the head of a column named after him. He remained there until November 1936 at which point he left for Madrid with part of his column to assist in the defence of Madrid where he met his death on 20 November 1936. There was a massive turn-out of people for the removal of his body to Barcelona and at his funeral there. Strictly a man of action (the only thing he wrote was one article in La Voz Confederal), he was immensely popular and to this day remains a symbol of the virtues of anarchists.

44. LA REVISTA SOCIAL. Periodical launched in Manresa (16 August 1872) at the instigation of the Unión Manufacturera. Later, publication was moved to Gracia and Barcelona (August 1873) where it remained until 1883 (its last edition being from 19 November 1883). For many years Francisco Abayá was secretary to the editorial team and he was succeeded by García Viñas (from 1876 to 1878, some say). It was the mouthpiece of the Spanish section of the IWMA and for that reason lifted texts from La Révolte and the Jura Bulletin. It was suspended for three months (February to May 1874) and it seems that from 1874 on it espoused a moderate line (which García Viñas attempted to shift) and adopted the sub-title of “Organ of the Unión Manufacturera of the Spanish Nation”. 418 editions were published.
According to Nettlau, in December 1880 García Viñas handed the review over to Serrano Oteiza who resurrected it in Madrid (as Revista Social rather than La Revista Social) from 11 June 1881 to 15 May 1884, for 154 editions in all. Under Serrano’s guidance it argued the anarcho-collectivist and Proudhonist case, adopted the sub-title “Eco del Proletariado” and was largely the organ of the FTRE. After its time in Madrid it returned to Catalonia (to Sans) where a further 39 editions appeared. It carried contributions from Ricardo Mella and Francisco Tomás, published pamphlets of Bakunin’s (God and the State) and reported on the congresses of the Spanish International. Other contributors included: Palacio, Orcal Arroyo, Espí, Vanoncí and García Viñas. Its print-run was in excess of 20,000 copies. Its disappearance was part of the fall-out from the Mano Negra events.

45. PUJOL GRÚA, José. Benisant (Tarragona) 1903-Porto Alegre (Brazil) 1966.
Joined the CNT as a young medical student. When the civil war broke out he was practising in La Roca and enlisted with the Roja y Negra column. By the end of the war he was major in the medical corps and spent time in concentration camps in France (Argelés, St Cyprien, Brams) where he was a great help until he was denounced by Communists and taken to Gurs (March 1941) and, from May 1942, was drafted into a labour company; he managed to join acquaintances in Carcassonne and helped rebuild the CNT in the Aude department, only to be rearrested by the Germans and taken to Bordeaux (where he again played a central part in rebuilding the Confederation) and from there, now categorised as a saboteur, he was deported to Germany but managed to escape in Metz. After the Germans were defeated he lived in Paris, Bordeaux and Toulouse and was involved in the anti=Franco struggle in France and inside Spain, having close relations with the action groups (particularly with Facerías) operating in the comarca of Barcelona. With the reconstruction of the CNT he was elected secretary of the SIA (in June 1945), a post he resigned in July 1946 in order to penetrate Spain on organisational missions; arrested in Gerona, he was freed from prison in Barcelona in June 1947 with serious lung disease, nit that this prevented him from treating a wounded guerrilla; identified by the police, he lived in hiding in Barcelona until a commando escorted him back to France. He stayed on in Toulouse and his home was a safe house for Facerías and other CNT and anarchist guerrillas. In the end, in January 1952 he left for Brazil, settling in Porto Alegre where he gained great prestige as a medical practitioner.

46. SERRANO OTEIZA, Juan. Madrid 1837-1886.
A fan-maker by trade, like his father before him, it is possible that he went on to become a jurist (though not a notary as some contend). Early on he turned to combative literature, got involved in subversive movements (being a member of the outlawed La Velada society and prominent in the riots in 1866), as a result of which he was forced into exile. He appears to have been in the federal republican camp (like so many others who later went over to anarchism) and was secretary of the Fomento de las Artes in 1865. A member of the International in Madrid from 1869, he turned into a fervent Bakuninist. His high profile in anarchism springs as much from his own priceless efforts as from the influence he wielded over his son-in-law, Ricardo Mella. He was Madrid’s representative at several congresses and especially to the fore at the 1882 congress as a champion of collectivism and the legal path against extremist Andalusian anarcho-communism. He was a prolific writer, especially of dramas, and was the guiding light of the Revista Social (the FTRE’s real mouthpiece) which he ran from 1881 on; he also wrote for all the like-minded publications of the day (El Condenado, El Orden - which he launched with González Morago- La Voz de la Juventud - which he ran - etc.) Author of: Pensativo (Reus 1885), Moral del progreso o la religión natural (Sabadell 1888), El pecado de Caín (1876), Almanaque para 1883. Biblioteca del proletariado (Madrid 1882), La Quinta, Dos Mujeres, Cuadros Sociales, Miserias de la Riqueza, Quien bien te quiera. Cupido sin Alas, El Poeta y el Mundo, Odios políticos, Historia de unas mujeres.

47. EL CONDENADO. Title borne by several anarchist periodicals.
1. - Libertarian newspaper, Madrid, February 1872- March 1873. Founded by González Morago. Initially sub-titled “Socialist Newspaper”, from July onwards this changed to “Collectivist Newspaper”. Defended the International. It appeared weekly and its emergence had to do with the conversion of La Emancipación into the platform of the Madrid marxists, whom it steadfastly opposed. It comprised 4 pages and 36 issues reached the streets (in addition to a supplement); in a second version, (February 1873 to 9 January 1874) it seems to have published 31 issues. It stuck by the Alliance programme and was governed by the principles of atheism, anarchism, anti-authoritarianism, collectivism and anti-capitalism. Prominent among its contributors were Serrano Oteiza, Morago, Estévanez, Manuel Muñoz, Busquiel and José Pellicer and it carried texts by Bakunin. A periodical of crucial importance in its day, it was the chief challenger of the marxist line of argument.
2. - Anarchist newspaper. Barcelona 1886. The first workers’ daily (ran for 27 days).
3. - Anarchist paper. Alcoy 1890-1893.

48. BARCELONA, FIRST FTRE CONGRESS IN, 1881.
The FTRE, replacing the FRE, was launched at the Barcelona congress (23-26 September 1881) attended by around 150 delegates (somewhere from 136 to 146, according to historians) representing 162 labour societies. It met on the premises of the Sans cooperative society on 23 September and its proceedings were opened in Barcelona’s Circo theatre the next day. Its decisions were: 1. - To condemn regionalism and Pi y Margall-ism. 2. - To resist all political parties, worker or bourgeois, as a step in the direction of doing away with all privilege. 3. - To stress the character of the FTRE as a purely economic organisation working towards realisation of a free federation of free associations of free producers. 4. - To underline the value of inalienable individual rights not susceptible to legislative regulation and to affirm that rights of suffrage, freedom of the press and of association and municipal autonomy are meaningless unless matched by collectivisation of property.
In addition it was agreed that the Andalusian comarca be split into two and that a Manifest be made public wherein the condemnation of political parties would be hammered home. Even though the more law-abiding, less anarchist character of the nascent FTRE has been remarked upon, there was little sign of it at this congress, where only 8 votes were cat against emphatically anarchist arguments and where there was insistence upon distancing from political parties.

49. ASCASO ABADÍA, Francisco. Almudévar (Huesca) 1901-Barcelona 1936.
Member of a CNT family, he was initiated early into social struggles in Zaragoza, taking part in numerous disputes between 1917 and 1920 (in 1919, as a member of the Voluntad group, he was jailed for inciting troops to mutiny). In 1920 he was jailed on charges of having killed a Zaragoza journalist and was released following great pressure brought to bear with an eye to the 1922 Conference. He came into contact with Durruti, Suberviela, Campos and Torres Escartín (Crisol group) and left for Barcelona; in Barcelona he worked as a waiter and joined Los Solidarios of which he was to be a leading member. He also headed the anarchist liaison committee. He was a participant in the operations against Soldevila, Martínez Anido and Languía 91923) and was jailed again; escaping from prison with the aid of Buenacasa (June), he crossed into France with Durruti via Barcelona, his mission being to set up a revolutionary sub-committee and a support publishing house. After 1922 his life runs parallel with Durruti’s. They were inseparable friends; he lived in Paris working in the lead industry, was involved in the disastrous Vera de Bidasoa incursion (1924), travelled the Americas from Cuba to Argentina, on an excursion punctuated by expropriations and social and ideological struggles, helped prepare an attempt on the life of Alfonso XIII in Paris and suffered the consequences (imprisonment, expulsion, clandestine travels, stays in Belgium and Berlin, etc.) With the advent of the republic he went home and threw himself into fevered activity, turning away from the expropriation policy and turning instead to countless rallies, gatherings and demonstrations.. He was involved in the uprisings in Figols and Zaragoza, in clashes with the treintistas, was secretary of the Catalan CNT (in which office his performance came in for criticism from the Asturians) in 1934, was an editor of Solidaridad Obrera in 1934-35, attended the Zaragoza congress in 1936, all of its punctuated by repeated escapes, banishments and imprisonment. When the fascist uprising got underway in Barcelona he was in the van of the resistance (in charge of coordination and communications) and was killed by a stray shot from the Atarazanas barracks (20 July 1936). His death deprived the revolution of a lightly made-up, restless, cool-headed, sharp-witted, calculating and extremely audacious figure. His few writings hint at a mistrust of far-seeing vanguards and suggest that his supposed anarcho-bolshevism had more to do with circumstance than beliefs.

50. BARRET ÀLVAREZ DE TOLEDO, Rafael. Santander 1876-Arcachon (France) 1910.
One of the greatest thinkers and writers produced by Iberian anarchism. Of aristocratic descent, he lived for a time in Bilbao and Paris up until 1900 when he moved to Madrid to complete his studies as an engineer and where he frequented high society circles until his money ran out (at that time he was fast friends with Maeztu and Valle Inclán). In 1903 he left Spain following an incident with the Duque de Arión and emigrated to the Americas. In 1904 he was in Buenos Aires where his criticisms in the press caused him problems and forced him to move on to Asunción, at which point his ideological shift in the direction of anarchism began. In Paraguay he worked on the railways, taught classes and ventured into journalism and literature, as well as adapting wholly to the Paraguayan way of life. He married and, together with Bertotto, he launched the review Germinal; at around this time he became a crusader for the oppressed, which brought the wrath of the government down on his head (an attempt was made to kill him at a rally on 1 May 1907). The following year he was jailed, a difficult time during which he contracted lung disease and was deported to Brazil. Later he lived in Montevideo and Corrientes. In 1910 he returned to Europe, meaning to recuperate from his illness, but to no avail, for after passing through Barcelona and Paris he died in Arcachon in France.
He wrote for many newspapers in the River Plate region: La Razón, Caras y Caretas, La Tarde, Los Sucesos, El Diario Español and for Le Figaro in Paris. After his death his literary oeuvre was collected (only Moralidades Actuales had seen publication in his lifetime) and it boiled down to journalism. Author of: El Terror Argentino (Asunción 1910), Diálogos, conversaciones, epifonemas (Montevideo 1912), Moralidades Actuales (1910), Lo que son los yerbales, Mirando Vivir, El dolor de los paraguayos (Montevideo 1912), Páginas Dispersas (Montevideo 1923), Cartas inéditas (Montevideo 1967), Obras Completas (Buenos Aires 1943), works which, in the opinion of many, make him the founder of Paraguayan literature and which have earned the praises of people with no connection with anarchism (Roa Bastos, Rodó, Vaz, Donoso, Blanco Fombona). He championed an anarchism that was level-headed and restrained and analysed reality, he was not so much a propagandist of anarchism as a creator, a committed intellectual with original views and concepts of anarchism (an anarchist being someone who believes in the possibility of life without the authority principle) and has been praised by Nettlau, Fontaura and Baciu. Barret was a man of considerable cultivation: he wrote in three languages and was a recognised writer on art and music; his writings embrace every issue (nationality, social oppression, sex, women, etc.), all dealt with in short, incisive articles redolent of the sense of regeneration associated with the ‘98 generation. His incontrovertible quality makes it hard to credit that in Spain Barret should be so little known even in anarchist circles.

51. CATALÁ TINEO, Sigfrido. Valencia 1906-1978.
Son of a bronze smelter of anarchist leanings (the founder in Valencia of a Ferrerian school, an exile and CNT militant), we find him enrolled with the CNT hides union at a very early age and working even as an adolescent in the printshop of Solidaridad Obrera (during its days in Valencia). An advocate of moderation and more of a syndicalist than an anarchist, he joined the Opposition Unions, representing them at the plenum of the Valencian CNT which put the finishing touches to reunification with the CNT (February 1936). He was secretary of the Valencia CNT and during the civil war held prominent office (as director-general of trade in Juan López’s ministry) and was to the forefront of the CNT’s amplified economic plenum (Valencia 1938). In the years after the civil war he remained behind in Spain, actively struggling against Francoism; he was one of the founders of the ANFD (and headed its committee) and he also acted as secretary of the CNT national committee up until his arrest in December 1944; after trial he was sentenced to death, a sentence later commuted and he served many years in San Miguel de los Reyes. After he was released he espoused a very syndicalist line akin to the Juan López line, which brought him a lot of criticism.

52. FARGA PELLICER, Rafael. Barcelona 1840-1890.
One of the strongest and most attractive personalities of the old International. He studied for a career as a master-builder and learned type-setting (in which field he proved truly inspired and an enduring influence) , enjoyed music and was a librarian for a time. In his early twenties he had links with federal republicanism and did important work at the Barcelona Federal Centre of Workers’ Societies, serving on the Central Directorate and on the Catalan workers’ Ateneo. After he converted to anarchism, this work was of enormous assistance in winning Catalan labour over the incipient IWMA. He met Fanelli in Barcelona (attending the meeting out which the Barcelona section emerged) and he embraced the principles of the IWMA and of the Alliance (in January 1890 he backed the federalists, but by August had turned into a determined supporter of the Bakuninist Alliance), so that in 1969, together with Sentiñón he represented the Federal Council at the congress in Basle, where he met Bakunin and became his close friend. At a meeting in Reus in January 1870, he spelled out apolitical and collectivist principles and from the columns of La Federación brought influence to bear to have the Spanish workers’ congress held in Barcelona; he attended that congress (1870) and fought there successfully to tip the balance in favour of anarchism and internationalism (it was he that drafted the message of affiliation to the IWMA and signed the manifesto to Portuguese workers). He enjoyed great standing in the eyes of internationalists (and was several times elected by universal suffrage to represent the Spanish section at congresses); at the congress in The Hague (1872) he fended off attacks directed at Bakunin and shortly after that attended the Saint-Imier gathering (the massive gathering that articulated the Bakuninist line of Spanish labour) where he made the acquaintance of Malatesta and was chosen as the Spanish correspondent for the Bulletin which it was agreed would be issued. Later at the anti-authoritarian congress in Geneva (1873) he tabled a scheme for organising along trades lines (endorsed at the congress on Córdoba) and at the Brussels congress in 1874 he stressed the anarchist line and signed the appeal issued to the workers of the world. When the repression began in Spain he stuck to his beliefs; in 1874 he met with Lorenzo and García Viñas to bolster the Alliance, and was on the federal council in 1875-77 and again in 1879; it also seems certain that he was one of those who prepared the relaunching of the FTRE in 1881 (he served on the federal commission in 1881-83). From 1886 to 1888 he published the renowned review Acracia. A man wholeheartedly committed to militant anarchism, he kept up correspondence with Bakunin, De Paepe, Fanelli, Malon, Brousse and Guillaume, was the mainstay of the internationalist press in Barcelona and Kropotkin stayed in his home when visiting Spain. Author of: Garibaldi, Historia liberal del siglo XIX, and Prolegómenos a la composición tipográfica. It has to be added that he contributed as a journalist to Natura and that it was at his instigation that El Productor was launched.

53. GÁLVEZ, Pedro Luis. Málaga 1882-Madrid 1940, shot by the fascists.
Son of a Carlist general, he studied at the seminary in Málaga (from which he ran away) and followed the family to Madrid. In the capital, he enrolled in the school of Fine Arts, from which he was soon expelled due to non-compliance with the school rules; he tried his hand at the theatre but his father quickly put paid to that. In 1901 he set off on foot for Paris where he led a bohemian existence in poverty; he returned to Spain and it was while in Irún (1905) that he fell in with anti-monarchist circles and toured Andalusia peddling the federal republican line and launching swingeing attacks on monarchy; arrested in Cádiz, he was sentenced to 14 years for insulting the king and the army. Incarcerated in Ocaña, he led a riot as a result of which he was chained to the walls of his cell; it was at about this time that he started to write; he produced Existencias Tormentadas and several short stories (like En la Cárcel), one of which (El Ciego de la Flauta) won him a competition, made him popular and led to his being pardoned. On his release reviews and newspapers competed for his the favours of this ex-jailbird, but his lack of interest in any steady job ensured that he was always short of money. He achieved prominence as a correspondent from the war in Morocco (with a chilling book, Por los que Lloran: apuntes de la Guerra del Rif, Madrid 1910) and became renowned as an incorrigible bohemian. On a whim he took himself off to Albania (1914) after a time in Berlin (where he earned a living as a painter), only to return to the peninsula after a short time and found a newspaper in Madrid, En la Puerta del Sol (1916) which never got beyond its first edition due to police harassment; he eked out a living as a literary “hack”, selling handwritten poetry and writing to order. Later he moved to Barcelona and made contact with the anarchists: at the same time his life was acquiring some stability (he was a correspondent for El Pueblo, 1920) and in the years that followed he delved deeper into anarchism (writing for libertarian publications and publishers, writing sonnets targeting politicians) as is evident in El Demonio de San Miguel (1926). In 1929 he started his Obras Completas (poesías de Negro y azul) and drew closer to militant anarchists. During the republic, his life took a more uneventful turn and when the civil war broke out he enlisted with the CNT; even when it was plain that defeat was imminent he refused to leave Madrid (confident that he would not face reprisals), but was arrested and jailed and finished off by a firing squad.
A sharp prose-writer and a poet of some merit, he had some reputation in his day (writing in first class newspapers like El Liberal, La Esfera, Nuevo Mundo). He is a typical example of the turn of the century cultural world, half way between bohemia, artistic avant-gardism and social protest. Unlike other literati who opted to abjure their ideas of emancipation, Gálvez’s beliefs became more pronounced. Author of: La Chica del Tapicero, Las Hembras de la Vistillas, Sonetos de la Guerra (Valencia 1938) and ¡Buitres! (Barcelona 1923).

54. FERRER GUARDIA, Francisco Juan Ramón. Alella 1859-1909 (shot in the ditch in Santa Eulalia , Barcelona on 13 October 1909).
Initially the recipient of clerical education which was partly countered by his attending the classes of a secular, liberal teacher in Teià. At the age of 13 he worked in the family vineyards and the following year his father sent - virtually banished - him to Provensals as clerk in the service of an employer who, oddly enough, initiated him to republicanism and freemasonry. He became an admirer of Pi y Margall, becoming anti-clerical and an enthusiast of the First Spanish Republic. In 1879 he worked on the railways as a ticket-collector, studied French and English and proved to be a zealous supporter of Rojas Zorrilla. In 1880 he married Teresa Sanmartí (a troubled marriage) and in 1884 he set up a lending library for railway workers and joined the masons; he fled to Sallent (following a general strike) and in 1886 decamped to Paris following involvement in the Villacampa uprising. In France he remained closely connected with Rojas Zorrilla until, after the latter’s death, he quit the ranks of the federalists. He knew hard times financially and tried to make a living at several trades (in the wine and hotel businesses, giving Spanish classes and speculating on the stock market); eventually he came into contact with the Meuniers and, separating from his wife (who had inflicted grievous injury on him in 1894) he took up with Leopoldina Bonnard and together they all travelled the Mediterranean (Barcelona included). When J.E. Meunier died, he inherited a large fortune with which he embarked upon his educational and revolutionary ventures (earlier, in 1892, he had attended the world freethinkers’ congress in Madrid and in 1895-97 had travelled to Australia to visit family and had also attended the international socialist congress in London). Disappointed by the republicans he drifted into libertarian ranks while in Paris (mixing with Robin, Malato, Grave and Lorenzo..) and his best known and most prestigious ventures were to be in association with anarchists. In 1901 he arrived in Barcelona ready to launch his celebrated Modern School which was to open on 8 September that year, with Odón and Ramón y Cajal on the board; the school was to prove a considerable success as an alternative to Catholic and State schooling; his moment of glory came in April 1906 (with a demonstration in support of secular education) but one month later the manoeuvres to curtail his activity began: he was implicated in Mateo Morral’s outrage and spent a year in prison (until June 1907). On his release he travelled Europe, toured Andalusia, got involved in high-profile activity (launching the review L’École renouvée in Paris and Brussels: establishing the International League for Rational Infant Education and campaigning for the release of the Alcalá del Valle prisoners) and became convinced that only the anarchists could be counted upon. He reopened his publishing concern, though not his school, subsidised the labour press and was soon facing accusations that he had instigated and orchestrated the Semana Trágica, was placed under arrest, tried and executed amid a scandal of worldwide ramifications. He died shouting: “Long live the Modern School!” Author of: L’espagnol pratique (Paris 1895), Páginas para la historia (Barcelona 1910), La Escuela Moderna, póstuma explicación y alcance de la enseñanza racionalista (Barcelona 1912), Envidia. Cuento ateo (London 1900), Ferrer y la huelga general (Barcelona 1910), wrote forewords to several books and for his unpublished Diario de mis pensamientos (c. 1901-1908) and Los Principios de la moral científica. In addition, he wrote articles for Humanidad Nueva, El Productor, La Revista Blanca, etc., and played a crucial part in the launching of the Boletín de la Escuela Moderna, La Huelga General and Solidaridad Obrera.
Ferrer was a man who believed in the potential of the general strike as a weapon of revolution, but it was to the field of education that he owes his prestige. The pedagogy that he practised connected directly with the anarchist tradition of Godwin, Bakunin and Kropotkin, as well as with the principles of the Committee for Libertarian Education (1896) of Malato, Reclus, Grave and Tolstoy, to wit, a rounded, rationalist, mixed sex, libertarian schooling with the addition of borrowings from Spencer, Rousseau, Robin and others. The Modern School was to become the legendary model of the anarchist pedagogy that would be governed by anti-authoritarianism, co-education of the sexes and classes, anti-Statism, comprehensive training, egalitarianism, idealism and rationalism-scientism-secularism: it was to depart from the neutrality advocated by Mella and, although cognizant that schooling serves the interests of the State and Capital, would not challenge it but would rather seek to work a transformation of it along natural lines, whilst steering clear of under-valuing the teacher to the advantage of the pupil; it was to be a school for critical minds and a nursery for rebels.

55. FTRE (Federación de Trabajadores de la Región Española - Spanish Regional Workers’ Federation).
Launched at a congress held in Barcelona (23-26 September 1881), following the prior winding up of the FRE in February of the same year. After its foundation congress, it experienced rapid growth, as noted at its second congress (in Seville, September 1882), having swollen to 49,561 members, mostly Andalusians and Catalans, organised into 10 comarcas, 209 local federations and 632 sections and held 8 union congresses (congresses of shoemakers, manufacturing workers, food workers, hatters, printers, blacksmiths, peasants and building workers in Valencia, Barcelona, Reus, Igualada, Seville and Madrid), plus 10 comarcal congresses. This expansion was brought to an end by internecine strife (due to the presence of competing factions, constitutionalists, insurrectionists, syndicalists, revolutionaries, collectivists and communists); these frictions were evident at the congress in Seville when a minority, southern Andalusians, split off and held a radical anarcho-communist congress of their own in Cádiz (December 1882), with follow-up congresses in Seville and Cádiz (1883-84). There was another factor in the decline: the police crackdown in the wake of the Mano Negra episode, a crackdown condemned only very timidly by the FTRE (in March 1883 a declaration from the FTRE Federal Council made up of Pellicer, Canibel, Tomás and Llunas, protested at the repression, whilst at the same time distancing itself from those implicated in the Mano Negra). By the time of its third congress (Valencia, October 18850, the FTRE was falling apart and plainly breaking up, a process contained only by its flourishing press. By 1885, federation activity had all but ceased and the extra-ordinary congress in Barcelona (1884) had resolved nothing, any more than the so-called “cosmopolitan” congress (Barcelona 1885) or the comarcal congresses summoned in Alcoy, Barcelona, Madrid and Zaragoza in the summer of 1885 did. A mere 17 delegates showed up for the FTRE’s fourth congress (Madrid 1887). Finally, the FTRE was wound up when, at the request of the Catalans, a congress met in Valencia (September 1888) to register the demise of the FTRE and, in its place, launch the OARE (Spanish Regional Anarchist Organisation), which was conceived as buttressing the anarchist element, in that it rejected any who would not dogmatically embrace anarchist arguments (the OARE gave up on meeting in congresses). Then again, in Barcelona the Pacto de Unión was launched in 1888.
The FTRE failed to marry the various interests present within it and in terms of profile it cannot stand comparison with the FRE, nor with the CNT. Whether the FTRE clearly adhered to the FRE line is a matter of some controversy: from its trajectory (Mano Negra, Los Desheredados, the OARE..) we may deduce that it aspired to impose a more legalistic, reformist policy, something in which the Llunas-Tomás-Farga faction had already been successful within the FRE. All of the internal squabbling boiled down to a duel between revolutionaries (which group included insurrectionists, anarcho-communists and radicals) and the moderates-reformists (namely, the constitutionalists, collectivists and syndicalists) , a duel already played out inside the FRE. Where the FTRE did succeed was in ditching the republican socialists (and, given the initial connection with the International - remember that many internationalists had their origins in the federal republican camp - this was no easy undertaking) who were resoundingly defeated at the 1881 congress by 110 votes to 8.

56. GUSTAVO, Soledad. Alias of Teresa Mañé. Villanueva y Geltrú 1865-Perpignan 1939.
Secular schoolmistress with her own school. After marriage to Federico Urales in 1891 she became a member of an important militant anarchist family. Mother of Federica Montseny. Her fame derives essentially from the fact that from 1898 to 1905 she was co-director with Urales of La Revista Blanca and was subsequently involved in many of the family’s ventures. Her work was confined to journalism: she wrote lots and lots of articles in the family’s reviews and others of the libertarian persuasion: Revista Blanca (its Almanaque and Suplementos included), El Corsario, El Productor, El Cosmopolita, El Trabajo, etc. She was on the editorial panel of Tierra y Libertad and translated Louise Michel, Labriola and De La Hire.. Her primary concerns were education and feminism. Author of: La sociedad futura (Madrid 1899), El amor libre (Montevideo 1904), A las proletarias (Buenos Aires 1896), Sindicalismo y anarquismo. Política y Sociología (Barcelona 1933), and, in partnership with Urales: Las preocupaciones de los despreocupados (Reus 1891), and Dos cartas (Reus 1891). She is also credited with authorship of Las diosas de la vida (Barcelona 1904) but this seems to be a translation of Labriola.

57. LA HUELGA GENERAL. Title borne by several libertarian papers.
1. Newspaper founded and financed by Francisco Ferrer Guardia. Barcelona 15 November 1901 to 1903. Sub-titled “Libertarian Newspaper”, it was run by Ignacio Claría. Anselmo Lorenzo and López Montenegro were assiduous contributors. 21 issues were published (one every ten days) and it appears that Batllon printed it surreptitiously on Catholic presses. It mirrors the enthusiastic reception of the general strike tactic as a means of bringing about the revolution. In view of its subversive nature it was much persecuted and Claría was tried and imprisoned more than once. It carried articles by Ferrer, Reclus, Tárrida del Mármol, Robin, Cornelissen, Grave, Hamon, Malato, Nieuwenhuis, Pert, Paraf-Javal and Tailhade. In addition to the newspaper there was also a sort of publishing imprint: the Biblioteca of the same name which published pamphlets by Lorenzo, Pert, Robin, Reclus, etc.
2. Madrid 1906. Anarchist publication. At least five issues. Contributions by Mella.

58. LEVAL, Gaston. One of the many aliases (others included Silvio Agreste, José Benito, Felipe Montblanc, Josep Venutti..) used by Pierre Piller, an anarchist who was born and died in Paris in 1895-1978 and who was closely associated with Spanish libertarians.
Son of a fighter with the Paris Commune, he came to Spain in 1915 after an unhappy childhood, having refused to fight in the First World War (he was an anti-militarist) and became a very active anarchist who earned a livelihood from a wide spectrum of trades in Zaragoza and Barcelona. By 1920 he was fast friends with Serge and with Costa Iscar, was writing for the libertarian press and serving inevitable stretches in jail (in Valencia and Barcelona); a good indicator of his standing by then is the fact that he represented the Barcelona anarchist groups at the foundation congress of the Profintern and at the congress of the Third International in Moscow (his visit was a telling one, upon which he reported to the Zaragoza conference in 1922) . On his return from Russia he toured the entire Iberian peninsula, initially making a living as a photographer and later as a teacher in La Coruña. In 1924 he moved to Argentina where he did a lot of writing: he returned to the peninsula, an influential anarchist theorist, as Uriburu’s repression in Argentina worsened. With the outbreak of the civil war in 1936 he declined the offer of posts with the Generalitat and central government and by 1937 sensed the defeat that was coming. He spent eight months touring the collectives so as to be able to place on record the constructive endeavours of the revolution. When the defeat finally came, he returned to France only to be jailed, but he escaped shortly afterwards (1940); he was to live a clandestine existence until 1949 and spend another two years in Belgium: amnestied in 1951 (for his desertion in 1914) he involved himself in anarchism in France and experienced a revival with the publication of his review Cahiers de l’humanisme libertaire (1955-1976) and the events of May 1968 in France, remaining at all times in touch with Spanish libertarian circles.
During the 1920s he was prominent as an inflexible pure anarchist, but with the passage of time he delved deeper: eventually advocating a constructive anarchism with the emphasis on the economic and he argued the case for industrial federations rather than communes.. not that this was any obstacle to his being a fervent Bakuninist with a profound knowledge of Kropotkin’s ideas. He was the author of a large number of writings: and wrote for countless reviews and newspapers including Liberación, Tierra y Libertad, Acción Libertaria, CNT, Solidaridad Obrera, La Guerra Social, Le Libertaire, Despertad, Cultura Libertaria, Estudios, Fragua Social, Ruta, Frente Libertario, etc.
Author of: El Prófugo (1933), A través de su destino, Los anarquistas rusos en prisión, L’Enfance en Croix (1961), Precisiones sobre el anarquismo (1937), El mundo hacia el abismo (Valencia 1934), Conceptos económicos en el comunismo libertario (Buenos Aires 1935), Né Franco, Né Stalin. La collettivitá anarchica spagnola nella lotta contra Franco e la reazione staliniana (Milan 1955), Social Reconstruction in Spain (London 1938), Poetas y literatos franceses, Contra la Guerra, La falacia del marxismo (1967), Manifeste socialiste libertaire (Neuilly 1951), Socialistes libertaires, pourquoi (Paris 1956), Problemas económicos de la revolución española (Santa Fé, 1932), Problèmes contemporains (Paris 1964, in partnership with Bouyé-Riera), Pratique du socialisme libertaire (Neuilly 1959), La pensée constructive de Bakounine (1976), Estructura y funcionamiento de la sociedad comunista libertaria (Barcelona 1936), Génèse et réalité historique de l’État, Le chemin du socialisme (Bièvres 1958), Le communisme. L’État contre le communisme (1950), Éléments d’éthique moderne (Paris 1961), L’Espagne libertaire (Paris 1971), L’Humanisme libertaire (Paris 1967), L’Indispensable révolution (Paris 1948), Civilisation libertaire, Nuestro programa de reconstrucción (Barcelona 1937), Recursos alimenticios de la España antifascista (Barcelona 1937).

59. LIMOGES, INTER-CONTINENTAL CONGRESS OF THE LOCAL FEDERATIONS OF THE CNT IN EXILE, 1960.
Held in Limoges (France) from 13 to 20 August 1960, over 19 sessions. Opened by greetings from the secretary of the Inter-continental Secretariat, the congress immediately got down to business by appointing commissions to look after accounts, scrutiny and credentials. 75 local federations (with a membership of 3,836) were represented by 115 delegates; also represented indirectly were 99 local federations (with 1,182 members). This according to the figures from the commission responsible, which, as the proceedings developed announced the arrival of further delegations which, with subsequent amendments, took the number of local federations represented to over 182, (5,676 members) and 12 observers. At the request of one of the delegations the principles, tactics and aims of the CNT were ratified to mark its fiftieth anniversary.
Discussion of the report on the stewardship of the Inter-continental Secretariat, as well as the one from the delegate attached to the IWA (along with the problems arising out of the leadership of the CNT and of Cénit) ate up much of the proceedings (and it was only during the seventh sitting that they got to grips with the agenda, and even then there were lengthy references to the previous business); outstanding in these discussions were the statements from the secretary of the IS (Santamaría) to the effect that there was virtually no organised CNT within Spain, as well as the contributions from Peirats (formerly in charge of CNT) and invocation of IWA issues (the matter of the SAC). With the seventh sitting the congress got down to brass tacks, the much anticipated Item No 6 on the agenda - Review of the situation of the Confederation and policy to be adopted (under the two headings of 1. doctrinal and organisational recovery and 2. recruitment and revival of membership), which covered the matter of reunification of the two existing CNTs (the IS’s one and the Sub-Committee’s one). The proceedings were very laborious, with plenty of motions proposed and working parties and contributions relating to minimum conditions (it was evident that not everybody wanted reunification), with particularly outstanding contributions from the delegations from Toulouse, Perpignan, St Henri, Combs, Seysses, Carcas, Bordeaux, Dijon and Istres, which led to the formation of a working party that drafted a text satisfactory to the majority. The motion was carried, after a long preamble ratifying the CNT’s pre-civil war policy line condemning its flirtation with government and the breakaway organisation was invited to disband itself and rejoin the CNT-in-Exile, forswearing their agreements and commitments; the same invitation was issued to all who had withdrawn from all activity; furthermore, it was stated that, in order for this healing process to proceed, it was the view of congress that the comrades belonging to the breakaway faction to rejoin the local federation in their place of residence one by one or in a body, after which they would enjoy the same prerogatives, rights and duties as any other CNT member; and, in order to avert potential conflict in some local federations, it was added that, in order to expedite things, each locality, nucleus or country would have a free hand in settling its affairs. Later the resolution spelled out the necessity of union for the purposes of facilitating unity among anti-Francoists and the active struggle inside Spain and also in terms of the psychological impact that it would make: finally, there was an explanation of how the decision might be implemented. This decision made possible the reunification of the CNT which had split in 1945. The rest of the business was of secondary significance: 1. - A call for circumstantial alliance with the UGT on specific matters (the fight against Francoism). 2. -There was an appeal for people to take out SIA membership. 3. - The matter of the Aymare colony, ways of boosting it and helping it out. 4. - Escalation of propaganda activity, affinity groups, the fight against Francoism...
With the reunification motion agreed, the congress was content, which explains why, when Santamaría was taken to task by one delegate (after Santamaría had shown undue reluctance to accept reelection) and was invited by him to take himself off, lots of delegations followed the secretary when he did leave the hall at the end of the seventeenth sitting. The officers elected were Roque Santamaría (general secretary), Pintado (coordinating secretary), Olaya (responsibility for Culture and Propaganda), Celma (delegate attached to the IWA) and Montseny (in charge of CNT).


60. LÓPEZ CALLE, Bernabé. Montejaque 1899- killed in the vicinity of Medinasidonia, 1949.
A member of an illustrious CNT and anarchist family (his brothers José, Pedro and Antonio were well-known militants), he joined the Civil Guard upon completion of his military service and was posted to the province of Málaga. The outbreak of the civil war found him in Antequera and he took on the rebels: he commanded a column which later turned into a battalion (the José López) and later took over the 61st Mixed Brigade (which was disbanded when it declined to dance to the Communists’ tune). He fought in Málaga, Almería and Teruel; the end of the war found him in the Centre where he was arrested and sentenced to death. Released in 1944, he took to the mountains. In the ensuing years he organised guerrillas and was soon the most famous southern guerrilla (with support from the CNT which had successfully recovered in Andalusia), with many contacts and support bases in the plains. For five years he held the Francoists at bay throughout the whole of lower Andalusia. He mounted guerrilla activity, bringing to it strategy, efficiency, mobility and coordination and mustering many fighters; he even formed a guerrillas’ ANFD in 1946 which was then extended into a guerrillas’ National Junta (Southern Sector), which culminated in February 1949 when several bands of guerrillas amalgamated into the Agrupación Fermín Galán of which he was appointed the commander. His influence was great and after quitting the highlands around Ronda he moved to Cádiz, dividing the territory up into theatres (Ubrique-Jérez, Montejaque, Alcalá de los Gazules and Gaucín) and ranging as far afield as Algeciras and Punta Paloma. The death knell for the guerrillas came on the last day of 1949 when Bernabé, surrounded in the heights of La Atalaya, was wounded and took his own life. He used a number of aliases such as Bernabé, Comandante Abril, Fernando.

61. LÓPEZ MONTENEGRO, José. Determined anarchist propagandist who died in Barcelona in 1903 (some say 1908).
A member of the army administration corps (he was an officer) he resigned because of his republican leanings and his refusal to swear a pledge of loyalty to Amadeo I. His presence in revolutionary labour circles dates from 1870 when he turned up in Zaragoza as a driving force for trade unionism. (His part in the development of workers’ consciousness in Zaragoza is universally regarded as crucial). The following year he was arguing the case for anarchism as the latest scientific advance and in 1872 he had a hand in the organising of the Zaragoza congress. Active in the cantonalist venture in Cartagena, he then fled to France and lived in poverty in Paris until 1884. Returning to Spain, he settled in Catalonia, working as a teacher in Sabadell and later in Sallent (where he founded the city’s public library and got into some difficulty when accused of illegal propaganda), from where he used to strike out into the surrounding countryside for propaganda purposes (holding rallies in Manresa in 1891 against religion and in commemoration of the Chicago martyrs - together with Malatesta, in the latter instance) and on organisational business (he attended the Madrid congress of the Pacto in 1891). His time in Sabadell was marked by publication of the famous review Los Desheredados (1884 to 1886). He was living in Sallent when he was indicted in the Montjuich trials (1896) and shortly after that he quit Spain for the Americas, via London, returning years later to die in Barcelona, though not before he had seen the inside of prison again, in El Pelayo, as a result of the Barcelona strike of 1901. A man of great solidarity and a friend of the humble he endured persecution and misery for his ideological steadfastness; a journalist, but likewise a fighter and street agitator (as witness his strike campaigns in Madrid and Barcelona in 1900-01) he was also an organiser (representing the Spanish section of the IWMA at the Paris congress while in Exile); he is the very model of the proletarianised militant of his day, hoping to spread learning through the propagation of science and revolution by means of the general strike. A great public speaker and a fine writer, he had an especial interest in anti-clericalism, the general strike, organisation and revolutionary effectiveness and science. He wrote for La Idea Libre, El Porvenir del Obrero, La Anarquía, El Productor, La Nueva Idea, La Revista Blanca, La Protesta, etc., and was editor or director of El Proletariado, La Luz and Los Desheredados. Author of: La huelga general (Barcelona 1902), El Botón de Fuego (Barcelona 1902), Manifiesto del 1º de mayo (Asunción, undated), La Naturaleza. Poema. Nociones de geología y zoología para trabajadores (Barcelona 1902), and Catecismo democrático federal (Barcelona 1882).

62. LÓPEZ SÁNCHEZ, Juan. CNT militant born in Bullas (Murcia) in 1900, died in Madrid 1972.
I 1928 he was a member of the Solidaridad group. Closer to syndicalism than to anarchism, he had a hand in every one of the moves designed to whittle away the CNT’s anarchist content to the advantage of the syndicalist element: he was one of the treintistas, led the Opposition Unions during the republic, was secretary of the FSL after Pestaña’s departure, advocated collaboration in government during the civil war and in exile and wound up advocating an ideology-free syndicalism and embracing the worst aspects of Cincopuntismo.
His popularity spread after he signed the treintista manifesto and he was to become one of the treintista leaders: after he was expelled from the CNT he led the treintistas in Huelva and, shortly after that, headed the FSL, but he did not follow Pestaña into the Syndicalist Party. Quite the opposite, He was scathingly critical of this initiative from the columns of Sindicalismo (which he ran in Valencia in 1934). After the failure of the Alianza Obrera he encouraged the Oppositionists to return to the CNT fold; after amalgamation was finalised at the 1936 congress, he held important posts on the CNT’s behalf during the civil war: he was minister of Trade (November 1936), a member of the Defence Council towards the end of the war, represented the CNT on the Popular Executive Committee in Valencia, was general secretary of the national committee of the Libertarian Movement set up in March 1939. In exile, he settled in London where he published Material de Discusión (Milford Haven 1945) and clung to the collaborationist line: he called for a political CNT and later jettisoned anarcho-syndicalism in favour of an all-powerful syndicalism (syndicates were to supplant the political parties and govern in their place) which styled itself permanentista (the reach of the syndicates would extend into everything) and which found no takers.. All of which explains why, in 1946, he went for Luque’s anarcho-monarchism and why in 1965 he looked kindly upon the Cincopuntista arguments (in fact he swallowed only the simplest of them: he returned to Spain and accepted a paid position with the transport union of the Francoist syndicates). His writings appeared in Sindicalismo, Comunidad Ibérica, Solidaridad Obrera, Peninsular, Fragua Social, etc. Author of: Concepto del federalismo en la Guerra y en la revolución (Barcelona 1937), La unidad de la CNT y su trayectoria (Valencia 1936) and El sindicato y la colectividad (Valencia 1938) Una Misión sin Importancia. Memorias de un Sindicalista (Madrid 1972).

63. RODRÍGUEZ VÁZQUEZ, Mariano. Known as Marianet. Barcelona 1909-Ferté (France) 1939, died by drowning.
An orphan, he spent much of his childhood in the Durán home and subsequently tried his hand at several trades before, coming into contact with the CNT, he committed himself to that labour organisation and its construction union. He made his name in the strikes in the construction industry and was imprisoned in 1931: while in jail (serving 15 months) he began to dabble in writing and improved upon his meagre education. Under the republic he held office on the Junta of his union alongside Manuel Muñoz (who taught him a lot and who introduced him to anarchism) and he carried out various tasks (saboteur and union bureaucrat); he was in the action groups which attacked the Atarazanas barracks in 1933 and involved in the faísta uprising; later he was secretary of the Barcelona local federation of the CNT and director (not to say virtually the sole editor of the clandestine La Voz Confederal); arrested and tortured, he escaped falling victim to the ley de fugas by a miracle. Jailed again in 1935 (for several months), he had scarcely been freed when he began his dizzying rise to the highest organisational positions in the Confederation: he was a member of the prisoners’ aid committee, editor of Solidaridad Obrera, secretary of the Catalan CNT, a position he still held when the civil war erupted and which required him to attend countless meetings of the CNT, FAI and FIJL. When Horacio Martínez Prieto stepped down as CNT general secretary in November 1936, Marianet took over the secretaryship and moved to Madrid and thence to Valencia (following the government); in May 1937 he called for moderation and became an unconditional supporter of Negrín (for which he was roundly criticised). After the defeat of the republic he crossed into France, headed the General Council of the Libertarian Movement and died in an accidental drowning a short time later.
His performance during the civil war was, to say the least, damaging, displaying a naivete bordering on stupidity and he was always in the hands of Martínez Prieto and Negrín: he was forever entering into pacts with the Stalinist UGT, holding pro-government rallies, backed Prieto’s case for negotiations with Franco as early as 1938, attended the IWMA congress with Prieto to justify collaborationism .. He represents a dismal example of the lengths a man may go to when his (assuredly ill-digested) beliefs are set aside and he lapses into revisionism and politicking, for which he is, in any case, not equipped. In any event, he was not equal to what the circumstances required of him. However the CNT and anarchist membership have not been hard on Marianet, either on account of his untimely death (which kept him out of the post-war squabbles) or because it did not take him seriously and regards him as a puppet whose strings were pulled by Martínez Prieto and García Oliver.

64. LA FEDERACIÓN. Newspaper, Barcelona 1 August 1869 to 3 January 1874. 229 editions published, four of them bearing the title EL TRABAJO (due to a government suspension order). Its demise had something to do with Pavía’s military coup. Run by Farga Pellicer, it was initially a champion of the federal republic and later of Bakuninism. It emerged as the “Organ of the Federal Labour Societies’ Centre” of which Farga was secretary and which, on affiliating to the 1870 congress espoused the theses of the International (from 24 July 1870 it was sub-titled “Organ of the Barcelona Federation of the IWMA”). Sentiñón, Solanilla and Hugas succeeded one another as administrators and the editorial work was largely in the hands of García Viñas. Contributors included Carreras, Nieva, Alerini, Sentiñón, Roca Galés, De Paepe, Becker, Detrié, Bergeret, Zoologem.. and it carried texts by Proudhon and Bakunin, IWMA manifestoes, attacked Garrido, was critical of patriotism, defended the Paris Commune and dealt with collectivism and communism.. It was the first and best Internationalist newspaper of its day.

65. LOS DESHEREDADOS.
1. - A radical group that broke away from the FTRE at the second congress in Seville (September 1882) where its members clashed with the Federal Council and were opposed by Llunas in particular. They subscribed to anarcho-communist - or at least revamped collectivist - theses, especially one of its most famous representatives (Miguel Rubio). Its presence was confined to southern Andalusia (Málaga, Cádiz and Seville) and it advocated use of violent methods to accelerate the social revolution. They distrusted the legalistic methods of the federal council, the Catalans and Serrano Oteiza. Their views were shored up by those of the Arcos and Jérez groups which insisted that they were abiding by the accords of the London anarchist congress of 1881 (underground press, violent struggle..) The breakaways, headed by Rubio and Pedrote met in Cádiz at the end of the year in a so-called congress which agreed to stick by the extremism of the 1879-1880 period (Some researchers contend that this gathering was the first held by the recently constituted comarca of Southern Andalusia, at which they were well represented). Later they came together for two congresses (Seville 1883 and Cádiz 1884), known as the Los Desheredados and the Revolutionary congresses respectively (the FTRE federal council dubbed the latter the “troublemakers’” congress). At these they devised statutes of their own limiting the authority of the federal council, favouring freedom of discussion and requiring greater practical commitment. The breakaways went into rapid decline, given that the Mano Negra persecution was essentially directed at them: however, even in 1885 a labour manifesto deplored the gulf between federalists, communists and Desheredados as had been evident at the 1885 Barcelona congress.
The split by Los Desheredados actually confirmed the FTRE’s fragile unity and showed that there was a current opposed to circumstantial alliances and very keen on insurrectionist policy, one that was very strong in Andalusia, and in respect of which the FTRE had failed to take into consideration the desperate circumstances of a segment of the peasant proletariat.
2. - Libertarian newspaper, Sabadell 6 May 1882 until suspended in November 1886. 235 editions published. It became plainly anarchist after August 1884 (when it was run by López Montenegro) and it carried the sub-title “Organ of All Lovers of Truth and Goodness” and “Newspaper championing the Spanish Workers’ Federation”. Lots of anticlerical and social articles. It carried texts in Catalan and among its contributors were Navarro Murillo, Nakens, Orfeo, Tochis, A. García, Federico Oliver, Lorenzo and Claramunt; in addition, pages from Kropotkin were carried as inserts. It resurfaced in 1890 and published 8 issues.

66. ZAFÓN BAYO, Juan. Barcelona 1911-1977.
CNT member from the age of 18. In the pre-civil war era he founded the Chemical and Advertising unions in Barcelona. Fought on the Aragon front with the Ortiz Column and was director of its mouthpiece, Combate. He was the delegate in charge of Information and Propaganda on the Council of Aragon up until the autumn of 1937, at which point he rejoined the by then regularised column. After the defeat of the republic he crossed into France, served in labour companies and fought in the French resistance from 1942 on in the Ponzán group. (he was a confidant of Ponzán) and was in touch with the anti-Franco action groups. After the Germans were driven out, he moved to Mexico where he remained until his belated return to Spain. Author of: El consejo revolucionario de Aragón (Barcelona 1977), La revolución española nace del espíritu del pueblo (Paris 1945) and La España de mañana (Mexico 1967).

67. BUENACASA, Manuel. Caspe 1886-Bourg-les-Valence (France) 1964.
Anarchist and CNT member of great prestige and a distinguished and great organiser. The quick-witted boy was sent to the Villanueva seminary (in Seville) in 1900, which he left five years later as a convinced atheist. In 1906 he was in Zaragoza as a carpenter and was secretary of the workers’ society and within a few months se spent six months in prison (the first of countless prison terms). By 1910 he was in charge of the newspaper Cultura y Acción; that year, he married, but on his wedding day was forced to flee to France (while in London he met Malatesta); he returned under the amnesty in 1914 but escaped to France again in 1915 (where he met Lenin and Zinoviev in Paris) where he was to serve on the international anarchist liaison committee. Returning to Spain in 1918, he represented the CNT at the FNA congress in Valencia, attended the Sans congress, served on the Catalan regional committee and took up the national secretaryship of the CNT, carrying out a propaganda tour of Levante and Andalusia and winding up in prison. Shortly after that he undertook to organise the 1919 congress; in 1921 he was the director of Cultura y Acción; in 1925 he helped out with El Productor (Blanes), marrying his journalistic activities with a life of intense activity (in 1923-24, he joined with Macià in an uprising against the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, in 1923 he planned Ascaso’s prison break-out.. and was secretary of the CNT in Aragon at the time). In 1926 he went into exile, returning after two years, only to flee to France again in 1929 (and was later deported from that country). With the collapse of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, he was involved in the CNT’s recovery, but held no positions of responsibility. During the civil war he fought in Aragon and was director of the School for Militants. In 1939 he left for France, was interned in French concentration camps and imprisoned in Mornat, emerging in a much weakened condition. In 1943 he was living in Valence, working with anti-Nazis and helping to rebuild the CNT; his last venture of any significance seems to have been to organise the Paris congress in 1945. He remained a CNT member up to his death.
His lengthy exile accounts for his being acquainted with many persons of note, anarchists and otherwise (people like Voline, Makhno, Unamuno, Queipo de Llano, Faure., Nettlau, Ryner, Blasco Ibáñez, Gandhi..) Described as a rather romantic easy going type, insightful and above all the greatest organiser anarchism ever had (the 1919, 1931, 1936 and 1945 congresses and the 1922 conference were all organised by him). His constant travelling and activity were no obstacle to his carrying out sterling work on anarchist publications: he directed Cultura y Acción and Solidaridad Obrera (of Gijón) and contributed to countless other newspapers and wrote books and pamphlets galore: La política y los obreros (Zaragoza 1910), Contra la Guerra (Barcelona 1915), La Rusia Roja (Pueblo Nuevo 1918), ¿Qué es el sindicato único? (San Sebastián 1919), Verdades como puños (Logroño 1920), Autonomía y federalismo (San Sebastián 1922), El terrorismo blanco (Zaragoza 1922), Un hombre de honor (Barcelona 1923), Rosa (Barcelona 1924), Problemas fundamentales (Béziers 1925), La CNT, los Treinta y la FAI (Barcelona 1933), Almas gemelas (Lyon 1936), Manual del militante (Barcelona 1937), Más Lejos (Barcelona 1938), Perspectivas del movimiento obrero español (Mexico 1946), Tragedia española (unpublished), El movimiento obrero español (Barcelona 1928), El movimiento obrero español. Figuras ejemplares que conocí (Paris 1966), His book, El movimiento obrero español 1886-1926, has acquired the status of a classic, in spite of errors it contains; it consists of two parts, the first being subdivided into a) an overview of Spanish anarchism, region by region (giving the details of prestigious militants from the various regions) and b) a history of anarchism in Spain from the FRE on. The second part is less interesting.

68. LÓPEZ ARANGO, Emilio. Cudillero (Asturias) 1893- Buenos Aires 1929.
One of a band of anarchists who emigrated to Argentina where they became an effective influence within the FORA and La Protesta and made an indirect impact on Spain. Very closely connected with Santillán and Torralvo (with whom he published La Campana), he championed an uncompromising anarchism hostile to communism and reformism, for which purpose he called for a trade union presence (the trabazón) embodied by the CNT and the FORA. His prestige derives from his intense work as editor of La Protesta (and its Suplementos); his policy was not always well understood and he had opponents who ousted him from the paper for a time (whereupon he returned to his trade as a baker; he was editor of the bakers’ union Bulletin). When the ACAT (American Continental Workers’ Association) was set up, he handled its international relations. He was murdered in a factional squabble. Author of: Ideario (Buenos Aires 1942), El anarquismo en el movimiento obrero (Barcelona 1925, with Diego Abad de Santillán).

69. CARBALLEIRA LACUNZA, Raúl. Suárez (Argentina) 1917-Barcelona 1948. Known as El Argentino.
An anarchist through and through, a poet and lover who roamed Argentina as a sentimental libertarian. When the civil war in Spain broke out, he was in Uruguay from where he made his way to Barcelona. Arriving in Spain in February 1937, he served on the Aragon front and was assigned to propaganda work months later on behalf of the FIJL. After the defeat of the republic he passed through the French concentration camps (St Cyprien, Argelés, Barcarés, Brams) and worked in the hotel trade in Toulouse.. Unlike many others he adapted to exiled libertarian circles (especially the libertarian youth) and remained closely connected with anti-Francoists. Together with Alaiz and Amador Franco, he edited Impulso (which took an anti-collaborationist line) and helped rebuild the FIJL, joining its first national committee (1945) as liaison secretary, which post he resigned in March 1946 in order to join the frontal attack on Franco: he crossed into Spain with Amador Franco, helping to launch Ruta in Barcelona and, together with M. Fernández, touring Levante, Andalusia and Madrid with an eye to reorganising the FIJL in the interior: later he stayed behind in Barcelona as the delegate from the exile community, reorganising the Libertarian Youth in Barcelona following a police crackdown in December 1946 before returning to France. He enlisted in the fight inside Spain late in 1947, after representing Spain at the congress of the Italian FAI, and soon found himself in difficulties: he miraculously escaped from a police cordon but, finding himself isolated in Montjuich, he committed suicide on 26 June 1948. Carballeira was one of the most prominent FIJL members in the 1940s, and, like most of the rest he died in the Barcelona comarca.

70. FACERÍAS, José Luis. Barcelona 1920-1957.
Joined the CNT (woodworkers’ Union) at an early age and the FIJL, enlisted with the Durruti Column and later with other units on the Aragon front. When the civil war ended he suffered the discomforts of defeat on concentration camps and labour battalions (in Zaragoza, Vitoria, Extremadura and Barcelona), even then keeping in touch with the underground CNT. Released at the end of 1945, he joined the CNT Graphics Union in 1946 and was prominent in the district defence groups ( serving as secretary for defence with the Catalan Libertarian Youth from the end of 1945) and took up the secretaryship of the MLR; at about this time he was also active in prisoners’ aid efforts and was involved in the attempt to assassinate Quintela. In October 1946 he attended the Toulouse congress and on his return to Barcelona mounted a series of robberies that he repeated over the succeeding years on regular commuting between France and Barcelona comarca along with other members of the action groups (García Casino, Sanmartín, Giménez, Marín..) In 1949, together with Sabaté, he mounted a ferocious campaign in Barcelona (bombings, incendiaries and attacks), timed to coincide with a visit by Franco. From 1950 0n, relations with other libertarian bodies worsened and he was on the verge of packing it in and emigrating to the Americas, but in the end he returned to the interior with Saborit. Saborit was killed and Facerías came in for violent criticism that forced him to distance himself from organised CNT circles. Following another incursion in 1951, when both the police and the guerrillas sustained heavy losses, he moved to Italy (1952), embarking upon a new phase of activity using the alias of Alberto di Luigi: intensive propaganda work, taking part in the controversy over the GAAP, trying to set up an Italian Libertarian Youth organisation, setting up action groups, organising summer camps, trying to inject some political content into Sardinian banditry.. Wearying of the hard slog in Italy, he moved to France and contacted Sabaté (1956), but they fell out and he returned to Italy where he ended the year with a flurry of spectacular hold-ups: around this time his friend Pujol arranged for him to move to the Americas, which should have signalled the end of his career as an activist, and, almost as a farewell gesture, Facerías organised an expedition to Barcelona to execute the turncoat Pardillo.. This was to be his last trip: he was gunned down by police in August.
A very controversial figure in libertarian circles (the CNT in exile never acknowledged him as one of its dead) because of the ready recourse he had to unconventional weapons and also because of the large number of comrades who lost their lives accompanying him on his raids.

71. LEIVA, José Expósito. Ubeda 1918-Caracas 1978.
Member of the Libertarian Youth, he began to make a name for himself during the 1936 war (as FIJL secretary for propaganda in February 1938); when the war ended he was sentenced to death but eventually freed in September 1943, at which point he went underground, where he was to hold positions of great responsibility; he was a member of the national committee of the CNT and ANFD from October 1944 to September 1945, and headed the ninth CNT national committee after Catalá was captured at the end of 1944. In the latter part of 1945 he moved to France to take up the portfolio for Agriculture in the Giral republican government-in-exile, causing great scandal to those opposed to collaboration in exile. In the years that followed he pushed a collaborationist and reformist line (signing a document in 1946 calling for a plebiscite to determine Spain’s system of government; in 1948 he came out in favour of a Libertarian Party). Later his star declined rapidly, with the occasional sparkling moment (in 1961 he published an unashamedly political article which eventually placed him outside the pale of the CNT which had just reunified and was utterly opposed to political ventures). His last years were spent in the Americas as a professional correspondent for press agencies. Author of: En nombre de Dios de España y de Franco (Buenos Aires 1948).

72. LORENZO ASPERILLA, Anselmo. Toledo 1841-Barcelona 1914.
Left his native city at an early age for Madrid; in 1852 he was working in a locksmith’s but by 1855 he was an apprentice compositor and taking an interest in the activities of Pi y Margall (especially in 1860).
A member of the Fomento de las Artes from 1863, he attended night classes there and, two years later, heard the Proudhonist lectures by Serrano Oteiza. He greeted the 1868 revolution with delight and the following year was in Fanelli’s audience, at which point he severed his contacts with English protestant clerics and committed himself to championing the principles of the recently-established International. A founder member of the International’s Madrid section, he attended the first labour congress (Barcelona 1870) and was elected by it to serve on the federal council it established. He had a hand in all of the Madrid section’s activities and in 1871 travelled to Lisbon with Mora and González Morago (founding the Portuguese section); on his return from Lisbon the Valencia Conference chose him as its delegate to the London gathering of the IWMA; from which he returned disappointed. He served on the FRE’s second federal council and when the FRE was banned by Sagasta, he was to the fore in keeping it alive clandestinely (he toured Andalusia setting up the Defensores de la Internacional). Lafargue’s presence in Madrid made an impact: Mesa and Mora were won over to marxism and Lorenzo partly so, resulting in Lorenzo’s being looked at askance and criticised, so he resigned his posts and moved north (to Vitoria, Bilbao) and thence to France (in 1873 he was in Montpellier, Bordeaux and Marseilles). In June 1874 he arrived in Barcelona to a warm welcome from Farga Pellicer, Llunas and García Viñas, which encouraged him to resume his activity on behalf of the International, until certain misunderstandings arose: in 1881 Lorenzo was expelled from the FRE and chose to hold aloof until 1885-86. When he resumed his activity, we find him attending the Reus symposium and on the editorial team of Acracia. In the years that followed he was a regular contributor to the labour and anarchist press, and he published numerous pamphlets and set up a newspaper (Ciencia Social, 1895). Arrested in 1896 (in connection with the Cambios Nuevos episode) he was banished (after seven months in prison); he served his banishment in Paris (as proof-reader for a publishing house) and knew Malato, Grave and Ferrer. When Ferrer embarked upon his educational and publishing ventures, Lorenzo was an essential piece of the jigsaw as his translator and editor (of La Huelga General), as well as of the nascent Solidaridad Obrera (newspaper and federation alike). The arrest of Ferrer led to Lorenzo’s being detained and he was banished to Alcañiz (1909-11). His final years, when he had become anarchism’s patriarch, were spent writing and lecturing. He wrote for countless newspapers including La Solidaridad, Solidaridad Obrera, El Productor, La Revista Blanca, Tierra y Libertad, El Porvenir del Obrero, Natura, La Idea Libre, Los Desheredados, El Corsario, El Protesta, La Anarquía, Tiempos Nuevos, El Trabajo, etc., as well as helping with the compilation of Farga’s work on Garibaldi. Author of: Acracia o república (Sabadell 1886), Fuera política (Sabadell 1886), El Proletariado Militante (Barcelona 1903, 1903), Justo Vives (Barcelona 1893), El Estado (Barcelona 1895), Las Olimpiadas de la Paz (Madrid 1900), El Hombre y la Sociedad (Barcelona 1902), Criterio Libertario (Barcelona 1903), Vía Libre (Barcelona 1905), Biografía de P. Kropotkin (Barcelona 1905), Incapacidad Progresiva de la Burguesía (Mahón 1905, credited to Lorenzo), El Obrero Moderno (Barcelona 1905), El Proletariado y la Humanidad (Barcelona 1914) El Pueblo (Valencia 1900), El Proletariado en Marcha (New York 1911), El Poseedor Romano (Barcelona 1910), El Banquete de la Vida (Barcelona 1905), El Derecho a la Evolución (Buenos Aires 1928), El Proletariado Emancipador (Barcelona 1911), El Patrimonio Universal (Mahón 1905), Rémora Societaria (Sabadell 1905), Generalidades Sociales (Barcelona 1916), Vida Anarquista (Barcelona 1912), Hacia la Emancipación (Mahón 1913), Anarquía Triunfante (1871, credited), Contra la Ignorancia (1913), La Ganancia (Mahón 1904), Solidaridad (Barcelona 1909), El Trabajo de Mujeres y Niños (Madrid 1900), Evolución Proletaria (Barcelona 1914), La Revolución es la Paz, Capacidad Revolucionaria del Proletariado, La Procreación Humana (all three for the Second Certamen in Barcelona in 1890), El Sindicalismo, El Derecho a la Salud, A la Masa Popular and Ferrer Guardia Anarquista. In addition he translated Reclus, Malato, Kropotkin, Grave, Pouget Blonch and others.

73. LLUNAS PUJOLS, José. Reus (c. 1855)-Barcelona 1905.
Trained as a compositor, studied music and singing and enjoyed gymnastics (and on occasion earned a living that way) and was widely read. He joined the International early on and was a member of the Alliance group in Catalonia (the Manresa pledge), was a great friend of Pellicer and helped revive the Alliance in 1874. In 1972 he was the El Condenado correspondent and was an office-holder in the compositors’ section. In 1872-73, he was external affairs secretary of the Local Federation and fought as a militiamen to defend Caldas from the Carlists. For a time he gave up type-setting work in order to set up a soap factory (around 1879 in Villanueva y Geltrú) and he even rented a theatre; later he returned to the trade and worked for La Academia. The compositors’ delegate on the local federation, he represented the latter at comarcal and regional congresses; he was also a delegate to the 1881 congress and the one in 1882 and at the latter displayed considerable oratorical gifts against Rubio’s radicals, making a successful case for collectivism and coming away as an elected member of the federal commission. In subsequent years, he figured in the Barcelona socialist soirée in 1886, and in the debate in the Ateneo in Barcelona in 1887, etc. He was very active as a publicist and propagandist, especially through the columns of La Tramontana, a newspaper which provided his livelihood and also earned him some time in prison; his great fondness for sport later brought him into the sports press, in which area he was a pioneer (Los Deportes, Barcelona Sport); he wrote for many anarchist reviews (like El Productor, Acracia, El Condenado..) and was the director of the Teatro Social (1896). A writer in Spanish and Catalan in a range of genres (drama, poetry, sociology) he was the author of: La Ley y la Clase Obrera. Guía Práctica para el Ejercicio de los Derechos de Reunión, Asociación, Imprenta. Los Partidos Socialistas Españoles (Barcelona 1892), Objeto, Fin y Medios de la FTRE (Barcelona 1882), A Organizarnos. Deber de los Trabajadores en el Presente Momento (Barcelona 1890), Bases Científicas en que se funda el Colectivismo (Barcelona 1890), Al Ariete Socialista Internacional (Barcelona 1887), Organización y Aspiraciones de la FTRE (Reus 1885), La Revolució (Barcelona 1881), Questions Socials (1891), Estudios Filosóficos Sociales. La Familia. Apuntes de Estadística Universal. ¿Qué es la Anarquía? La Cuestión Política (1882).

74. MADRID, 4th FTRE CONGRESS IN 1874 .
Held clandestinely in Madrid, relocated from Valladolid, from 21 to 27 June, with limited attendance (47 or 48 local federations, depending on the source). Mirrored the decline of the Federation which had been outlawed. Among its accords we might mention: 1. - The decision to reduce the size of the Federal Commission. 2. - Endorsement of the resolutions of the 1873 Geneva congress , at which Farga Pellicer, García Viñas and others attended. 3.- Acknowledgment of a duty to retaliate, until such time as the denial of workers’ rights ceased. 4. - Solidarity was declared with revolutionary acts which, like the incidents in Alcoy, had been mounted by Internationalists. 5. - Articles 9 and 15 of the FTRE statutes were revised and redrafted to emphasise autonomy of the individual, section and local federation and strip delegates of powers. 6. Recourse to partial strikes was to be cut down and the focus removed to an international revolutionary course of action. Finally, it seems that Francisco Tomás was elected general secretary and Madrid chosen as the seat of the federal commission.

75. NOJA RUIZ, Higinio. Nerva (Huelva) 1896-Valencia 1972.
Tireless militant whose activity essentially took place in and around Valencia. His first job was in the copper mines Huelva and early one he turned to anarchism, steadfastly spreading this belief from village to village: by the age of 21 he was already enjoying a good reputation in anarchist and CNT circles. Having educated himself from miner into teacher and educationist, he eventually acquired considerable expertise in economics. A redoubtable public speaker, he frequently debated against socialists (as in Herrera) and, on the famous 1918 tour (along with Cabello and Alonso) he helped spread anarchism through the sierras around Córdoba, and he displayed his mastery of the public platform again in Barcelona in 1937. In the late 1920s he moved from Andalusia to Valencia which is where he would be active from then on, with growing prestige: from 1910 to 1934 he worked as a rationalist teacher in Alginet and then moved into the capital of Levante where he became an important contributor to the review Estudios and made contact with Cívera (which may well be the source of the great interest he displayed during that time in economic and trade union affairs). And he was a prominent militant as a faísta too: his presence at the foundation conference of the FAI in Valencia in 1927 has been noted, as it was at the 1933 plenum where he was assigned to working party drafting a resolution on the concept of libertarian communism. During the civil war, he served on the Valencia economic council (on the basis of the reputation he had earned in the previous years with his contributions to Estudios and his controversies with Puente). In his journalistic capacity, he ran Vía Libre (Huelva 1918), and as a literary and socially-conscious writer, he enjoyed some repute (even in his time in Andalusia, he had, together with C. Díaz and Aquilino Medina published pamphlets in the Biblioteca Renovación Proletaria de Pueblonuevo del Terrible series). Author of: La Revolución Actual Española. Labor Constructiva en el Campo (Valencia 1937), Hacia una Nueva Organización Social (Valencia 1933, an anthology of articles from Estudios), La Libertad y la Nueva Construcción Española (Valencia 1932), La Obra Constructive de la Revolución (Barcelona 1937), Los Consejos de Economía Confederal (Valencia, no date), La Revolución Española. Hacia una Sociedad de Trabajadores Libres (Valencia, no date), El Problema Agrario en España (Barcelona 1933), Por la Enseñanza. Conferencia (Barcelona 1915?), La Palanca de Arquímedes (Seville 1923), Comunismo (Córdoba 1925), Los Galeotes del Amor (1927), Los Sombríos (1933), La que Supo Vivir su Amor (1928), Como el Caballo de Atila (1931), Un Puente sobre el Abismo (Barcelona 1931) (these last five titles represent novels in which the protagonists espouse libertarian ideals) and El Sendero Luminoso y Sangriento (Valencia 1932, essays). He also contributed towards the collective work España: Su Lucha y Sus Ideales (Buenos Aires 1937). He argued the case for the biological necessity for social change such as he thought libertarian communism offered and was optimistic about the chances of its becoming a reality. Also credited with authorship of El Arte en la Revolución (Barcelona 1937).

76. EL OBRERO. Title of several libertarian periodicals.
1. - Anarchist newspaper, Palma de Mallorca, November 1869 to January 1871. Founded by Francisco Tomás. Sub-titled: “Organ of those who earn their bread by the sweat of their brow”. It appeared as the mouthpiece of the bricklayers’ society; after 21 January 1870 it became the organ of the IWMA-affiliated Balearic federation of workers’ societies. Prominent in the polemic with Fernando Garrido. Its contributors included the Balearic-based internationalists Jol, Vives, Fornes, Orell, Alemany and Payeras.
2. - Barcelona, monthly, from 4 September 1864 to June 1866. Director, Antonio Gusart: contributions from Cartaña, Espinal, Roig, Bergés, Cabús, Freixa and Ferrer. Not anarchist, but cooperativist and federalist, but it championed workers’ interests, was in favour of federation and solidarity and, in its latter years, took a very positive stand on the IWMA. In addition, Gusart and Cartaña attended Fanelli’s Barcelona meeting in 1868.
3. - El Ferrol, 1890-92. Contributions by Abascal. A minimum of 116 issues.
4. - Badajoz, 1899-1902. Anarchist. A minimum of 86 issues.
5. - Santa Cruz de Tenerife, 1901-04. At least 136 issues.

77. OROBÓN FERNÁNDEZ, Valeriano. Cistérniga (Valladolid) 1901-Madrid 1936.
A CNT member in Valladolid from the age of 14, he represented the Valladolid workers’ movement at the 1919 congress. During the Primo de Rivera dictatorship he was in Asturias from where he was expelled, which led him to make a clandestine crossing into France (1924). He lived in Berlin for most of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, helping Rocker with the IWA and liaising with Nettlau and writing a lot for the anarchist press; in 1927 he spent some time in London and was also in Vienna with Nettlau. He returned to the peninsula with the advent of the republic and settled in Madrid, throwing himself into intense proselytisation among intellectuals (some of whom, such as Guzmán, García Pradas and Cánovas Cervantes, were to remain with the CNT). In 1933, he took part in a huge rally in Barcelona with Durruti, calling from abstention in the elections. By this time he was the main torch-bearer for a revolutionary Alliance with the UGT and leftwingers (on the basis of a common platform uniting Communists, socialists and anarchists), especially after a famous article (dated 29 January 1934) entitled: “Thoughts on Unity”, and this stance attracted a lot of support in Asturias and in Castile. Furthermore, he argued for a third way between the faísta and the treintista lines. He was secretary of the IWA (1933) and was imprisoned from April 1934 until March 1936, which merely added to his lung complaints. He died shortly after his release, on 28 June. He wrote for CNT and La Tierra, translated the works of Figner and others and in Paris had managed the International Bookshop funded by Los Solidarios; he was outstanding in debate (cf. his debate with Pérez Solís). Author of: La CNT y la revolución (Madrid 1932).

78. PALLAROLS, Esteban. Known as Riera. Manlleu 1900- shot dead, Barcelona 1946. (Abel Paz has it that Pallarols was born in Vich at the beginning of the 20th century and that he was shot in Barcelona on 8 July 1943.)
Worked on the railroads until sacked following a strike (possibly the one in 1917). Active in the Libertarian Youth prior to the civil war. Under the Primo de Rivera dictatorship he moved to Santiago de Cuba where he joined Fidel Miró and Jaime Baella in setting up an anarchist group which fled into the hills following persecution by the dictator Machado (1928-1929). Returning to Spain with the republic he worked as a delivery man in Torrelló (1933) and then moved to Manlleu, from where he escaped, hotly pursued by the Stalinists in May 1937, before joining the FIJL Peninsular Committee and then helping out on the collectives in Liria (where he was much appreciated). In the months following defeat in the war he did sterling work as head of the first clandestine national committee of the CNT (29 March 1939), mainly assisting the victimised, securing the release of prisoners and reorganising the CNT. When the entire national committee was arrested between December 1939 and March 1940, Pallarols was tortured and, brought to trial, was sentenced to 18 years; retried in Gerona he was sentenced to death, which sentence was carried out in March 1946 (some say February 1943). He was a naturist anarchist, a vegetarian with Tolstoyan beliefs, an individualist, avid reader, somewhat distant, skeptical and given to sarcasm, but given the very special circumstances in which he operated, he was more than able to act upon a highly developed sense of solidarity.

79. PAREJA, Manuel. Known as El Roset. Vélez Rubio 1910-Barcelona 1947.
A commissar with the 104th Brigade during the civil war, once the war ended he joined the anti-Francoist fighting groups which infiltrated from France and had a preference for operating in Barcelona. In 1945 he accompanied Sabaté into Spain and at gunpoint they freed a gang of prisoners; that same year he was arrested in Barcelona, but, not being identified, he was soon released. In 1947, after joining the MLR, he stepped up his activities; in July he (together with Adrover and Sanmartín) was part of the commando that executed the traitor Melis, an operation in which Pareja too lost his life (12 July 1947).

80. PIERA, Simón. Barcelona 1892-1979.
At the age of two he followed his father into exile. Later he was to live in Santa María de Barberá and Sabadell, working hard at ill-paid jobs from the age of six onwards. In 1901, the family moved into Barcelona where he tried his hands at various jobs (glass-blowing, fishing) until he settled on his final trade, brick-laying, at which he worked in Badalona and Barcelona (it was at the Ateneo in Badalona that he received his ideological grounding). In 1908 he was sent to prison after a strike and the following year he was involved in the Tragic Week, leading to his fleeing to France. On his return to Barcelona (November) he attended the foundation congress of the CNT as an observer and in 1911 he made the acquaintance of Seguí 1911 and they became fast friends; also in 1911 he was forced into exile after a strike. His prestige grew around 1916 and he turned up on the strike committees of the construction strike, the 1917 strike (with Seguí and Pestaña) and the La Canadiense strike (as well as figuring in the concluding rally). In 1917 he argued for the necessity of a trade union congress and lobbied on behalf of sindicatos únicos; hence his active presence at the so-called Sans congress (1918) and the gusto with which he committed himself organising the union in his industry in Barcelona. (By 1 September 1918 it was up an running with himself as its president). In 1919 we find him at the Amsterdam trade union congress and at meetings in favour of the mixed labour commission in Barcelona. At the La Comedia congress he signed the anarchist declaration and opposed joining the Third International. Come the years of the pistoleros, he was working in Comarruga, and, under harassment, he moved and gave meetings in the Basque Country. In 1922 he toured the peninsula (inquiring into mistreatment of trade unionists) and his life was attempted in Sans. After Seguí was murdered, he moved to Valencia and later, under the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, to France (he was in Béziers and Paris from 1924 to 1926). Returning to Spain, he began to drift into politics; he chaired the federalist policy committee in Sabadell and sided with the treintistas, but drew the line at Pestaña’s establishment of the Syndicalist Party. During the civil war and during the republic prior to that, he played no role of any note inside the CNT and appears to have been a member of the Esquerra Republicana party at the time. After the defeat of the republic, he went into exile (25 January 1939), first in France and later in Santo Domingo and eventually in Venezuela where he settled until he returned to Barcelona in the 1970s.

81. PUIG ELÍAS, Juan. Barcelona 1898 (some say Sallent 1895)-Porto Alegre (Brazil) 1972.
Trained as a teacher in Barcelona. An adept of rationalist education in the tradition of Ferrer. In 1932 he was president of the teachers’ branch of the liberal professions union in Barcelona. Teacher and director with the Natura school up until the outbreak of the civil war, when he resigned the directorship to take up certain posts on behalf of the CNT: on Barcelona city council (and on its cultural commission), chaired the CENU council (and as such was in charge of educational planning in Catalonia) and in April 1938 he was under-secretary of Public Education in Blanco’s ministry. While in exile in France he was secretary of the MLE national committee (1945), as well as its cultural secretary (1947) and he argued in favour of the CNT’s presence in the JEL. Moved to Brazil in 1952. Author of: El Hombre, el Medio, la Sociedad (1970).

82. SALVOCHEA ÁLVAREZ, Fermín. Cádiz 1842-1907.
Son of a wealthy family of businessmen, his childhood was a happy one. at the age of 15 he was sent to England to learn the language and widen his business education. He lived for five years in London and Liverpool, years that were decisive in the forging of his ideas; he drank in Paine’s universalism, Bredlow’s atheism and Owen’s communism, and all three stood him in good stead thereafter. He returned to the bay of Cádiz in 1864, prepared to impose a federal republic; he soon gained notoriety (with his scheme for the release of political prisoners in 1866), a notoriety magnified by his participation in the 1868 revolution (he was a confidant of the conspirators and a go-between for Prim) when he was a member of the commune in Cádiz and second in command of a battalion of volunteers which he used to defend the city until forced to surrender on 11 December. Months after that he was elected a deputy, unbeknownst to the government, and then benefited from the amnesty (in February). He returned to his agitation in Andalusia on behalf of the federalists and backed the 1869 revolt; he fought in Alcalá de los Gazules and commanded bands of volunteers, but, when defeated, escaped via Gibraltar to Paris (leading an anti-Bonapartist demonstration there on 12 January 1870) and thence to London. He returned following the 1871 amnesty, a popular figure with the masses; he was made mayor of Cádiz, a post he resigned in 1873 to take up arms (in the cantonalist revolt), defending the city against the British navy and Pavía until, after the city had fallen, he surrendered and a court martial in Seville sentenced him to life imprisonment in prisons in Africa. It was at this point that Salvochea’s anarchist period began (in fact he had been connected with anarchism since 1871, in which year he had joined the International, and in 1873 he had been in touch with Lorenzo concerning the establishment of the Defenders of the International and in 1873 had set up the first Andalusian anarchist group). The years he served in prison in Gomera and Ceuta had afforded him a thorough knowledge of the anarchist teaching and he had recognised the shortcomings of federal republicanism. He was offered an amnesty but turned it down unless it was applicable to all (this was after eight years behind bars), escaping to Gibraltar and then to Lisbon and Oran, eventually settling in Tangiers in 1886. His return to Spain conformed his enormous popularity; he threw himself into frantically spreading the anarchist message (peddling the communist line), to which end he launched a famous newspaper El Socialismo, which was greatly harassed by the authorities and resulted in his being jailed time and time again. He was in prison at the time of events in Jérez in 1892, not that that was any obstacle to his being regarded as a ring-leader in them and sentenced to twelve years in prison, which he served in Valladolid (in punishing conditions) and in Burgos: released in 1899, by which his sight was much impaired, he settled in Madrid where he eked out a living on meagre commission from wine sales and writing for a number of newspapers. During his years in Madrid the centre of his activities was the Casino Federal and the Freethinkers’ Society and, on occasion, the editing of La Revista Blanca: outstanding moments were his attendance at the funeral of Pi y Margall (1900), at the staging of Galdós’s Electra, and he seems to have had some part in the preparations for the congress in 1900: at around the same time he was translating and publishing pamphlets (an activity that forced him to flee to Tangiers shortly before he died). When he was near to death he moved back to Cádiz and died there, to a great outcry from the crowds, vast numbers of whom accompanied his remains to the grave with anarchist cries on 28 September.
He was not much for writing and preferred to study, yet his punchy, highly incisive articles are scattered through the anarchist and republican press: El Corsario, El Porvenir del Obrero, Acción Libertaria, La Anarquía, La Voz del Obrero del Mar, La Alarma, Bandera Social, El Productor, La Idea Libre, El Trabajo, El Pueblo, El Progreso, Tierra y Libertad, El Heraldo, El País.. Author of one pamphlet: La Contribución de Sangre. Al Esclavo (Madrid 1900) and translations from Milton, Peter Kropotkin and Flammarion.
He knew lots of anarchists and was friendly with Nicolás Estévanez, Urales and Sánchez Rosas (his disciple in prison). Tall, gaunt, with a tremendously attractive personality and an activist of the stature of Bakunin with an incredible sense of solidarity and punctilious in acting out his beliefs which took him from the comforts of the mayoralty of Cádiz and republicanism to anarchism, a fictionalised version of him appears in the works of Blasco Ibáñez and Valle Inclán, and he inspired popular tango tunes in Cádiz, appeared on stamps during the second republic and was admired by a host of anarchists and revolutionaries, some of whom (Urales, Vallina, Rocker, Sánchez Rosas, etc.) told the story of his life.

83. ZARAGOZA, 2nd FRE CONGRESS IN, 1872.
Held clandestinely and three days ahead of the scheduled date, over 10 lengthy sessions between 4 and 8 April. 44 delegates (7 of them from the federal council) attended representing 31 local federations and 25,000 members. It concluded with a public rally opened by González Morago and which led to an immediate ban by the authorities, for which reason it had to be carried over into the premises of the workers; federation and a protest note was drafted listing those attending the congress: Tomás, González Morago, Soriano, Iglesias, Mesa, Lorenzo, F. Mora, Pauly, Pagés, Calleja, Montoro, Pamies, Tarragó, Seguí, Perramón, Palmarola, Albagés, Soler, Batseli, Lafargue, Valls, Prats, Espigulé, Bruguera, Bragulat, Méndez, Muñoz, Pino, Pontons, Fort, Castro, Rodríguez, García, Trullà, Vela, Fuster, Solanes, Escofet, Martínez and Arberg. The federations represented were: Aguilar, El Arahal, Badalona, Barcelona, Bilbao, Brihuega, Cádiz, Carmona, Constantina, Gracia, Jérez, León, Lérida, Madrid, Málaga, Manresa, Mataró, Olot, Oviedo, Palma, Reus, San Sebastián, Sans, Seville, Tarragona, Valencia, Valladolid, Villacarlo and Zaragoza. The federal council’s report was defended by Mora who underlined the expansion of the FRE (to 101 local federations, 284 trades unions, 69 general trades unions, 8 unions and 13 individual members). The resolutions passed were: 1. - To step up the establishment of trades unions as the surest guarantee of success in strikes. 2. - To hold the next congress in Córdoba. 3. - To recommend the organisation of society along the lines set out at the Valencia Conference. 4. - To endorse the decisions of the Belgian congress the previous December. 5. - To work towards equal rights for women and to integrate them into the workers’ movement through employment, that being the only route to their liberation. 6. - (At the suggestion of T, Soriano) An integral education scheme. 7. - The federal council’s seat would be in Valencia and Montoro, Tomás, Lorenzo and Mora were elected on to it (Mora declined and was replaced by Albarracín). The Valencia local federation was charged with supplying the remaining members of the council and it put forward Rosell, Torres, Asensí, Martí and Martínez.
In addition, a reading was given to three propositions on property (drafted by Castro and Lorenzo, by Lafargue and by the Barcelona delegates), but it was agreed that any final decision should be put off until the following congress; also put forward was a proper definition of the term “worker”. One important part of the congress was the debate on the differences of opinion within the Madrid section (the confrontations between Bakuninists and Marxists), but no definitive solution was advanced (after eight hours of debate with plenty of accusations flying back and forth) since the conciliation which had been achieved (with all sides agreeing to retract their accusations and expulsions not being proceeded with) was, as would shortly be seen, merely apparent.
The Zaragoza congress amounted to an offensive by the supporters of marxism who, even though they had a federal council well disposed towards them (and made up of their number) and which abused its powers (by tabling a motion on every single item on the agenda), and in spite of claiming credit for the expansion of the Federation, and even though they could count on the presence of Lafargue, and though several of the most outstanding anti-authoritarians were not on hand - in spite of all this, they failed and merely managed to postpone their complete rout until the Córdoba congress (1872-73).

85. RUBIO, Miguel.
Seville Internationalist, a shoemaker, philosopher and virtually the oracle of Seville’s revolutionary youth. Pioneered the defence of anarcho-communism against collectivism in Spain and put the case for it at the Seville congress in 1882 when he clashed angrily with Llunas and Francisco Tomás, whom he accused of being blind to the needs of the peasantry; at that congress - he was the delegate from Montejaque - he called for propaganda by action against exploitation, as well as for the right to retaliate. When his case was voted down, he, together with a group of supporters (Gogo, Pedrote..) got together in Seville (January 1883) and in Cádiz (1884); by the time of the latter get-together, he was no longer a member of the International (having been expelled in February 1883). His association with the International dates from very early on: Lorenzo, a friend of his, made contact with him in Seville in 1872, and even though he was expelled, Rubio carried on with his activities throughout the 1880s and was thus able to see his policies - later espoused by Deza and Hugas - triumphant. In 1890 he popped up again in Seville (addressing a labour meeting) and at another meeting in 1891 in Córdoba together with Mella and wrote for Tribuna Libre (1891 and 1893). The last report of him places him prison in Seville, from where, in 1901, he send greetings to the strikers in Barcelona.

85. SÁNCHEZ ROSA, José. Eminent Andalusian anarchist born in Grazalema 1864-died July 1936.
A member of a very impoverished family he worked in the fields from a very early age and by night he helped repair shoes. He did not have much schooling but by the age of 13 or 14 he was to be found reading anarchist texts to his work mates and a short time after that he was arrested following a meeting. He quickly acquired popularity (as early as 1891, he attended the Madrid congress of Pacto). In 1892 he found himself in prison on charges of complicity in events in Jérez and was sentenced to death (commuted to life imprisonment); he was released in 1901 after ten years behind bars which he had used to improve himself considerably (a disciple of Reclus taught him French and sociology and Salvochea was to be a crucial influence upon him in many respects) and he threw himself vigorously into broadening his knowledge. He was involved in the nationwide propaganda tour of 1902 with Bonafulla and Claramunt (a tour that he was to repeat in succeeding years); he was involved in educating workers’ children in schools that he opened in Tangiers and the Gibraltar area. By 1903 he was tremendously popular, but a little after that a wave of repression forced him to flee to Aznalcóllar. In 1910 he moved to Seville where he worked and taught in a school in Triana. In the teenage years of the century his activism was stepped up; continual tours, especially of Andalusia, setting up and bolstering hundreds of workers’ and peasants’ organisations, and carrying out tremendous propaganda work through his famous Biblioteca del Obrero (Worker’s Library). And in 1912-13, he joined with Queraltó in a legendary tour of the whole of Spain, and in 1915 he attended the El Ferrol congress on behalf Seville’s workers’ societies. At the height of the “red” years he published several newspaper (El Productor, La Anarquía) and clashed bitterly with the Andalusian CNT’s regional committee (headed by Rosado and others), resulting in his being expelled, which created a great scandal in many Andalusian and Catalan anarchist trade unions, (his expulsion was an episode in the struggle between syndicalists and anarchists, Sánchez Rosa having been expelled as an anarchist), and this so wounded him that he wasted no time in establishing an unmistakably anarchist congress that set up a brand new Andalusian CNT (1919-1921). After he had been deported for some months in 1923, he opened a school in Seville and toured Córdoba and Levante while working on the preparations for a congress to be held in Madrid and, together with Urales, he attempted to revive La Revista Blanca. In the ensuing years he eased up on his activities. Author of: El Abogado del Obrero, El Burgués y El Anarquista, El Capitalista y El Trabajador (Seville 1919), El Obrero Sindicalista y Su Patrón (Seville 1911), En el Campo. El Guarda y El Obrero, Entre Amiguitas: Azucena, Dalia y Camelia, La Idea Anarquista (La Línea 1903), Las Dos Fuerzas, Reacción y Progreso, Nuevo Rumbo, La Aritmética del Obrero, Bienvenida, Discordancias del Bronce (Seville 1919) .. writings that went into countless editions up until 1939. In addition, he helped out with Buenacasa’s history and wrote a foreword for Leone’s El Sindicalismo (1919).

86. PRAT, José. Date of birth unknown-died Barcelona 17 July 1932.
Initially a pure anarchist, around 1909 he embraced syndicalist innovations and took part in ideological wrangles with socialists and Lerrouxists (especially between 1908 and 1911, from the pages of Tierra y Libertad and El Obrero Moderno). In 1896 he had fled to Vigo (to Mella’s home) to escape repression in Barcelona; in 1897-88 he lived in Buenos Aires where he was very influential in imposing “organisation” upon the prevailing anarcho-syndicalism (his contributions to the libertarian socialist symposium of La Plata, 1898, were famous). The winding-up of the review Natura meant that he was marginalised, since he refused to write for the anarchist press which, in his view, was of very shabby quality. A great friend of Herrros, Lorenzo and above all Mella, he practically retired from journalistic activity after Mella’s death. He seems to have rejected Ferrer’s suggestion that he head the Modern School (of which he was the administrator). His main themes were analysis of social classes, opposition to reformism, apoliticism and syndicalism; he was also the first person to spot the totalitarian turn taken by the Russian revolution. He was tremendously active in the anarchist press, because, in addition to directing Natura and working as editor on La Aurora Social, he had articles published in El Porvenir del Obrero, La Justicia Obrera, Fraternidad, El Productor, El Rebelde, Acracia, El Corsario, La Idea, Tierra y Libertad, La Anarquía, La Voz del Pueblo, La Protesta Humana, La Revista Blanca, Solidaridad Obrera (in Barcelona and Gijón), Acción Libertaria, La Protesta.. He translated Grave, Hamon, Merlino, Kropotkin, Faure, Leone, Fabbri and Jacquinet. Author of: La Política Juzgada por los Políticos (Barcelona 1909), La Burguesía en el Proletariado (Valencia 1909), Orientaciones (Barcelona 1916), ¿Competencia o Solidaridad? (Barcelona 1905), La Barbarie Gubernamental en España (Barcelona 1909, with Mella), Ser o no Ser (Barcelona 1905), En Pro del Trabajo (Barcelona 1906), Crónicas Demoledoras (Valencia 1907), El Absurdo Político (Tarragona 1923), Libertad y Comunismo (1924?), Sindicalismo y Socialismo. Sindicalismo y Anarquismo (La Coruña 1909), La Sociedad Burguesa (1932), A las Mujeres. Conferencia (Barcelona 1903), Nuestras Ignorancias (Villanueva y Geltrú 1904), Una Polémica (with Marsillach) (Barcelona 1909), Una Polémica y sus Perjuicios (Barcelona 1904), Herejías (republished, Rennes 1946), and the foreword to Mella’s Ideario (1925).

87. EL PORVENIR DEL OBRERO.
1. - Anarchist newspaper, Mahón. At least 413 issues published between 1899 and 1914. It seems to have been wound up as a result of the frictions generated by the paper’s pro-Entente stance. It had an extensive, quality list of contributors that included: Urales, Mella, Sévérine, Azorín, Marquina, Sárraga, Nordau, Lorenzo, Pahissa, Mas Gomeri, Zamacois, Tárrida del Mármol, Camba, Salvochea, Pi, López Montenegro, Claramunt, Prat, Zola, Vallina, Malatesta, Unamuno, Blasco Ibáñez, Reclus, Gori..
2. - It seems that there was another anarchist paper of the same name in Barcelona 1894, a monthly.

88. CONGRESSES of the anti-authoritarian labour movement since Fanelli’s visit to Spain.
1. - FRE (Federación de la Regional Española - Spanish Regional Federation)
- Barcelona June 1870 (foundation congress)
- Valencia September 1871 (Conference)
- Zaragoza April 1872 (second congress)
- Córdoba December 1871-January 1873 (third congress)
- Madrid June 1874 (clandestine)
- Comarcal conferences from 1875 on
- Barcelona 1881 (extra-ordinary conference)
2. FTRE (Federación de Trabajadores de la Región Española - Spanish Regional Workers’ Federation)
- Barcelona 1881 (foundation congress)
- Seville 1882 (second congress)
- Valencia 1883 (third congress)
- Barcelona 1884 (extra-ordinary congress)
- Comarcal congresses
- Barcelona 1885 (cosmopolitan anarchist congress)
- Madrid 1887 (fourth congress)
- Valencia 1888 (the congress which set up the OARE to replace the FTRE)
3. Pacto de Unión y Solidaridad (Compact of Unity and Solidarity)
- Barcelona 1888 (foundation of the Pacto)
- Madrid 1891 (extended congress)
4. FSORE, or new FTRE
- Madrid 1900 (first congress, resurrecting the Federation and also known as the Federación Regional de Sociedades de Resistencia)
- Madrid 1901 (second congress)
- Madrid 1903 (third congress)
- Seville 1904 (fourth congress)
- Madrid 1905 (fifth congress)
5. SOLIDARIDAD OBRERA (Worker Solidarity)
- Barcelona 1904 (establishment of the Barcelona local federation) Local Union of Worker Societies.
- Barcelona 1908 (worker congress of Catalonia)
- Barcelona 1909 (national congress)
- Barcelona 1910 (second national congress, launching of the CNT)
6. CNT (Confederación Nacional del Trabajo - National Confederation of Labour)
- Barcelona 1910 (foundation congress, second congress of Solidaridad Obrera)
- Barcelona 1911 (first congress)
- Madrid 1919 (second congress, so-called La Comedia congress)
- Madrid 1931 (third congress, so-called Conservatorio congress)
- Zaragoza 1936 (fourth congress)
- Madrid 1979 (fifth congress). Those at odds with this congress broke away and held a separate congress in Valencia in 1980.

In 1883 (Seville) and 1884 (Cádiz), breakaways from the FTRE (known as Los Desheredados - the Disinherited) held landmark meetings-congresses.
The title of congress has also been awarded to the anarchist meeting in El Ferrol 91915), and the plenum of the Catalan unions in Sans (1918). Moreover the CNT-in-Exile (1939-1975) held several meetings in France, eight of which have been awarded the title of congresses Paris 91945), Toulouse (1947), Toulouse (1948), Limoges (1960), Limoges (1961), Toulouse (1963), Montpellier (1965) and Marseilles (1975). (However, when the CNT was resurrected in Spain in 1976, those congresses were not taken into the reckoning at all.)

89. MARTÍ IBÁÑEZ, Félix. Barcelona 1913-United States 1974. (Some sources have him born in Barcelona)
Son of a Catalan educationist, he qualified as a doctor in Madrid. Specialising in psychiatry, he practised in Barcelona. Even in the days when he was not specifically an anarchist, we find him associated with anarchist and CNT magazines and ventures: he stood out for his publicist and educational efforts in the realms of sexology and neurology (as in, say, his celebrated ‘Ask the Doctor’ column in Estudios). He gave numerous talks in ateneos and promoted the launching of the 11 Club. During the civil war he placed himself at the disposal of the CNT and acted on its behalf as under-secretary for Health in the central government and director-general for Health with the Generalitat government, as well as travelling to the world youth congress in New York. When the civil war was over he emigrated to the United States and began a new phase in his life, scoring great success in the realm of history of medicine and delivering lectures around the world. He attended history of medicine congresses in Amsterdam, Paris, Stockholm, Nice and Zurich: he gave scientific talks all over the world and there was an outstanding tour of South America (1946). In 1950 he launched a medical publishing house in New York and seven years later he launched the review MD (which included a Spanish-language version from 1962 on), which expanded to take in Canada too in 1966. In 1956 he took over in charge of the New York Medical College history of Medicine department. He became an honorary member of numerous historical, literary and medical societies in Europe and the Americas. His written output in Spanish and in English was very considerable, whether scientific or literary in nature. He contributed to Tiempos Nuevos (1937), Cosmopolitan, Ruta, Estudios, Town and Country, Esquire, Gentry, Art and Architecture, Encyclopedia Americana.. and wrote many books and pamphlets, including: Mensajes a la Juventud Revolucionaria (Valencia 1938), Niños De España (New York 1938), Tres Mensajes a las Mujeres (Barcelona 1937), Psicoanálisis de la Revolución Social Española (Barcelona 1937), Grandezas y Miserias de la Revolución Española (Barcelona 1937), La Reforma Eugénica del Aborto (Barcelona 1937), Meditación de Mar (Barcelona 1937), Mensaje a México (Barcelona 1937), Diez Meses de Sanidad y Asistencia Social (Barcelona 1937), El Sentido de la Vida (Barcelona 1937), Ensayos sobre el Amor (Barcelona 1937), España (New York 1937), Obra (Barcelona 1937), Los Buscadores de Sueños (1953, Spanish edition in Madrid 1964) Mi Yo Rebelde, Aventura, Historia de la Psicología y Fisiología Místicas de la India, El Arte Médico de la Celestina, Gesta, Higiene Sexual, El Pensamiento Médico en la Historia, Los Milagros Curativos en la Historia de la Medicina, Surco, Una Espada de Toledo, All the Wonders We Seek, The Crystal Arrow, Travel, Art, Love and the History of Medicine, Waltz, Journey Around Myself, Men, Molds and History, Centaur, Ariel, A Prelude to Medical History, The Epic of Medicine, The Pageant of Medicine, Henry E. Sigerist.

90. ROSADO LÓPEZ, Antonio. Morón de la Frontera 1889-Barcelona 1978.
Born into a poor family he was working as a shepherd from the age of nine. Around 1912 he joined the PSOE, but contacts with López Galera and the anarchist press brought him (1915) to revolutionary syndicalism; he organised a few unions around the comarca and in 1916 he formed the Alba social anarchist group through which he was to take a hand in anarchist activities (he was to serve as general secretary of the Andalusian federation of anarchist groups in 19129) and was to engage Sánchez Rosa in heated arguments (Rosado giving the priority to syndicalism over anarchism). Shortly after that, he was arrested for insulting the armed forces and sentenced to two years, which he did not serve. Instead he went on the run before finally fleeing to the Canaries (1922) and Argentina. He returned from the land of the River Plate in 1924 and was jailed in Cádiz: he was released under the amnesty of January 1926 and resisted the dictatorship. Under the republic, he was a big influence in the unions in Morón which, on account of his poor health, agreed to make him a paid union organiser: he toured the comarca organising CNT unions (in Olvera, Alcalá, Algodonales, Grazalema, Arriate and Montejaque). A member of the Andalusian regional CNT committee in 1932, he was jailed the following year; he attended the Zaragoza congress (drafting the proposition on the agrarian issue). The outbreak of civil war caught him unprepared in Cantillana, but he made it to Madrid and thence on to Málaga where he took charge of everything having to do with agrarian economy and he was prominent at the FAI plenum in Almería; during the civil war he lived in Almería, Alcoy, Játiva, Baza and Úbeda, taking charge of the establishment of the regional peasant federation (as general secretary) and tried to give it a marxist flavour (leading to clashes with Zimmerman). When the civil war ended, he roamed through the countryside before being arrested in El Arahal; he was released and the following year he gave up all activity, confining himself to working in Barcelona after he moved there. Articles of his appeared in España Nueva. Juventud Rebelde, El Tribuno and El Productor. Author of: Los Campesinos de la CNT y el Colectivismo Agrario. Tierra y Libertad. Memorias de un campesino anarcosindicalista (Barcelona 1979)

91. GARCÍA CASINO, Celedonio. Barcelona 1922-killed in an ambush near the Catalan border with France in August 1949.
One of the many young members of the Libertarian Youth who, after the end of the civil war, kept the war against Francoism a live issue. The end of the civil war found him being jailed for Libertarian Youth membership: freed in November 1945, he made for France, having been entrusted by the Libertarian Youth with arms procurement and attending the FIJL congress (March 1946). Joining Facerías’s group, he made frequent crossings of the border between 1947 and 1949 on expropriation missions and to attack the forces of repression. An advocate of violence against Francoism, he embraced the tenets of the MLR but failed to get the national plenum of regionals in Spain (July 1947), which he attended on behalf of the Libertarian Youth, to accept the proposed policy of struggle. He was cut down by the Civil Guard on one of his many border crossings.

92. FRANCO CAZORLA, Diego. Better known as Amador Franco. Barcelona 1920-San Sebastián 1947, murdered by the Francoists.
From a poor family living in the La Torrasa neighbourhood, he learned the trade of carpentry and attended night classes at a rationalist ateneo. A member of the Libertarian Youth from the age of 13, he fought on the barricades in Barcelona in July 1936 and helped storm the Pedralbes barracks. Later he marched off to Aragon with the Roja y Negra Column, in which he was entrusted with propaganda tasks. A great public speaker, he wrote for Acracia of Lérida and was an editor with Frente y Retaguardia in Barbastro. Throughout the civil war he was very much connected with the anti-collaborationist faction of the Libertarian Youth; in May 1937 he attended the Libertarian Youth congress in Barcelona and was regional cultural and propaganda secretary and in 1938 he was the Catalan regional committee’s delegate to the FIJL peninsular congress in Valencia. When the war was over he ended up in a French concentration camp in Gurs and was active in the French underground, helping to rebuild the MLE (attending the plenum in Muret and the congress in 1945, he made strenuous efforts to win acceptance for the anti-collaborationist line). Committed from early on to anti-Franco struggle in the interior, he repeatedly crossed the border on organisational and propaganda missions; in 1946 he crossed over with Carballeira to help relaunch the Libertarian Youth and their newspaper, Ruta, and in July the same year was arrested along with López in Irún and executed in the prison in Ondarreta. He belonged to the anti-collaborationist, pure libertarian faction that espoused direct struggle against Franco, like much of that generation of Libertarian Youth members.

93. FANELLI RIBERA, Giuseppe. Neapolitan, 1828-1877.
Revolutionary who fought in Garibaldi’s ranks; he was involved in the business of the Roman republic (1848-49), was one of the Marsala One Thousand (1860), and a companion of Garibaldi; he joined in the Polish uprising (1862-63) and fought against the Austrians (1866). Shortly afterwards he went over to federalist revolutionary socialism and distanced himself from Mazzini, after contacting Bakunin in Geneva; he attended the League congress (Berne 1868) and had a hand in the foundation of the Alliance of Socialist Democracy. He left Geneva on 8 October 1868 to make his way to Barcelona via Genoa, as the envoy of the Bakuninists. In Barcelona he met up with Rey and Reclus and made the acquaintances of Orense and Garrido; he travelled on to Valencia with this group and then Fanelli went on to Madrid (November). In the capital he linked up with some members of the Fomento de las Artes (through González Morago) and met up in Rubau Donadeu’s home with a group of them (Lorenzo, Borrel, Mora and others) for his famous talk on 24 January 1869, which date has gone down as the birth date of the International in Spain; in February 1869 he left for Barcelona where he met up with Pellicer, Farga and others whom he helped to establish the IWMA’s Barcelona section as well as the Alliance section. This trip to Spain was costly to him in terms of financial costs as well as in terms of the problems arising from it (he was accused of exploiting Reclus’s republican friends to spread anarchism) by which he was much affected and in the end he distanced himself from militant Bakuninism after that.

94. TRIBUNA LIBRE. Title of several libertarian newspapers.
1. - Organ of the Asturian anarchist groups. A fortnightly, it published 9 issues, from 10 April 1909 on. It appeared in Gijón under the editorship of Quintanilla, Marchago and Sierra; with contributions from Mella, Claramunt, Bonafulla and Lagardelle. Issue No 9 never went on sale because of the events of July 1909.
2. - Seville 1891-92. Anarcho-communist newspaper. Three issues. Edited by Miguel Rubio.
3. - Gijón 1903. Contributions from P. Sierra.

95. Los SOLIDARIOS. Enormously famous anarchist group set up in Barcelona in 1922.
In fact, Los Solidarios was a new name for the preexisting Crisol group (itself connected to the Los Justicieros group) formed in Zaragoza, the main protagonists of which moved to Barcelona where their numbers were stiffened by other militants residing in Catalonia. In August 1922, Durruti, Ascaso, Suberviela, Torres Escartín and Campos met in Barcelona and made contact with some CNT militants, particularly from the woodworkers’ union, until the Los Solidarios group finally took shape in October: F. Ascaso, Durruti, Torres Escartín, A. Miguel, Suberviela, Brau, Manuel Campos, García Oliver, Aurelio Fernández, Ricardo Sanz, Antonio el Toto and García Vivancos. Over the years the composition of the group altered (with some members dying and others joining it). It had a powerful infrastructure and plenty of auxiliaries: Julia López, María Luisa Tejedor, Pepita Not, Ramona Berni, Mas, A. Martín, Palau, Flores, Ballano, María Rius, Boada, H. Esteban, P. Martín, J. Blanco, Pérez Combina, Batlle, Sosa, etc. Later the group was joined by Antonio Ortiz (1926) and by Jover (also under the dictatorship). Its purpose was to stand up to the pistoleros, keep the CNT’s structures intact and create a peninsular anarchist federation. To this end they planned the eradication of the most prominent anti-worker leaders (Regueral, Soldevilla, Anido, Arlegui, Coello, Bugallal, Languía..) and in several instances they succeeded: García Oliver and Ascaso executed Languía in Manresa (1923), Suberviela and El Toto finished off Regueral in León and Torres Escartín and Ascaso killed Cardinal Soldevilla in Zaragoza. They also collaborated with the attempt on the life of Dato (financing the defence of Nicolau and Mateu), summoned an anarchist congress that planted the seeds for the FAI. Durruti, Ascaso and Aurelio Fernández were chosen by that congress to form a liaison committee.
Initially poorly armed, they had soon set up a whole network of dumps holding grenades and rifles, all under the care of Brau in Barcelona and thereabouts; some of this gear was bought in Eibar (October 1923) with the proceeds from a hold-up at the Banco de España in Gijón (September 1923) - an operation with dire consequences in that it cost the life of Brau, followed by the arrest of Torres Escartín who later went mad. After the Primo de Rivera dictatorship was imposed, several group members crossed into France and set up a revolutionary committee against the dictatorship and it was largely responsible for the unfortunate Vera de Bidasoa and Atarazanas barracks ventures (1924), as well as the freeing of Ascaso from prison in Zaragoza. Persecution of the group was stepped up, especially by Anido, and the tide began to turn against them: an arms dump was discovered in Pueblo Nuevo, Suberviela, Campos, Aurelio Fernández and Domingo Ascaso were surrounded (in March 1924), resulting in the deaths of the first two and the arrest of Fernández. In the years that followed, the group was scattered until, with the advent of the republic, it was able to regroup following a period of disagreement between Ascaso/Durruti and García Oliver/A. Miguel/García Vivancos. By the summer of 1931, they were back together again (there was a meeting involving García Oliver, Ascaso, Durruti, Jover and Sanz) and a short time later they joined the FAI as the Nosotros group and earned themselves some fresh laurels; they were very directly involved in the most outstanding episodes of the time (the uprisings in 1932 and 1933, the revolutionary gymnastics, lots of rallies and meetings). with the inevitable visits to jail. During the republic, they wielded very great influence and many saw them as dominant over the CNT. Once the civil war started in 1936, they all held prominent posts in the militias and in government.
Even when they had a mouthpiece of their own, Crisol, they were none too prominent in the realms of theory and doctrine; nor does it appear that they saw eye to eye with one another on this score (thus, García Oliver is usually credited with taking an anarcho-Bolshevik line which was not shared by Ascaso and Durruti, perhaps on account of their early deaths). In any event, the only certainty seems to be that García Oliver was their best known spokesman and that his arguments can be summarised thus: emphasis on the class struggle and the faísta line against the treintistas’ and syndicalists’ reformism, establishment of a revolutionary army (which they identified with the centrally-controlled trade union membership), the seizure of power (not State power, but insurrectionary power, which is to say, drawing together the federated revolutionary committees to ensure revolutionary order and uphold freedom and the people’s initiatives.)

96. BORREL, Enrique.
Member of the Madrid nucleus of the International, he served on its first liaison commission. He took part in the debates at the 1870 congress (joining Fargas to sign the motion to affiliate to the IWMA, defending the motion on resistance and anti-parliamentarism) and was elected on to the federal council as bookkeeper. After the aggression shown towards him in 1871 it is said that he withdrew from militant activity (he declined to go to Lisbon with Morago and Lorenzo), to devote his time to his trade as a tailor, but, as we shall see, this is not quite the case. In 1871-74 he worked for an exhibition form in Madrid and in 1877 he was attached to the world’s fair in Philadelphia. His withdrawal from Internationalist activity was such a partial thing that it seems certain that in 1873 he replaced VIlla as the secretary of the Centre region on the FRE federal council and years later he still had an interest in anarchism. In 1882 he stated that although he took no part in public life his anarchist beliefs were intact; in 1884 at the Madrid Ateneo he gave a talk on wages that did justice to his roots; in 1891 he spoke up at the Madrid congress of the Pacto and lashed out at the socialists; in 1892 he spoke up for collectivism in a public debate against Dezas and Iglesias, and, years earlier (1888-89) had edited La Bandera Roja. The likelihood is that he lapsed into a rather questionable brand of anarchism; linked with the Villacampa uprising in 1886, led by a faction favouring engagement in politics and fiercely opposed by Tárrida, Lorenzo, Mella and Tomás. At the time of his death he was Madrid representative for an Andalusian railway. He translated Balzac and was author of: El Salario. Memoria leída en el Ateneo de Madrid (Madrid 1884).

97. BONAFULLA, Leopoldo. Alias used by Juan Bautista Esteve, a man with ties to the anarchist revolutionary movement at the turn of the 20th century, for which he did outstanding work.
In 1901 he was among those jailed in El Pelayo in connection with the Barcelona strike and the following year he was outstanding in the famous 1902 tour of Andalusia by Teresa Claramunt. We find him also the mainstay of the second phase of El Productor and a member of the anarchist group Avenir (which broke up in 1910). In 1910 he represented Bujalance at the CNT foundation congress (helping to draft the motion on farm organisation). Later he seems to have slipped into oblivion. He was a regular contributor to the anarchist labour press; he ran El Productor and had articles published in La Revista Blanca (as well as in its Supplement and Almanach), La Protesta, El Corsario, Fraternidad, etc. He died in Barcelona about 1925. Author of: Criterio libertario (Barcelona 1905), La Revolución de Julio en Barcelona. Su Represión, sus víctimas, proceso Ferrer; recopilación completa de sucesos y comentarios (Madrid 1909), Generación libre (1905), La Familia Libre (Barcelona 1910), Los Dos Polos Sociales (Gracia, undated), Hacia el Porvenir (Barcelona 1905).

98. BOAL, Evelio. Born in Valladolid.
One of the CNT’s greatest ever general secretaries, a real scientist in matters of organisation, to borrow Buenacasa’s words. Murdered (using the ley de fugas ploy) in Barcelona on 18 June 1921. He was a member of Barcelona’s graphical union; he had been an anarchist from a very early age and, just as soon as he had learned the type-setting trade, he got involved in the theatre with considerable success (he was the first comic actor with the Espantaleón company); he gave up the stage apparently on account of his beliefs and for sentimental reasons, but kept up his interest in the theatre (he ran the drama group at the workers’ centre in the Calle Mercaders and stage plays by Guimerá, Rusiñol, Iglesias and Ibsen). Small, skinny and gaunt, he had been soured by the infidelity of his wife, which is why some people were against it when he was put forward for the national committee; however, he did sterling work on Buenacasa’s national committee and threw himself with gusto into the task of making inroads into Castile. Arrested in January 1919 along with other national committee members, he was released on account of his precarious health and took over a national committee secretary, carrying out work for which he was thanked at the La Comedia congress in 1919 (when he was confirmed in office)., although there was some criticism of him later (especially over his having gone with Quemades and Seguí to Madrid in 1920 to finalise a pact with the UGT regarding responses to the repression). He contributed to the CNT and anarchist press (to Tierra y Libertad for instance, using the nom de plume Chispazos) and it appears that he was one of the first people to suggest the establishment of an FAI.

99. EL MUNICIPIO LIBRE.Title of several libertarian papers.
1. - Newspaper sub-titled “Revolutionary Socialist Paper” of which 11 issues were published clandestinely in Barcelona from November 1879 to May 1888 . It was produced on presses acquired by the Barcelona local federation and it had a pronounced doctrinal and campaigning flavour. Affiliated to the International, it had Anselmo Lorenzo on the team as type-setter and editor.
2. - San Salvador del Valle, 1978, 3 issues.
3. - Gavá, 1979, 2 issues. A CNT paper.
In the latter two cases, the title was MUNICIPIO LIBRE rather than LA MUNICIPIO LIBRE.

100. OLMO SAEZ, Jesús del. Nick-named Malatesta. Zaragoza 1924-Antibes (France) 1958, killed in a road accident.
A member of the confederal anti-Francoist action groups, very closely connected with Facerías, he made many incursions into Spain (with Saborit and Facerías in 1950) and Italy. He turned up in Italy in June 1952 in the company of Facerías, with whom he carried out extensive publishing work in Genoa, Carrara and Livorno, helping to organise the international anarchist jamborees and involving himself in organisational activity and expropriations. At the end of 1954 he distanced himself from Facerías and went back to France.

101. PELLICER PARAIRE, Antonio. Barcelona 1851-Buenos Aires 1916.
A type-setter from the age of eleven, he was a cousin of Farga and joined the International at a very early age (with the original Barcelona nucleus). Lively and very active, he secretary of the printers’ section and of the Alliance federation (in August 1872 he signed the text in defence of the Alliance against the editors of La Emancipación). At the age of twenty (seemingly exiled) he spent four years travelling Cuba, Mexico and the United States. On his return to Barcelona he kept up his membership of the internationalist organisation (secret type-setters; section) and served on its federal commission in 1872-73, siding with the collectivists; at the same time he worked with the anarchist press of the day and took part in soirées and conferences, and wrote some literature (in Catalan, El lo Ball, Celos, Jo Vaig, La Mort de la Proletaria, Sense Esperança). Before leaving for Buenos Aires, he joined the freemasons, as other internationals had. In Buenos Aires he ran the trade paper Exito Gráfico, followed by other trade journals (La Tarjeta Postal, La Unión Cartófila Argentina, Anuario Cartófilo Sudamericano) and the Argentinian Type-Setters’ School was established at his instigation. All of which explains the great impact that his death had well outside anarchist circles. In Argentina he kept up his activity and in addition to corresponding with comrades in Spain (cautioning them against the Lerrouxist danger and advising them to resist a socialist presence in the Solidaridad Obrera organisation), he was a decisive influence in the foundation of the Argentinian FOA-FORA and had a direct in-put into its foundation congress .(His twelve articles in La Protesta Humana in 1901 on labour organising, drawing together economic and revolutionary organisation at a time when spontaneity was prevalent in Argentina were particularly valuable. In them he also opposed authoritarianism, bureaucracy and centralisation, whilst favouring federalism, organisation towards a revolutionary commune, internationalism and close coordination between the policies of the trade unions and the anarchists). Around 1905 he eased up on his activity and was content to reaffirm ideas and take an interest in anarchism in Spain. Author of: En Defensa de Nuestros Ideales (Barcelona 1894), Memorandum con motivo y en celebración de mis 55 años (Buenos Aires 1906), El Individuo y la Masa. La Educación de la Libertad (Barcelona 1908), Conferencias Populares sobre Sociología (Buenos Aires 1900), La Política Juzgada por los Políticos. Análisis de la cuestión de la Vida (1909).

102. PONZÁN VIDAL, Francisco. Oviedo 1911-murdered by Nazis in the forest of Bouzet (Toulouse) 17 August 1947.
His youth was spent in the city of Huesca where he trained to be a teacher (he was a disciple of Acín, of whom he was to have very fond memories). A CNT member, once the fascist revolt began he had talks with the governor of Huesca with an eye to preparing a counter-offensive: later he he was part of the working party that drafted the motion setting up the Council of Aragon (October 1936), on which he served as councillor in charge of Transport and Trade, until, following the crackdown by Líster he enlisted with the Roja y Negra column (summer 1937) as captain adjutant to his friend Máximo Franco. Later he was in charge of the republican army’s intelligence-gathering in enemy territory and fought with the Army of the East, all of which activities would be of service to him later in France and again in Spain. When the civil war ended he wound up in the concentration camp at Vernet (February 1939) from which he escaped to start organising an extensive anti-Franco network inside and outside of Spain (several of the earliest action groups operating in Barcelona were down to him) and he took part in incursions into the interior, being wounded in Boltaña on one such incursion designed to secure the release of Lozano (who was imprisoned in Zaragoza). When the Germans overran France he founded the celebrated escape network (charged with smuggling known antifascists out of France) known as the Pat O’Leary and Ponzán Group network; it saved over a thousand victims of persecution. When he was arrested after various adventures in 1943, the Germans jailed him in Toulouse and eventually shot him. José Esteve, Zafón, Moriones, Ginés Camarasa, Coteno, Cervantes, etc., were trusted members of his network. Early on he was connected with the groups aiming to organise the CNT and he drafted a plan of operations against Franco that was turned down by the General Council of the MLE. His thoughts in this regard seem to have been: bolstering the ANFD, honouring the principles laid down by the CNT in the interior, with exceptions (he was against the CNT of the interior’s organising along mass lines), repudiation of politics (albeit acceptance of municipal politics) and the winding up of the IWA.

103. LA SOLIDARIDAD. Title adopted by several newspapers and reviews (The first three listed below were entitled La Solidaridad an the rest merely Solidaridad).
1. - Madrid, 15 January 1870 to 21 January 1871. Weekly launched by Anselmo Lorenzo. Organ of the Madrid section of the International. The first ever champion of the IWMA it was sub-titled “Organ of the IWMA, Madrid section” and, later, (after No 29) “Organ of the sections of the IWMA’s Madrid Federation”. Print-run of about 3,000 copies. Anarchist-collectivist. Carried new commentary, news from abroad, organisational and labour movement notices, as well as serialised section that included regulations, statutes, pertinent topics and congresses. The editorship changed hands from time to time but at one time or another was in the hands of V. López, Pauly, Ambau, Alcázar, F. Mora, G. Morago, Simancas, Gomis, Allieri, Miñaca, Vel, Martín and Pagés. It carried articles by Ocaña, Nieva, Bakunin, Proudhon, attacks on Fernando Garrido, etc.. It was stated in its last issue that the Madrid Federation was giving up publication and handing over to Barcelona.
2. - Barcelona. Anarchist. 1874-76.
3. - Seville. anarchist, from 21 August 1888 to 1889,under the direction of Mella, 58 issues. Anarcho-collectivist. Texts by Mella, Marselau, Roscoe and Lorenzo.
4. - Organ of the CNT of Asturias. 1931-33, Gijón. Weekly, run by S. Blanco, Acracio Bartolomé and J.M. Martínez.
5. - Paris 1962, 6 issues. Title which adopted the sub-title Solidaridad Obrera after the latter paper was suspended. Run by J. Ferrer.
6. - CNT daily issued in Barcelona (13 February 1934), in replacement of the banned Solidaridad Obrera. It was in the hands of D.A. de Santillán and Villar.
7. - Weekly paper of the Galician CNT, La Coruña 1936.
8. - Monthly publication, Barcelona-Valencia, in 1968-69. A dozen issues published. Contributions from Félix Carrasquer, Edo, Taberner, Prudencio, Mercedes, Altable, etc. It was the mouthpiece of the group of the same name and took an anarcho-syndicalist line with the emphasis on trade union and work issues.

104. SEVILLE, 2nd FTRE CONGRESS, 1882.
Held in the Cervantes theatre over six sittings from 24 to 26 September 1882, with 216 delegates attending (others claim somewhere between 212 and 254 delegates) representing 218 local federations, and 59,000 members (others give the figures of between 209 and 216 local federations, 632 to 640 sections, 49,000 to 58,000 members). Its resolutions included the following: 1. - A campaign for the eight hour day and against piece rates. 2. - Rejection of political parties and advocacy of a ‘demolition policy’, reaffirming the principles of collectivism. 3. - Non-violent revolution finding expression through science (which is to say the enlightenment of the worker). 4. - Equal rights for women. 5. - Judicious use of the strike weapon, use being confined to inevitable sympathy strikes. 6. - Riots, disturbances and Jacobinism condemned as means inappropriate for workers. 7. - Recruitment campaign (secular schools, bulletins, propaganda). 8. - Andalusia to be split into three comarcas (implying the creation of a southern comarca). 9. - Election of Canibell, Tomás, Farga, Pellicer and Llunas to the federal council.
The significance of this congress resides in several things: a) a split by the more radical faction, the southern peasantry, led by Rubio. This minority accused the majority of failing to understand the realities of life of the southern peasantry. b) The success of the supporters of collectivism who, through Tomás and Llunas, roundly opposed Rubio’s anarcho-communists. The victorious side was identified with law-abiding methods, rejecting the violence advocated by the southerners and positing anarchism as an ideal to be approached gradually rather than through revolutionary posturing (hence the regulation of the use of strikes and the condemnation of riots and disturbances).

105. EL SOCIALISMO. Title of two newspapers.
1. - Cádiz 1886-1891, at least 74 issues run by Salvochea. Its aim was to circulate anything useful carried by foreign socialist publications. Kropotkinist anarcho-communist but seeking common ground with anarcho-collectivists (its sub-title from June 1890 on, would be “Anarcho-communist Fortnightly”). Published texts by Lafargue, Reclus, George, Lumm, Bax, Joynes, anarcho-communist and collectivist manifestoes, FTRE circulars and a few pamphlets (such as Kropotkin’s The Wage System). A much harassed publication, especially on account of Salvochea’s profile, it suffered its director’s misadventures; when Salvochea was jailed it ceased publication; when he was released an attempt was made to resurrect it, only for him to be jailed again. Plans to replace it with El Anarquista also foundered after the events in Jérez.
2. - Libertarian theoretical review, Madrid (?), 1976-77. 3 issues.

106. DOMÉNECH, José Juan. Barcelona 1900-1979.
CNT member with a background in the consumer cooperative movement and who achieved considerable prominence during the civil war and in exile in France as a supporter of the reformist line. He was president of the Barcelona glassworkers’ union and secretary of the National Glass Industrial Federation. Secretary of the Catalan CNT after Eroles, he held the councillorship for supply in the first Generalitat cabinet (September 1936) and later the responsibility for Public Services (December 1936). In April 1938 he was on the working party that drafted the motion to establish an MLE executive committee in Catalonia and joined that committee as the representative of the CNT, not that that was any obstacle to his displaying complete opposition to Prieto (over dialogue with Franco): in November 1938 he lobbied for the CNT to rejoin the Generalitat. When the civil war ended he ended up in the French concentration camps (Vernet and Djelfa), emerging to enlist in the British army (1942). After the Germans were defeated he sided with the collaborationist faction (the Sub-committee) and in 1946 put his signature to the Luque motion and in December 1947 he took over as head of the Sub-committee following the caretaker administration of R. Alvarez and he entered Spain by clandestine means. After the Clermont plenum (March 1960) he joined the reunification commission and after unity was achieved he served on the Intercontinental Secretariat. An old man, he returned to Barcelona, having given up all militant activity. Author of: Retaguardia y Frente: Habla el Secretario del CR de la CNT (Barcelona 1937), Discurso pronunciado ante el micrófono de la EA1DD el 23-X-1937 (Barcelona 1937)/

107. MAS CASAS, Valerio. San Martín de Provensals 1894- Lissac (France) 1973.
CNT member who gained a certain fame during the civil war. He was the CNT representative on the central supplies committee and secretary of the Catalan regional committee from November 1936 to May 1937: after the May ‘37 events he was the CNT representative to the Generalitat. During the war he took a conciliatory line within the antifascist camp and turned down the POUM’s suggestion regarding the crushing of the Stalinists. When the civil war ended, he belonged to the MLE General Council (representing the CNT) and served on its policy commission and then went on an odyssey through French concentration camps (Vernet and Djelfa). After the Nazis were defeated, he held high-ranking office among the orthodox-line emigrés (serving as a member of the Intercontinental Secretariat in 1949 and 1952).

108. MASSONI, Pedro. Born 1983 (?)- died Barcelona 1933.
A CNT tiler outstanding as level-headed public speaker, a staunch militant in his industry and administrator of Solidaridad Obrera. He attended the Sans congress on behalf of the Barcelona tilers and served on the first junta of the Construction Union (1918). Much sought after by the pistoleros he suffered during the Anido era; he was jailed and subjected to the ley de fugas and was left seriously wounded and never quite recovered (and as a result was oblige to work at his trade in his latter years in spite of progressive paralysis). His courage was evident in 1923 when the industry went on strike and served on the commission defending some comrades accused of armed robbery. Under the dictatorship he was involved in conspiracy (and jailed towards the end of 1930) and signed the treintista Manifesto, being a militant with close ties to Pestaña and Peiró. When Solidaridad Obrera was revived (August 1930) he managed it during Peiró’s editorship (having previously served on Pestaña’s clandestine national committee). And it is down to his insistence that the paper procured its own presses. His support for the reformist line of Pestaña and Peiró brought him problems; with the factional struggle at its height, he was accused by the faístas (March 1933) of irregularities in the management of the paper. These criticisms affected him deeply and led to a worsening of his ailments and led to his death. Author of: Los Ladrilleros a través de las Luchas Sociales (Barcelona 1928).

109. AGRAZ, Antonio. c. 1905-05. - 1956.
A member of the police force up until 1930 when he was dismissed for attending a demonstration in San Sebastián, A picturesque sort, a poet and editor of CNT. In 1931 he published poems in La Tierra (using the nom de plume Gerineldo) and from 1931 on started to help out on CNT (on the Romances de CNT section) until he parted company with that paper due to ideological differences with its director (García Pradas) and his fondness for wine. A very well-known figure during the republic, he was published in all sorts of reviews. After the civil war broke out, he was involved in the defence of Madrid (1936-37) and was arrested at the end of the war and sentenced to 12 years, serving 4. He died in Madrid in 1956. Author of: Romances de CNT (Madrid 1936), ¡Aquí Madrid, capital de la tierra! (Madrid 1938?) and Del campo vendrán (Madrid 1937?).

110. PUENTE AMESTOY, Isaac. Las Carreras (Vizcaya) 1896-Pancorbo 1936, murdered.
Although born in Vizcaya, Alava was the theatre of his activities. He studied for his baccalaureate in Vitoria (1911) and studied medicine in Santiago and Valladolid (up until 1918), practising as a doctor in Cirueña and, a year later, In Maeztu where he would live up until his death. Under the Primo de Rivera dictatorship he was grace and favour deputy for Alava, a position he resigned early to join the ranks of the libertarians (joining the FAI and the CNT). He won great prestige as an populariser of naturism and medicine (especially through his contributions to Estudios) and also when he agreed to join the revolutionary committee in Aragon in 1933 (because of which he was jailed in Zaragoza and Burgos up until May 1934); however his popularity later was owed to his having published a pamphlet on libertarian communism that furnished the basis for the 1936 CNT congress’s elaboration of the CNT’s understanding of what libertarian communism meant. He wrote a lot for the libertarian and like-minded press: he was the chief contributor to Estudios between 1923 and 1936 and also wrote for Ética, El Sembrador, Liberación.. either under his own name or under the celebrated nom de plume of Un médico rural (A country doctor) and he wrote numerous pamphlets: La Higiene, la Salud y los Microbios (Barcelona 1932), La Sociedad del Porvenir (Barcelona 1932), Los Mártires de la CNT (Barcelona 1932, together with L. Martínez), Finalidad de la CNT. El Comunismo Libertario (Barcelona 1933), Hipótesis, Experimentación y Perfeccionamiento (Barcelona 1933), El Comunismo Libertario (Valencia, undated), La Sociedad del Porvenir. El Comunismo Anárquico (Barcelona 1933), Los Microbios y la Infección (Valencia 1931), Propaganda (Barcelona 1938), Divulgación de la Embriología, Consejos Prácticos para evitar el Contagio de la Enfermedades Venéreas, Menstruación, su Significación e Higiene, Cómo curar la Impotencia Sexual, Métodos Anticoncepcionales, plus a number of prefaces to works by Dévaldès, F. Caro, Segarra and R. Sanz.
His pamphlet on Libertarian Communism summarised.
It is made up of five parts and a Conclusion.
Part One (Countering Prejudice) spells out his understanding of libertarian communism ( a society organised without a State and private property rights, to be achieved on the basis of the trade union and free municipality, bodies seen as representing, respectively, the collectivist and the individualist outlooks) and takes the line that the worst feature of society is slavery of which poverty is symptomatic, making the State therefore worse than exploitative capitalism, even if both are the two great blights upon human existence; He also brings out how man aspires to meet his economic needs and remain free, on which basis we reject the communism of the barracks or the herd. That established, Puente proceeds to demolish a series of prejudices commonly held by people (such as regarding capitalism’s crisis as a passing phenomenon, taking libertarian communism to be a simplistic solution such as the ignorant might devise, the belief in the necessity for an intellectual vanguard, crediting anarchism with holding the arts, culture and science in contempt, the inability to frame a new society, giving knowledge the priority over experience, the belief in political leaders and role of politicians as intermediaries).
Part Two (Economic Organisation of Society) plainly contrasts “political organisation” with “trade union organisation” and champions the latter as the one ready to take all society’s wealth into common ownership and to communise the obligation upon every individual to contribute to production insofar as his strength or aptitudes allow. He states that everything not an economic activity or function will remain a matter for individual preference. Among the features he detects in trade union organisation (and contrasts against the political) are: hierarchy from the bottom up, uniform status of all producers, assemblyism, the freedom of every collectivity to look to its own activities and affairs, the transfer of initiative to trades organisations as the realisation of democracy and federalism..
Part Three (Wealth and Labour) points out the unfairness implicit in the distribution of wealth and work.
Part Four (Our Country’s Economic Potential) shows that the country does have the potential to survive - he offers a brief break-down of the national economy - in the event of an international boycott, should libertarian communism succeed. He is also confident that the country could stand up to a possible invasion by capitalist powers.
Part Five (‘Realisation’ of libertarian communism) tackles the question of implementing libertarian communism in country and city; in the case of the cities, he finds the solution to be the activation of the free municipality or commune, governed by its assembly and holding property in common ownership (private property would be acceptable as ‘the usufruct of what every person needs for his consumption and diversion’). In cities, the axis would be the local federation of trade unions, the sovereignty of which is derived from the assemblies of producers. He also states that economic compulsion forces the individual into cooperation, but that such compulsion ought never to come from some supreme committee (the seed-bed of authoritarianism and bureaucracy); he also holds that national industrial federations are appropriate.
In his Conclusion, he writes that economic compulsion is the cement holding society together and that it should be the only compulsion wielded by the collectivity over the individual; All other activities (cultural, artistic, scientific) should remain beyond the control of the collectivity and in the hands of those groups disposed to pursue and encourage them. It is precisely in those pursuits unconnected with the necessity to work that Puente sees the germ of a new society, the one praised and propagated by anarchism, Once it manages to meet society’s needs, it will render the economic supervision exercised by organisations over individuals quite redundant.

111. SOLIDARIDAD OBRERA. Name given to an important labour federation from the early years of the twentieth century. Also the title of numerous anarchist and revolutionary syndicalist newspapers.
1. - Following the demise of the FTRE, attempts to reorganise a revolutionary workers’ movement (the Pacto, the OARE..) were not unduly successful; not until the turn of the century did an organisation of the significance of the old International emerge: this was Solidaridad Obrera. Around 1904, the Barcelona local federation was organised; it was the core of Solidaridad Obrera and would acquire some significance around 1907 Initially the new federation failed to make much of an impact; in April 1906 there were signs of its being relaunched (the Valls assembly) and simultaneously a divorce took place between workerists and Lerrouxists (with the Barcelona rallies in September 1906: French syndicalism was another considerable influence at work in this. In May and June 1907 meetings were held with an eye to the creation of Solidaridad Obrera and this culminated in the appointment on 13 June of a commission made up of militants of varying ideological persuasions (Seguí, Bruguera, Badía, Saví and Sedó); later, regulations were thrashed out and on 25 July Tierra y Libertad carried a markedly pro-unity (but anti-reformist) manifesto from Solidaridad Obrera to the workers of Barcelona bearing the signatures of thirty workers’ societies. A short time later, on 3 August, Solidaridad Obrera was inaugurated on the premises of the Asociación de la Dependencia Mercantil, in the presence of 34 delegates and numerous workers. That gathering arrived at a number of basic tenets: preservation of workers’ gains, the right of association, Sundays off work, a rejection of piece-rates, compulsory rational education, emancipation from the capitalist system, etc., tenets which, all in all, assumed a predisposition towards anarchism, albeit shorn of any radicalism. By January 1908 SO numbered 67 associations, mostly in Barcelona and accounting for 12,500 workers and its leadership council was made up of three commissions: Administration and Promotion (Colomé, Badía, Bisbe, Lostau, A, Sánchez, Ferrer, Martí), Propaganda (Villalonga, Palau, Bonafout, P. Sánchez, Román, Sayós and Gas), and Education (Casasola, Calvo, Ginés and the Carreras). From 9 November 1907 on, it had as its mouthpiece a weekly paper that was to become legendary (Solidaridad Obrera). At the start of 1908 SO began to expand; a local federation was established in Badalona and this was accompanied by the delegate assembly held in Badalona an attended by 57 SO bodies and many others from Barcelona, Badalona, Premiá, Mataró, Canet, Vilassar, Manresa, Caldas, Igualada, Manlleu, Capellades, Vich, Sabadell, Roda, Berga, San Feliu de Codina and Tarrasa, a total of 123 in all. It was this assembly that opened up the new federation; the incoming council was chaired by Bisbe and it did great propaganda work. Particularly outstanding was its opposition to Maura’s anti-terrorist legislation.
Eventually the first regional congress for Catalonia was held (in Barcelona, 6-8 September) at the workers’ centre with a number of delegates variously estimated by historians at between 130 and 150, representing a hundred associations and 25,000 members and embracing socialists, anarchists and republicans; At that congress it was agreed to set up the Solidaridad Obrera Regional Confederation of Resistance Societies, with direct action as its essential weapon of struggle. In addition, an apolitical line was imposed vis a vis party politics. It was already plain at this congress that the anarchist case had carried the day, assisted, notably, by Lorenzo’s appeal to anarchists to join the federation (anarchists had not all been of the same mind with regard to SO: there had been moderate criticisms from Tierra y Libertad and Acción Libertaria, and greater enthusiasm from El Rebelde and La Voz del Cantero) and the victimisation of Ferrer. The reason for this seems to have been the universal moderation and above all the skill with which the socialists managed the whole business in order to avert anarchist dominance. Rest assured that Badía’s socialists wanted to see SO turned into a “neutral” (i.e. non-anarchist) trade union; but the breakthrough came when Badía had launched a socialist newspaper to neutralise SO and provoked angry responses from Loredo, Lorenzo and Prat; anyway, the anarchists must have been very confident that the final victory would be theirs. In the months following the congress, the pace of events was hectic; support for the new Catalan federation flooded in from Cádiz, Gijón, Montilla and Extremadura and from the Alcira conference and this led to the organisation’s spreading throughout Spain. Then again, SO angrily confronted Lerrouxism in September 1908 (with a boycott of the Radical press) and this culminated in March 1909 (at the Regional Assembly) with the pronunciation of an anathema on Lerroux who was declared an enemy of the working class. Between late 1908 and April 1909, changes took effect in the SO leadership; the leadership chaired by J. Román in December 1908 included Demestres, Vives, Escandell, Badía, Herreros, Mas Gomeri, J. Castillo, Coll, Sala, Vargas, Closas, Alvarez, Cristóbal, Giner, Fius and Sans; by April, the line-up was Rico, Moreno, Ferrer, Salvat, Darrer, Herreros, Salvador Seguí, Herrer, Demestres, Badía, Escandell, Gandía, Sans, Salas, M. Sans, and B. and J. Castillo.
The final parting of the ideological ways, however, did not come about until 1910, after the national congress in 1909 was called off, but in the interim, the anarchists emerged the victors; as the repression targeted SO (in the wake of the Tragic Week events) the anarchists alone held the line. On 13 June 1909, at a meting of delegates, a national congress was arranged for that September; within days it had been arranged for 24-26 September and a circular was sent out setting out the agenda (all-embracing unions, worker housing, creation of establishments by SO, consumer cooperatives, agricultural production cooperatives, the eight hour day, minimum wage, yellow unionism, organising the SO on a nationwide scale), as well as an insistence that a congress should be held for those who did not see eye to eye with UGT tactics. The immediate crackdown led to the closing down of social premises and whittled the membership down to 4,500 as the weak and the moderates deserted, leaving the libertarians in complete control; by the time that the repression had passed, the new leadership council was unequivocally anarchist and criticisms of the agenda of the suspended congress were unanswerable; a number of the items on the proposed agenda were regarded as out of order because of their pro-UGT flavour. In the end the congress was held: it was the second SO congress and the foundation congress of the CNT, attended by 114 societies and local federations in October-November 1910. The SO was laid to rest and the CNT came into existence.
SO represented something new in the labour sphere: the replacement of combinationism by syndicalism and the adoption of French trends, together with retention of the late 19th century internationalist tradition. It seems certain that the main work carried out by he anarchists arrived at a federation on a par with the FRE and FTRE and to that end had had to grapple with problems very much like the ones faced by the old International: the struggle against the socialists, distancing from the republicans (previously it was the federal republicans, now it was the Radicals), resistance to repression, and the overcoming of narrow parochialism.
2. - Title of the most enduring anarchist and syndicalist newspaper. It appeared first in Barcelona on 19 October 1907 as the “Organ of the Solidaridad Obrera Federation” and under the supervision of Jaime Bisbal (it seems that the real director was Anselmo Lorenzo). It seems to have grown out of El Despertad Social (the paper of a waiters’ union) and it enjoyed financial backing from Francisco Ferrer, although Lorenzo got the credit for the idea of launching it. The first editorial team was made up of Lorenzo, Moreno, Casasola, Colomé, Grau, Ferrer and Herreros, with Badía handling the administration and frequent contributions from Mella, Prat and Loredo. Suspended on 30 November (with issue No 7) it reappeared on 13 February 1908. Later it was run by Tomás Herreros, Andrés Cuadros (temporarily in 1910), Joaquín Bueso (1910-1911), Andrés Cuadro (for a second stint), Manuel Andreu (1915-16, before he resigned when accused of pursuing a nationalist policy line) and Borovio. When Pestaña joined the editorial team in 1917, the newspaper (which also included Negre, Puerto, Jordán and Godayol) had fallen into some disrepute (being boycotted even by some CNT unions) and was selling only 3,500 copies; Pestaña shook things up and gave it a clearer line as well as - at some risk - pushing a big campaign against Bravo Portillo, all of which boosted sales to 17,000 copies. In May 1922, when it became impossible to publish in Barcelona, it was removed to Valencia under the direction of Alaiz, with Viadiu, Abella, Quílez, Calleja, Amador, Seguí, Caracena as editors and contributors.
It was shut down by Primo de Rivera only to reappear on 31 August 1930 (in accordance with a resolution by a Catalan regional plenum of unions that May), with support funding from libertarians in Manresa and with its own presses, under the editorship of Juan Peiró, with Massoni as manager and Foix, Carbó, Magre and Clará on the editorial panel, achieving average daily sales (having gone daily in 1916) of 26,000 copies. When the feud erupted between treintistas and faístas, there was hot competition for control of the paper; in September 1931 a Catalan regional plenum of unions gave the victory to the radicals and Alaiz took over as editor: he was succeeded by José Corbella, Liberto Callejas and others (undergoing seven changes of manager between September 1931 and November 1932).
During the civil war, it was run by Liberto Callejas, Jacinto Toryho and José Viadiu (who was its last director before it was driven underground by Franco’s victory), achieving sales of 220,000 copies (the biggest selling newspaper in Spain).
Its most troublesome time was during the republic, as the authorities intervened regularly following the faísta-treintista squabbles: whole editions were impounded or suspended ( when Villar was editor it was suspended for 104 days at one go and the impounding of issues was repeated under Abad and Gilabert), necessitating its temporary replacement by Solidaridad.
Up until the defeat in 1939, large numbers of prestigious militants passed through its editorial panels: Peirats, Ascaso, Viñas, Castellá, Marianet, etc. Being the mouthpiece of the Catalan CNT, it mirrored all of the events of any note that affected the Confederation and, given the hold it exercised over CNT personnel, it was the object of much ferocious competition.
After the 1936-1939 war, it resurfaced repeatedly as a clandestine publication from 1942 onwards: it appeared regularly as a monthly up until June 1947, and then fitfully until at least 1955 (No 40, August 1955) and again after that (one issue appeared in Madrid in 1961 under the aegis of Ismael Rodríguez’s national committee). In the 1940s, its directors were Mariano Lasasús and Aiguaviva and it championed the collaborationist line of the CNT of the interior.
When Franco died, it reappeared in 1976, publishing sometimes monthly and sometimes weekly, as the organ of the Catalan CNT, its quality varying wildly and its management changing often (over a hundred issues were published up to 1982).
3. - A news-sheet described as the “Organ of the Confederals and Libertarians of the Unión Nacional and its Guerrilla Brigades”. Nothing to do with the libertarian movement, it was pro-PCE and appeared in France following the defeat of the Nazis.
4. - Algiers, 1944-46, organ of the MLE in North Africa. Published also in Oran, it was brought out by Isabel del Castillo, Pérez Burgos, Puyol, Herrea and Muñoz Congost. Took an anti-collaborationist and orthodox line.
5. - Mexico 1942-1960 (off and on), mouthpiece of the CNT emigrés in Mexico. Run by Viadiu. The first newspaper of the title to surface in exile.
6. - Paris 1944-1961. Appeared as the mouthpiece of the XI Region. Anti-collaborationist and anti-Communist. Attained sales of 20,000 copies, falling to 6,000 in the 1950s. Started off on 24 September 1944 as the weekly/fortnightly and lawful mouthpiece of the CNT exiles (having been published underground in 1942-43): from 1954 on it carried a monthly Supplement launched by Gómez Peláez. In November 1961 it was wound up under pressure from the Francoists and (after a few attempts to circumvent the banning order, such as reappearing as Solidaridad, Boletín CNT or Boletín) its place was taken by Le Combat Syndicaliste (Still publishing in 1982). Through its editorial team have passed, at one time or another, Montuenga, Freire, Joan Ferrer, Fernando Gómez, Cánovas Cervantes and Casanova. Prominent among its contributors and editors were Endériz, García Birlán, García Gallo, García Pradas, Puyol, Leval, Viadiu, Patán, Baldó, Borraz, Camacho, Ilde, Alaiz, Carbó, Galindo, Gracia, Samblancat, A. Ferreras, Alcón, Casellas, Parra, Volga, etc. It was the most important CNT mouthpiece among the orthodox wing of the exile community in France, along with Espoir-CNT.
7. - Gijón, 13 November 1909 to 24 December 1910, 32 issues. Organ of the Federation of Gijón Labour Societies. Director: Emilio Rendueles and Pedro Sierra, with Viñas as administrator: contributions from Quintanilla, Lorenzo, Mella and Prat. Resurfaced later in two separate incarnations: a) in 1916 under the editorship of V, Fernández and Marcelino Suárez, as the Organ of the Gijón CNT workers’ federation and b) 1918-1926, with a print-run of up to 10,000 copies, run by González Mallada, Buenacasa and Francisco Fernández.
8. - Bilbao, 1918, under direction of Antonio Pena.
9. - La Coruña, 1924-25, weekly, under the direction of Suárez Duque and Ricardo García. Organ of the Galician CNT. Later also in Compostela, under Ezequiel Rey. Reappeared in La Coruña in 1931-34 and in 1936.
10. - Valencia, Organ of the CNT of Levante, 1930-36. Published in Alcoy for a time.
11. - Huelva, organ of the CNT’s Huelva unions, 1930.
12. - Seville, 1920, organ of the Andalusian CNT. Took a syndicalist line. Fortnightly.
13. - Valencia, 1981-82, organ of the breakaway CNT (Valencia Congress), 10 issues.
14. - Madrid, 1920.
15. - Vigo, 1920.
16. - Bilbao, 1920.
17. - Mouthpiece of the Galician CNT, clandestine, 1947.

112. EL PRODUCTOR. Title of several anarchist and revolutionary syndicalist papers.
1. - Barcelona, initially a daily (up to No 31), then weekly. from 1 February 1887 to 21 September 1893. Anarcho-communist. Editors included Lorenzo, Esteve, Gomis, Llunas, Sentiñón, Urales, Pellicer and Adrián del Valle. Articles by Reclus, Proudhon, Cafiero, Bakunin, Azorín, Alvarez, Clemens, Nieva, Gener, Tárrida, Boix, Mella, Büchner, Cruz, Castilla, etc., as well as a variety of workers’ and anarchist manifests. 369 issues published.
It resurfaced in Barcelona-Gracia in 1901 to 1904, under Bonafulla and with the support of Teresa Claramunt, with contributions from López Montenegro, Alarcón, Mir, Estruch, G. Fernández, Mella, Allado, Vidal, Acracio Progreso, Montfort, Claramunt, Tárrida, Pahissa, Torralvo, Prat, etc. 122 issues in all.
It reappeared then in 1905-06, publishing 48 issues, with texts from Rull, Mas Gomeri, Onteniente etc.
One of the most celebrated classic anarchist reviews. As for its launch, it seems that the plan was to publish it in Valencia as an anarcho-collectivist daily with help from the La Regeneración workers’ circle and Spain’s collectivists, but in the end it appeared in Barcelona, in close association with the editors of Acracia.
2. - Anarcho-syndicalist newspaper published in Blanes (and, from December 1925, in Barcelona). It appeared on 7 November 1925 and lasted until April 1926 when it was suspended by Primo de Rivera. Initially the intention had been that it would be published as El Libertario. A weekly, it attained a print run of 5,000 copies. Founded by Buenacasa with direct support from the Spanish group at La Protesta (especially Abad de Santillán). Its aim was to bolster anarchism within the CNT in order to counter the syndicalist onslaught. Its editorial team included Patricio Navarro, Alberola, Adelantado, Domínguez, Suñé, Gisbert, Miguel Jiménez, Labrador, Ròsquillas, Sesé, Vázquez, Miguel Chueca, Peñacorada, Blas, Royo and Ruiz de Galarreta. Contributions from Santillán, Ghiraldo, Treni, Malatesta and Makhno.. It resurfaced momentarily in 1930 (June-July).
3. - Seville 1919. Weekly published by Sánchez Rosa. Reappeared in July 1920 (up until October). Took an anarchist line hostile to the CNT (reflecting Sánchez Rosa’s problems with the syndicalists in the Andalusian CNT).
4. - Onteniente, 1905 and 1936-38.
5. - La Coruña 1896, 5 issues.
6. - Tarragona 1923, under the direction of H. Plaja.
7. - Canaries, 1921.

113. EL PRODUCTOR LITERARIO. Weekly newspaper, Barcelona, 24 February 1906 to 12 January 1907, 45 issues. An anarchist paper in the Nietzschean tradition and of a very high literary merit, targeting anarchism’s intellectualised minority. Contributions from Azorín, Coca, Ibsen, Gener, Torralvo, Unamuno, Dorado, Camba, Onteniente, Insúa and others.

114. MELLA CEA, Ricardo. La Gamboa 1861-Vigo 1925.
A hat-maker’s son and the oldest of four children, he attended school from 1867 to 1873 and by 1877 was a member of the federal republican party, as well as its secretary in Vigo from early on. He worked for a shipping agency and took an interest in journalism (one that he retained all his life) and founded La Verdad. He left for Madrid only to return to Vigo in 1880 and found the federalist weekly La Propaganda (1881) which mirrored his shift from federalism into anarchism and which had a telling impact upon tipping the working class of the area in the anarchist direction. From 1881 on he was coming to prominence in Vigo when he was charged with insulting the cacique Elduayen; brought to trial, he was forced to move to Madrid, where he became closely linked with Serrano Oteiza (marrying one of his daughters) whom he had met at the congress in Seville in 1882 (which he attended on behalf of the Vigo local federation). Encouraged by Oteiza, he embarked upon a study of surveying and drank deeply of anarchist theory and completely abandoned the republicanism of his youth. In 1883 he began to make a name for himself as abn anarchist writer in La Revista Social and also served on the panel that determined that Iglesias should be expelled from the FRE. He embraced the anarcho-collectivist line, a doctrine that called for common ownership of natural ad social assets and freedom to use the land,m the sib-soil, the sea, machinery or the major instruments of labour, the railways etc., but advocated private ownership of the products churned out by the individual or group. In 1884, with Alvarez, he translated Bakunin’s God and the State and the following year he entered two essays for the Reus symposium (‘Differences between Communism and Collectivism’, plus the one on emigration), rejecting libertarian communism and admitting to a libertarian socialism (which he described as: all men require an indefinite degree and form of physical and mental development and all are entitled to have this need met in full and freely through cooperation or voluntary community). in 1887, he worked in Andalusia as a surveyor and developed a great fondness for the region, where he launched newspapers, was an active propagandist and acquired considerable prestige: that same year, his essay on emigration was published in Barcelona along with one entitled ‘The Reaction in the Revolution: Communism defended from Communists’). In the ensuing years he was to publish many pamphlets and in 1888 launched La Solidaridad in Seville (it was a collectivist bulwark). Within a year he was coming around to Lum’s mutualist collectivist variant, whilst rejecting the economic dogmatism of the anarchists, only to settle for Tárrida del Mármol’s anarchism plain and simple (sin adjetivos) to which he was to subscribe right up until the end of his days. In 1889 he presented a paper to the Reus symposium and founded La Alarma. At this time he felt very much consumed by the widespread rebellion in pugnacious Andalusia and held lots of meetings. In 1894 he wrote a sharp retort to Lombroso’s theses and translated Malatesta; the next year, he returned to Vigo and within two years was in Pontevedra working on the building of the railway and joining with his friend Prat to write against the repression in Barcelona and involving himself in the victims’ defence campaign. In 1899 he published his famous pamphlet ‘The Law of Numbers’, debunking electoralism and parliamentarism: in 1900 he was the Spanish delegate to the international anarchist congress in Paris and in 1901 he moved to Asturias (to Sarriego) and wrote for Natura: shortly after that he gave up on anarchist activism, irritated by the prevailing Jacobinism; he picked up again years later in 1909 and denounced such Jacobinism from the pages of Tribuna Libre, Solidaridad Obrera (of Gijón) and other papers. In 1910 he settled in Vigo (where he was to become a well-known figure as director of the tram company) and wrote for Acción Libertaria and El Libertario, translated Kropotkin and published pamphlets such as Matters Educational (putting the case for a neutral schooling rather than Ferrer’s approach). When the Great War broke out he sided with the Entente powers and after 1916 drifted apart from anarchism again as Jacobinism experienced a revival. After his death, work began on publication of his collected works, two volumes of which were to come out (in 1926 and 1934), prepared for publication by Prat and Quintanilla.
Mella is one of Spanish anarchism’s most brilliant theorists whose extensive oeuvre is characterised by its moderation and its enduring influence over the Asturian CNT. He used many pen names (Raúl, Mario, Doctor Allen..) and many of his ideas have withstood the test of time: in addition, he coined expressions still common currency to this day (e.g. beyond the ideal there is always another ideal). He published in very many newspapers including La Anarquía, Bandera Roja, La Idea Libertaria, El Productor, Tierra y Libertad, La Revista Blanca, La Solidaridad, Natura, Ciencia Social, El Rebelde, La Protesta, Acción Libertaria, El Porvenir del Obrero, El Libertario, El Corsario, Fraternidad, etc. Author of: El Socialismo Anarquista (Madrid 1898), Táctica Socialista (Madrid 1900), La Cooperación Libre y los Sistemas de Comunidad (1900), La Bancarrota de la Creencias, El Anarquismo Naciente (Valencia 1903), translated from the English, and wrote an introduction to Kropotkin’s La Ciencia Moderna y el Anarquismo, Cuestiones Sociales (Valencia 1912), Plumazos (La Coruña 1912), Cuestiones de la Enseñanza (Madrid 1913), El Ideal Anarquista. Su Significación Filosófica y su Significación Práctica (Jérez 1915), Las Grandes Obras de la Civilización (Jérez 1915), Por la Anarquía (Barcelona 1916), Mirando hacia el Futuro (Buenos Aires 1925?), Episodios de la Miseria. El Hambre (Seville 1888), El Problema de a Emigración en Galicia (Barcelona 1885), Diferencias entre el Comunismo y el Colectivismo (Reus 1885), La Anarquía, Breves Apuntes sobre las Pasiones Humanas, La Nueva Utopía, El Colectivismo, sus Fundamentos Científicos, El Crimen de Chicago (all Barcelona 1890), Entre Anarquistas. Diálogos (Madrid 1891), Sinopsis Social: la Anarquía, la Federación y el Colectivismo (Seville 1891), La Coacción Moral (1893), Lombroso y los Anarquistas (Barcelona 1896), Le Socialisme en Espagne (Paris 1897), La Ley del Número (Vigo 1899), La Barbarie Gubernamental en España (with Prat, 1897), Del Amor. Modo de Acción y Finalidad Social (1900), and some poetry De la Playa a la Montaña (Ideario 1926). A supporter of collectivism, he embraced the literary anarchism of Azorín and, like the radical anti-authoritarian that he was, he opposed anarchist Jacobinism; he believed in the potential of minorities and in the individual versus the herd, and, although no great enthusiast for organisation, he welcomed the birth of the CNT. He championed a neutral education against Ferrer and was opposed to regionalism; he was a believer in personal revolution and repudiated slavery, prefering education and integral training. In his view, social progress was the fruit of the individual’s rebellion against the herd; hence his rejection of the law of the will of the majority (he hoped to see the herd turned into a community of individuals and to create a society in which man would be the God-King). Then again, he took the view that man is neither naturally good nor naturally evil, that it all depends on the example set him (goodness lies in the central concern for truth); nor did he look upon passion as a negative thing. The evil lay in its being corrupted and in its context (authoritarian society) and he considered himself an atheist (because of his anti-authoritarianism); he rejected the social contracts of Hobbes and Rousseau, contrasting it with moral and social coercion or public spiritedness. Yet he was only partly a believer in the revolutionary spirit of the masses (hence his advocacy of minorities); he set out his theory of the free contract (the struggle against capital and the State, wherein one’s methods have to be tailored to circumstances, but he condemned terrorism) and embraced the threefold great objective of equality, freedom and solidarity; hence his opposition to private property.

115. VALENCIA, FRE CONFERENCE, 1871. This replaced the scheduled congress and, because of the tide of repression, met in secret in Valencia from 10 to 18 September. It was attended by 13 delegates (including Alonso Marselau, Montoro, Mesa, Farga, Bargalló..) representing 11 local federations, plus Mora and Lorenzo, who were representing the federal council. The conference concluded with a debate against academics from the university. The resolutions passed were: 1. - To reorganise the FRE into five comarcas (north, south, east, west and central). 2. - The expression “democratic federal republic” was defined as meaning “collective ownership, anarchy and economic federation”. 3. - Individual dues would be lowered, federations of related trades set up, the local federations’ fighting funds done away with, and costs (incurred by illness, unemployment, blacklisting, harassment, schooling and cultural expenditure) would be shared. 4. - A congress would be held in Zaragoza. 5. - A delegate would be sent to the London international conference and was to bring along a report drafted by Farga, Mora and others. 6. - A new federal council was elected; it had its base in Madrid and it would be made up of: Iglesias, Pauly, Mesa, Pagés, F. and A. Mora, Calleja, Sáenz and Lorenzo.

116. SABATÉ LLOPART, Francisco. Alias Quico. Hospitalet de Llobregat 1915-San Celoni 1960. Died in a clash with the Somatén and the Civil Guard.
At the age of seven, his parents put him in the Durán home in Barcelona, from which he escaped and made his way home. He worked in a plumber’s supply workshop and joined the CNT in his home town before the republic was proclaimed. Around 1932 he began his sometimes blurred oscillation between crime and idealism, joining the Los Novatos action group and joining the FAI: he was involved in the uprising in December 1933. The following year he was sent to prison. In 1935 he was declared a draft-dodger and was involved in a bank robbery to bolster prisoner defence funds. In August 1936 he served on the Aragon front with the Los Aguiluchos column, fought in the ranks of the Ascaso Division and with the 25th Division: he was involved in clashes with the Communists and was obliged to desert in Teruel and flee to Barcelona where he helped free some anarchist prisoners; arrested in connection with the death of the Stalinist Ariño, he was jailed in Barcelona and later in Vich from where he shot his way free of the Carabineros; he joined the 26th Division and served with it up until the end of the civil war. In February he crossed the border into France and wound up in the Vernet camp; in December he was sent to a gunpowder factory in Angoulême and, after the Germans overran France, to a gas plant. He was active with the anti-Nazi guerrillas and in 1943 was living in the Perpignan area (and may have visited Barcelona), studying the border and working in the countryside. After the CNT’s 1945 congress, Sabaté was one of the people who responded with most alacrity to the CNT’s call for the fight against Franco to be stepped up: in 1945 he carried out robberies with Parés, moving weapons and releasing prisoners in Catalonia, along with setting up a sprawling support network. In 1948 he was sentenced in France (in absentia) to a three year jail term for smuggling arms; in 1949 he made contact with the Los Maños group in Barcelona and together they prepared a (failed) attempt on the life of Quintela. Together with Facerías’s group he launched an intensive campaign in the lead-up to Franco’s visit to Barcelona. In June 1949 he was arrested in France and served nearly a year in prison (in Montpellier), during which time Franco’s police dismantled the network he had established in Catalonia. At the start of 1955 he launched the Grupos Anarcosindicalistas (which were disowned by the CNT-in-exile) and fought in Barcelona with weapons and propaganda materials; in 1956-57, these groups were smashed (with 42 arrests made in Catalonia) and Sabaté wound up in jail in Montpellier (for eight months). He returned to Spain in 1959 with Miracle, Conesa, Madrigal and Ruiz, but they were ambushed on the border and the wounded Sabaté escaped, but was gunned down in San Celoni on 5 January 1960.
Sabaté is, without doubt, the most famous of the anti-Franco urban guerrillas. Generally, he was acting in conformity with the CNT’s rules, except for 1955-56 when he came in for harsh criticism. Strictly a man of action, he carried on with the struggle even when he knew that things were hopeless.

117. SALVAT-PAPASSEIT Juan. Barcelona 1894-1924.
Author prominent in Spanish- and especially Catalan- language literature. As the orphaned son of a stoker, he entered a naval home up until the age of 13 when he began work at a variety of trades. In 1911 he made the acquaintance of Eroles who introduced him to the world of books and literature and put him in touch with Garcés. Around 1916 he was living in poverty, working as a harbour watchman. Later he ran the literature section of some stores and an antique stall in Sitges, while publishing articles (signed with the nom de plume of Gorkiano) of a pronounced anarcho-syndicalist tone. In 1917 he launched the review Un Enemic del Poble (a paper of spiritual subversion) in which he published his op-ed items (giving his views of all sorts of matters). In 1919 he was in Barcelona with Manent, López Picó and Millás and contributed to the review Marvella, whilst turning into one of the most outstanding representatives of an avant-garde with a highly accentuated social message and inimical to aestheticism (see the Manifiesto contra los poetas en minúscula, 1920) and emphasising the youth theme and the theme of boyhood heroes such as the pirate or the clown. His literary oeuvre (he was essentially a poet) blended avant-gardism with a rebelliousness derived from his social origins, with an additional dash of Ibsen, Gorky, Nietzsche, and others added. Author of: Humo de Fábrica (1917), Poemes en Hondes Hertzianes (1919), L’Irradiador del Port i les Gavines (1921), Les Conspiracions (1922), La Gesta dels Estels (1922), Poema de la Rosa als Llavis (1923) and Ussa Menor (1925).

118. SENTIÑÓN, Gaspar. Died in Barcelona 1903.
Catalan doctor who studied in Vienna, Belgium and Germany over a six year period. In August 1869 he turned up as a member of the Geneva section of the Alliance and that same year was a delegate to the Basle congress on behalf of the Barcelona Federal Centre. He attended the Barcelona congress in 1870 and was the administrator of La Federación (leading to his being imprisoned in 1871); at around the same time, in Barcelona, he founded a free-thinkers’ club (La Luz) and flirted with Almirall’s Catalanist line of argument. Around 1873 he drifted away from the International and from anarchist circles, although he did contribute to El Productor. Throughout those years he corresponded with Jawlovsky, Eccarius, Becker, Engels and Varlin and was a close friend of Bakunin and the lynch-pin of the Spanish Alliance. An affable and highly cultured man, he wrote for La Federación, El Productor and La Humanidad, translated Kropotkin and Büchner and wrote a book on cholera, El Cólera y su Tratamiento (Barcelona 1883).

119. MIRANDA CONCHA, Francisco. Anarchist enjoying great prestige in the early years of the 20th century. Seems to have been born in 1869 and usually lived in Barcelona; he was Anselmo Lorenzo’s stepson and served as his companion. It looks as if he took part in the propaganda tour through Andalusia in October 1902; he is credited with membership of the strike committee during the Tragic Week (though this is not certain) and in any case was obliged to flee Spain in August 1909. Following the resurrection of the CNT in 1915, he was assistant secretary of the first national committee; in 1917-18 he was its secretary and, shortly before that, he attended the congress in El Ferrol (1915). During the ‘teen years of the century he was frequently involved in rallies and propaganda tours (such as the nationwide excursion of 1918), and was active in strikes (a member of the Barcelona strike committee in August 1917, was arrested over the La Canadiense strike, arrested over the 1911 strike, and took part in pro-amnesty meetings in 1916 and 1917). A very determined character, he was regularly imprisoned and was an outstanding public speaker; his fondness was for matters relating to anarchy, rationalism and Ferrer’s teachings (he was an enthusiastic promoter of the books of the Modern School. Wrote for El Porvenir del Obrero and had letters published in El País and El Progreso.

120. MARTÍNEZ PRIETO, Horacio. Bilbao 1902-
Construction worker who came late to the CNT because he considered himself a pure anarchist; subsequently, he was to be the most outstanding representative of pro-political, reformist revisionism within the CNT. During the Primo de Rivera dictatorship he spent some time in Paris (1925-26) where, it seems, he opposed García Oliver’s case for the formation of a revolutionary alliance against the dictator. His influence began to become apparent under the republic: in 1932 he was on the editorial staff of CNT (and visited Russia that year), vice-secretary of the CNT national committee in 1934 and secretary in 1936 (after eight months spent in prison in Bilbao), until he resigned the post at the end of that year. The outbreak of civil war had found him in Bilbao and he was the CNT representative n the Vizcaya provincial defence committee (with responsibility for health matters) until he departed for Barcelona, at which point he set in motion an ambitious plan to get the CNT to commit to the republican government: first, at the national plenum of CNT regionals on 28 September 1936, and later at another national plenum of regionals (which he had summoned off his own bat) in October which accorded him powers to arrange for CNT entry into the republican government (he had talks with Largo Caballero and Azaña), which he did. At a national plenum of regionals in November 1936 he was labelled a traitor and liquidationist, but within a month was director of trade with Juan López. In December 1937 he headed the CNT delegation to the extra-ordinary congress of the IWA and there put the case for governmentalism. In April 1938 he was under-secretary for health under Blanco and in October, at a national plenum of regionals, he put the case for the FAI to be turned into a political party (a thesis he had previously argued in the review Timón), whilst issuing a call for apoliticism to be jettisoned, condemning Kropotkin and inclining towards philo-marxism and reformism: a short time previously, he had chaired the committee of liaison with the Stalinist UGT and that same year he pressed for the opening of negotiations with Franco. He was also a member of the CAP (Policy Advisory Committee), but, curiously, he was against the creation of the García Oliver-ist Executive Committee in April 1938 (and the war was scarcely over before he was opposing the POT, on the grounds that it was “ill-timed”). After the defeat he was a nominal member of the MLE General Council set up in 1939 and stuck to his emphatically collaborationist line: he supported the Luque motion in 1946-47, served as a minister in Giral's government-in-exile in 1945, etc. His trajectory culminated in his proposal that a political party be launched; he signed its manifesto on 23 January 1948. It drew little response and this to all intents placed him on the outside of the libertarian movement: thereafter he was regarded for the most part as a former libertarian.
The arguments invoked by Prieto to justify joining the republican government were: that there was no way of imposing libertarians’ wishes on the republican zone for want of psychological preparation, they were not in a position to win the war, there was the foreign opposition to the anarchist revolution, the revolution’s gains had to be defended, the people dearly wanted anti-Francoist unity.. That such arguments should have cut any ice with influential strata within the CNT speaks volumes for the CNT personnel of the time and accounts for the CNT’s compliance with dereliction of principles (and for layabouts’ appetite for the trappings of rank): Prieto was merely the rigger in this process of degeneration. for it has to be obvious that his arguments would have made no headway had he not had supporters and met with complicit silences. Authors of: Anarcosindicalismo. Cómo Hacemos la Revolución (1933), Facetas de la URSS (Santander 1933), Los Problemas de la Revolución Española (1933), Los Problemas de la Revolución Española (1933), Anarquismo Relativo. Crítica de los Hechos y Sugestiones Revisionistas (Mexico 1948), El Anarquismo Español en la Lucha Política (Paris 19460, Posibilismo Libertario (1966), Semblanza y Personalidad de Galo Díez (unpublished), Gobierno Vasco. Algunos Antecedentes para el Libro Blanco de Euskadi-Norte CNT (unpublished), Marxismo y Socialismo Libertario (Paris 1947), El Movimiento Libertario y sus Necesidades (Paris, undated), Problemas Planteados en la Casa CNT-FAI de Barcelona el 6-1-1938 (unpublished).
By the way, his son César M. Lorenzo’s book, Los Anarquistas Españoles y el Poder, is nothing more than an apology for his father’s handiwork and a protracted plea for a politicised CNT.

121. LOREDO, Antonio.
Spanish anarchist whose activities took place in the River Plate nations as well as Spain. Around 1902 he was a member of the barbers’ union in Argentina and was prominent in the press; the likelihood us that he was deported to Montevideo in 1905 and expelled from Argentina in 1909, in which year he turned up in Catalonia; he was director of Tierra y Libertad and was imprisoned in Tarrasa (in connection the Barcelona strike that July). In the teen years of the century he spread anarchism through the hinterland of Córdoba (Canete, Bujalance..). In 1915 he attended the El Ferrol congress and was involved in the propaganda tour on behalf of the Cenicero prisoners and died a short while after that in Logroño. One of the finest writers and public speakers of his day, he was highly cultivated and had an interest in education and was firmly against the presence of socialists in Solidaridad Obrera. He was a member of the 4 de Mayo anarchist group and wrote for Tierra y Libertad and Solidaridad Obrera.

122. EL LIBERTARIO. Title of several periodical publications.
1. - Quality Asturian anarchist newspaper. It appeared on the strength of a donation made to Mella by Panamanian anarchists. Mella entrusted the venture to Quintanilla, Sierra and Machargo. It appeared in Gijón from 10 August 1912 to 12 April 1913. 35 issues. Later, it was transferred to Madrid (like Acción Libertaria). It carried texts from Mella and Benavente..
2. - Caracas, 1959.
3. - Barcelona 1901. Anarchist.
4. - Madrid 1909, 6 issues. Texts by V. García.
5. - Madrid 1923.
6. - Blanes 1923. Anarchist.
7. - Madrid 1932, anarchist weekly.

123. DAMIANO GONZÁLEZ. Cipriano. Comares (Málaga) 1916.
Active from a very early age. By the time of the collapse of the Málaga front, he had already served three years in prison. He co-founded the reviews Faro (1936) and Nervio (the 127th Brigade newspaper). He lived through the civil war and after the defeat was in the port of Alicante: he endured the concentration camps of Almendros and Albatera, imprisonment in Valencia and in the fortress of Gardeny and served with the labour battalions across Spain, the last one in Tudela de Duero (punctuated with escapes and attempted escapes). Convicted several times over, he saw the inside of the prisons of Barcelona, Madrid, Segovia, Málaga, Guadalajara, Jaén and Palencia. His popularity is down to his activities during the post-civil war years; he was vice-secretary of Vallejo’s national committee of the underground CNT (1949), and secretary from 1951: arrested in 1953, he was sentenced to 15 years in prison. On his release he left for France; later, he returned and took over the CNT national committee following the capture of Calle, during the Cincopuntista period; he opposed the Cincopuntistas (and published the review Panorama) and was again captured by the police (1970) and served several years in prison (being released towards the end of 1973). When the CNT was reorganised after Franco’s death, and following the bickering at the Casa de Campo congress, he appears to have sided with the breakaways. In 1982 he served on the editorial board of Polémica. During his rather eventful life he used a number of aliases, including Segundo Canillo, El Niño, Cigadón, Devenir, Paco, León, Antonio González,and Yayo. Author of: La Resistencia Libertaria, 1939-1970 (Barcelona 1978), based largely on Juanel’s book.

124. ÁLVAREZ, Ernesto.
Valladolid anarchist occupying a position of the first magnitude in the late 19th century libertarian press. His work was essentially done in Madrid (he was one of the leading lights of Madrid anarchism) where he was friendly with Serrano Oteiza. It seems that Pío Baroja offers a fictionalised portrait of him in Aurora Roja. He was a dogged campaigner for the eight hour day and was briefly imprisoned in connection with the planting of a petard in Cánovas’s garden (1893). He died in 1903. He was an editor of La Anarquía, La Bandera and La Idea Libre, and was a contributor to El Productor, Bandera Social, La Solidaridad, La Emancipación, El Condenado, El Orden, La Revista Social, La Protesta, Acracia, etc., with articles on a wide variety of topics (anti-clerical, critical of the federal republicans, social articles). Together with Mella he translated Bakunin’s God and the State and was the author of the first pamphlet published in the Iberian peninsula on the Chicago martyrs. Around 1891, he seems to have been very actively involved in preparing the Madrid congress of the Pacto that year. Author of: ¡Siete Sentencias de Muerte¡ Proceso de los Anarquistas en Chicago. Juicio Crítico y Discursos Pr0nunciados ante los Tribunales (Madrid 1887), Al Pueblo (Reus 1896), Espartaco: Bosquejo Histórico (Valladolid 1900, previously published in La Idea Libre).

125. GARCÍA PRADAS, José. Born in Quincoces de Yuso (Burgos) 1910.
Even as a teenager in Valencia he had an early introduction to literary and political circles (he knew Max Aub and Civera) and was drawn to the CNT after a reading of Lenin (by whom he was revulsed). In Valencia in the 1930s he was the correspondent for La Tierra. Shortly before the civil war he moved to Madrid as an editor on La Tierra, a post he resigned because if ideological differences, to work as a hod-carrier; he joined the FAI (same group as Celedonio Pérez and Melchor Rodríguez) and belatedly joined the CNT (in February 1936). When the civil war began he became one of the lynch-pins of the Castilian CNT: he was to direct CNT and Frente Libertario, was a member of the Centre regional defence committee (with Del Val and Salgado), fought in Guadalajara and in the environs of Madrid and was also an important player in making the preparations for the anti-Communist gambit in March 1939 which was the subject of so much controversy later: during the civil war years he wrote a lot in favour of unity with the UGT and the antifascist Popular Front, and such writings earned him great prestige. Going into exile in March 1939, he lived in London for many years as an editor with BBC Radio and engaged in literary work (as a translator of Shakespeare). Famously he clashed with Leval and was very harshly critical of Martínez Prieto (the cause, he argued, of CNT collaborationism). He contributed articles to Solidaridad Obrera (Paris), Frente Libertario, España Libre, 14 División, Campo Libre, Construcción, etc. Author of: Teníamos que Perder (Madrid 1974), Tres Epístolas a Horacio (Algiers 1946), España, Colonia de su Ejército (Paris 1947), Rusia y España (Paris 1948), La Traición de Stalin. Cómo Terminó la Guerra de España (New York 1939), Bandera de Libertad (Madrid 1938), Guerra Civil (Vesoul 1947), Milicias Confederales (Madrid 1938?), Antifascismo Proletario (Madrid 1938), Después de la Guerra (Madrid 1938), Frente Popular Antifascista y Alianza Obrera Revolucionaria (Madrid 1939), Meditaciones Independientes (Paris, no date), Revolución Proletaria? (Paris 1951), Pasado y Presente del Movimiento Obrero Español (no place, no date), Cómo Terminó la Guerra de España (Buenos Aires 1940), La Crisis del Socialismo (Paris 1957), Origen, Esencia y Fin de la Sociedad de Clases (Rennes 1948). Other works include: Los Rusos Vuelven, Tierra de Lobos, Al Pie de la Vera Cruz, Fabulillas de Tablado, En el Portal de Belén, Balada de Nochebuena, Leyenda del Pucará, Resón de la Araucana, Fray Tomás de San Martín, Romance del Conde Alarcos, La Revolución del Estado, Con el Sudor de su Frente, El Estado es un Clase, Tributo de Sangre, El Terror de Soso Khan, Nuestro Señor el Centauro, La Saeta Erbolada de Traición and Cuatro Cartas a Carbó.

126. ACCIÓN LIBERTARIA. Title of a number of periodicals.
1. - Asturian anarchist publication, Gijón, November 1910 to July 1911, 27 issues. Run by José Marchago. Banned and lacking a press of its own, it was moved to Vigo (September to November) where it was run by Mella and published 6 issues. In the end it was banned. It resurfaced in Gijón on 8 January 1915, lasting until 4 February 1916, assuredly under the direction of Quintanilla, for a total of 44 issues. Contributors included Sierra, Rovira, Mella, Lorenzo, Chueca, Grave, Ingenieros, Malatesta, Alomar, Salvochea, Maeztu, Fabbri and Cornelissen.. and it turned into one of the best newspapers of its day. It showed sympathy for CNT syndicalism. Its demise was down to ideological disagreements. Before it reappeared in Gijón, it had a further stint in Madrid, apparently with Sierra in charge, from 23 May 1913 to 22 January 1914, publishing 34 issues. (The Madrid phase is normally counted as part of the life-span of El Libertario).
2. - Organ of the MLE, Marseilles 1944-45.
3. - Libertarian Youth publication, Paris 1964.
4. - Zaragoza 1914.
5. - Mouthpiece of the CNT del Ebro (and later, Aragon), Zaragoza 1975-79, 26 issues.
6. - Organ of the CNT of Asturias-León-Palencia (and, formerly, of the North), Gijón-Oviedo, 1976, to date (1983). Monthly and bimonthly, 40 issues. After the split at the Fifth Congress, it aligned itself with the breakaways.

127. GALLEGO GARCÍA, Gregorio. Madrid 1916.
Attracted by sociological and literary matters he joined the CNT and the FIJL in 1933, coming to prominence because of his activism and holding numerous positions of responsibility. During the civil war he was an editor with Castilla Libre, contributing to like-minded newspapers and he fought in the Centre region (in Madrid, Guadalajara and Teruel). His fame grew in the post-civil war years after he had passed through the inevitable concentration camps and prisons, from which he was released in 1943. He then joined the underground struggle up until arrested in the winter of 1944-45 when he was secretary of the CNT of the Centre and a member of the underground national committee: he was sentenced to 30 years, serving 19 in Alcalá, El Puerto and Ocaña. Freed in 1963, and being disillusioned and with his cover ‘blown’, he succumbed to the importuning of the Francoists and got involved in the Cincopuntista episode. Later he turned to literature and worked for publishing houses. Author of: El Hachazo (Mexico 1966), La Maraña (1966), La Otra Vertiente (1972), Los Caínes (1973), Madrid, Corazón que se Desmaya (Madrid 1976), Hacia el Triunfo (Madrid 1937), and Las Juventudes Libertarias ante el Pueblo (Valencia 1937).

128, MARCO NADAL, Enrique. Valencia 1913.
Active in the rail union, he joined the Libertarian Youth under the republic and the CNT in 1931. Founder and secretary of the Valencia sub-section of the National Rail Industry Federation, he served on the Libertarian Youth’s provincial committee at the time the civil war broke out. He fought in the ranks of the Iron Column and was the officer in charge of intelligence and map-making with the staff of the 215th Mixed Brigade. When the war ended he was captured in Alicante and interned in Albatera from where he managed to escape to France after four months (using forged permits). In Perpignan he was arrested by French gendarmes and taken to the Barcarés camp, which he left as a member of the 21st Foreign Volunteer Regiment and joined the very first Free French division fighting the Nazis in Egypt, Libya, Tunis, Italy and France; taken prisoner by the Germans (January 1945) in Polch, he was taken to the Langwasser camp, emerging after some months. In May 1945 he arrived in Paris and right after the split in the CNT in France he sided with those backing the CNT of the Interior (the collaborationists) and was greatly active in Poitiers (being secretary of that regional committee) and in Toulouse (secretary of the Levante natives’ regional committee and a member of the national committee, which, at his suggestion, took the name of the Sub-Committee). During the first half of 1946, following the capture of Juanel, he volunteered to replace him inside Spain and set off immediately. He crossed the border clandestinely with the aid of Aransáez and made his way to Madrid via Pamplona. In Madrid he was elected to head the underground national committee (after Monllor stepped down) and from that position he did sterling work, mainly on bolstering the ANFD and working to unite all anti-Francoists (hence his contacts with monarchists and the monarchist generals Beigbeder and Aranda); he also scored significant success in boosting the CNT press and was in touch with the guerrillas in the northwest; he was captured by police while on a visit to Barcelona (April 1947), tried, sentenced and served rather more than 17 years in prison. With great integrity (in spite of the prospect of a heavy sentence), in 1947 he rejected Francoist overtures inviting him to collaborate with the dictatorship. In a thoughtless moment in 1965 he wound up directly implicated in Cincopuntismo, probably through weariness, disenchantment and differences of opinion with the exile community. When the CNT was reorganised in 1975-76 he returned to his old organisation and after the falling-out at the Fifth Congress he sided with the breakaways and wrote for their press. Author of: Condenado a Muerte. Trozo Autobiográfico (Mexico 1966) and Todos Contra Franco. La Alianza Nacional de Fuerzas Democráticas 1944-1947 (Madrid 1982).

129. MOLINA MATEU, Juan Manuel. Known as Juanel. Born in Jumilla (Murcia) 1901.
Anarcho-syndicalist from 1915 in his native village, serving as secretary of its federation in 1917-18. In 1922 he deserted from the army and moved to Barcelona where he was active in trade unions and anarchist groups (he was to be a member of the CNT national committee and secretary of the anarchist groups’ liaison commission) and wrote for the libertarian press. In 1926 he crossed into France where he was to be the general secretary of the Spanish-speaking anarchist groups; arrested there, he went on an odyssey through various prisons before being expelled: he then went to Brussels (where he was a member of the international anarchist defence committee) until he returned to Barcelona in 1930 and took up the secretaryship of the FAI, holding it until 1934 (save for a year when he was in jail). During the republic he ran and administered Tierra y Libertad and Tiempos Nuevos. Arrested on 19 July he was freed the same day and represented the libertarians on the Supply Committee and would later serve (up until May 1937) as Catalonia’s under-secretary for defence; he refused the position of commissar with the army court martial and served as commissar with the army’s X and XI Corps. Going into exile in 1939, he was very closely connected with Ponzán’s groups and acted as delegate for the exterior on the underground national committee led by Pallarols, in which role he managed to get many victims of persecution out to France. Arrested on several occasions in 1940-43, he was one of the first to throw himself into rebuilding the CNT in France (attending the very first clandestine plenums) and was to be the first general secretary of the CNT in exile; he inclined towards the collaborationist line in the ascendant inside Spain and this placed him at the heart of the controversies of the day, when he turned into the bête noire of the orthodoxes. He declined reelection at the 1945 congress in Paris and, after the split, he sided with the Sub-Committee and served as its delegate within Spain. He entered Spain in February 1946, becoming defence secretary on the clandestine national committee, as well as of the ANFD: arrested that April, he was sentenced to fifteen years of which he served several (1946-52) in Alcalá, San Miguel and Ocaña. On his release he moved to France and refrained for a time from active membership (although he never reneged upon his beliefs) up until 1976 when he bounced back, encouraged by the reconstruction of the CNT inside Spain. A battler, like his wife Lola Iturbe, many have seen him as the chief representative of the collaborationist line (the famous Juanel motion) between 1939 and 1945, and this brought him a lot of criticism from Esgleístas and purists: be that as it may, there is no denying his commitment to the CNT and he suffered a lot for the sake of anarchism and the CNT. He wrote for many publications, including Redención, Tierra y Libertad, La Voz Libertaria, Acción Social Obrera, Cultura Obrera, Tiempos Nuevos, Historia Libertaria, etc. Author of: Noche sobre España. Siete Años en la Prisiones de Franco (Mexico 1958), La Insurrección Anarquista del 8 de Diciembre de 1934 (Barcelona 1934, with Villar and Abad de Santillán).

130. GRACIA IBARS, Germinal. Barcelona 1919.
Better known as Victor García. A member of the CNT’s manufacturing union from 1933 and of the Libertarian Youth in Gracia. A self-educated activist and writer. His earliest writings appeared in El Quijote and in Ruta. When the civil war started he served with Los Aguiluchos, but after militarisation he quit the front and joined a collective in Cervià (Lérida) where he launched a Libertarian Youth branch and served on the Catalan regional committee of the Libertarian Youth. After the Ebro disaster he joined the 26th Division and, after he was wounded in Tremp, crossed into France where he passed through the concentration camps and the jails in Marseilles and Lyon; arrested in Dauphiné as a resistance member, he was jailed and placed in the Vernet camp, but managed to escape when they tried to ship him to Dachau. The liberation of France found him in Paris; he attended the CNT’s 1945 congress and at the Toulouse plenum that April, he joined the FIJL national committee; later he was administrator of Ruta and Solidaridad Obrera and served as the first secretary of the IJA (Anarchist Youth Inteernational) - hence his attendance at the congress in Faenza in July 1946 - and founded its (Esperanto) newspaper. Late in 1946 he slipped into Spain to back up the Libertarian Youth in the interior but was arrested and jailed (until mid-1948); while in prison he edited the bulletins Esfuerzo and Acarus Scabieri; on his release he managed to give the slip to a police trap, hid out in Montjuich and was assisted across the border by Denís. Of no further use to the struggle with his cover blown, he moved to Venezuela (where he would be the moving spirit behind Ruta) and toured the world, turning his hand to various trades (1953-58), A tireless militant and propagandist, he wrote a lot for like-minded newspapers and his writing is of a quality well above the usual; articles by him have appeared in Gioventù Anarchica, Tierra y Libertad, Solidaridad Obrera (Paris), Le Combat Syndicaliste, Umbral, Historia Libertaria, Ruta, Frente Libertario, Le Libertaire, Umanità Nova, Volontà, La Protesta, Reconstruir, La Obra, Cuadernos de Ruedo Ibérico, etc., and ran Crisol and Ruta (Caracas). He had a direct in-put into the (Spanish version) Anarchist Encyclopaedia and was the author of: La Internacional Obrera (Caracas 1964), América Hoy, Cordenadas Andariegas. Panamá, México y Océano Pacífico, El Japón Hoy (Buenos Aires 1960), Escarceos sobre China (Mexico 1962), El Sudeste Asiático, La Incógnita de Indonesia, Proyección de Iberia en América (Buenos Aires), El Pensamiento Anarquista (Toulouse 1963), Raúl Carballeira (Paris 1961), Bakunin Hoy, Franco y el Quinto Mandamiento, Juicio contra Franco (Caracas 1963), El Vaticano, España Hoy (Caracas 1962), Las Utopías y el Anarquismo (Mexico 1977), Museihushugi, el Anarquismo Japonés (Mexico 1977), La FIJL en la Lucha (with F. Alaiz).

131. PEIRATS VALLS, José. Born in Vall de Uxó, 1908.
From his boyhood he lived in Barcelona and his most common employment was as a tiler. Self-educated, he joined the CNT early on (in 1922) and under the republic was particularly active in anarchist groups and libertarian youth and frequented the ateneos. During the civil war he clung to his beliefs and opposed collaborationism (from, say, the pages of Acracia) and his stewardship in charge of Ruta stuck to his familiar line (he had stepped down as an editor on Solidaridad Obrera because of his opposition to possibilism, and quit the FAI in 1934 - having been secretary of the Barcelona local federation - due to his disagreement with the system of majority rule and because he did not see eye to eye with the bolshevism of Los Solidarios..) From 1937 on he served on the Aragon front. After the defeat of the republic he crossed into France and in 1940 moved on to Santo Domingo and Panama (heading the exiled CNT there); after seven years he returned to France, still very much an orthodox and anti-collaborationist and was twice general secretary of the CNT (in 1947 and 1950) and was jailed following an anti-CNT campaign hatched by the government: it appears to have been the only secretary of the majority faction among the exiles who, in this capacity, made a clandestine entry of Spain: while in office he encouraged the establishment of anti-Francoist fighting groups: he was also director of CNT and Espoir. Following the reunification in 1960 he strayed from Esgleist orthodoxy and eventually joined the Frente Libertario groups, to whose newspaper he was one of the prime contributors. After Franco died, he took part in celebrated meetings in Spain and followed in the footsteps of the breakaways in 1979-1980. An anarchist very much in touch with the Libertarian Youth and the fight against Franco, a friend of Amador Franco and Alaiz and conversant with the ins and outs of the organisation .. his fame and prestige nevertheless derive essentially from his having written a crucial book on the CNT’s feats during the civil war in 1936. He contributed to or was editor of many newspapers including Tierra y Libertad, Acción, Más Lejos, Cénit, Umbral .. Author of: La CNT en la Revolución Española (Toulouse 1951-53), Glosas Anarquistas (Barcelona 1932), Para una Nueva Concepción del Arte: Lo que Podría Ser un Cinema Social (Barcelona 1934), Quince Conferencias Breves (Mexico 1940), Los Anarquistas y la i (Montevideo, no date), La Práctica Federalista como Verdadera Afirmación de Principios (Paris 1964), Polémica sobre el Determinismo y Voluntarismo (Mexico 1966), España, ¿ Transición o Continuidad? (Toulouse 1973), Figuras del Movimiento Libertario Español (Barcelona 1978), Emma Goldman, Anarquista de Ambos Mundos (Madrid 1978), Estampas del Exilio en América (Paris 1950?), Los Anarquistas en la Guerra Civil Española (Madrid 1976), Diccionario del Anarquismo (Barcelona 1977), Examen Crítico-Constructivo del Movimiento Libertario Español, La Sión Hispánica (Toulouse 1961), Mecanismo Orgánico de la CNT (1979), Los Anarquistas en la Crisis Política Española (Buenos Aires 1964), Los Intelectuales en la Revolución (Barcelona 1938).

132. GUARDIA ABELLA, Isidro. Valencia 1921.
An orphan , he was obliged from the age of ten to try his hand at several occupations and was self-educated. A member of the CNT catering union from the ahe of 14, he served during the civil war as a volunteer before passing through the French concentration camps: later he joined the underground resistance and wascaptured by police in June 1940 (when he was serving on the Valencia provincial committee of the MLE, with responsibility for organisation). Tried in 1941, he was sentenced to death, a sentence later commuted; released after 10 years behind bars (in San Miguel de los Reyes) it was while inprison that he started to write (publishing a CNT Boletín and running the Libertarian Youth newspaper, as well as operating as correspondent for the anarchist press abroad). He wrote for España Libre, Comunidad Ibérica, Frente Libertario, etc. He used a number of noms de plumes, including Codine, Juan Lorenzo, Viriato, and Juan Ibérico. Author of: Otoño de 1941 (Madrid 1977?) and Conversaciones con el Movimiento Obrero (Madrid 1978). As of 1978 he was director of a chemical firm and his views of anarchism and he CNT can be found in El Movimiento Libertario Español (Paris 1974).

133. ALVAREZ PALOMO, Ramón. Gijón 1913.
CNT and FAI militant, commonly known as Ramoncín. Regasded by himself as the depository of Quintanilla’ moderate tradition (he wrote a biography of Quintanilla), his recird was very controversial and assessments of it very varied: more of a syndicalist than an anarchist, he wielded considerable influence in Asturias, among the exiles in France and during the 1970s. A member of the Solidaridad anarchist group (together with Blanco, Mallada and J.M. Martínez) he was jailed in connection with the Aragon uprisingf; he secretary of the Asturian CNT from 1933 up until the time of the Asturian Commune in 1934, at which point he was obliged to go into exile in France. He returned with the Popular Front victory in 1936, representing the CNT on the war committee in Gijón (August 1936) in the communications department, and the FAI on the Asturias-León Council (holding the fisheries portfolio, 1936-37). In November he was a Gijón city councillor. In 1938, at the national plenum of regionals in Barcelona, he argued on Asturias’s behalf for consideration to be given to Prieto’s proposal (that talks be opened with Franco). After the defeat of the republic, he went into exile in France where he helped reorganise the Confederation (as secretary in the Eure department); he attended the Paris congress in 1945, was secretary of the Asturias regional committee ( sub-committee) and after the split, he held the secretaryship of the national sub-committee favourably disposed to the CNt of the Interior and was caught up in the business about the regionals by origin. As secretary of the national sub-committee he entered Spain irregularly in 1947 (attending a national plenum of regionals that April). Later, between 1957 and 1960 he returned to Spain to breathe new life into the CNT in Asturias. After Franco died he played a very direct part in the rebuilding of the CNT in Asturias and after the Casa de Campo congress, he sided with the breakaways, becoming an important leader of theirs in Gijòn. He wrote for mant publications including Antena, Historia Libertaria and Acción Libertaria, etc.. as well as the press outside Spain. An expert on the history of Asturian anarchism and its press. Author of: Importancia y Futuro del Sindicalismo (Mexico 1967), Viejo y Nuevo. Idea y Realidades en la Historia (Mexico 1967) and Eleuterio Quintanilla (Vida y Obra del Maestro), (Mexico 1973).

134. TORYHO, Jacinto. Born in Tierra de Campos 1911.
From his early youth he was drawn to journalism and was a professional journalist. He attended a monastery school in León. wrote for numerous established newspapers from all over Spain (Norte de Castilla, La Gaceta Regional, El Adelantado, El Heraldo) and was a graduate of Herrera’s school of journalism, leaving to become an editor with the (Catholic) newspaper El Debate, which paper he left as a result of ideological differences, to join the Madrid CNT: he helped set up the Libertarian Youth in Madrid. Under the republic he wrote for Solidaridad Obrera (being an editor and correspondent in 1933-34 and director in 1937-38). In 1934 he moved from Barcelona to Madrid to collect information on the Asturias revolution and launched the clandestine Revolución. During the civil war, he was the CNT representative on the CENU and the CNT-FAI’s propaganda secretary. After the defeat, he moved to France and thence to New York, to Cuba (for several months), back to the United States (for several months) and to Buenos Aires (1941) where he settled and carried on with his profession of journalist in various publications (Crítica, La Nación. Clarín, La Razón). Author of: La Independencia de España (Barcelona 1938), Informe que el Camarada Jacinto Toryho.. como Director de S.O. (Barcelona, undated), Reportajes. La Libertad de Expresión en el Periodismo Contemporáneo (Barcelona 1934), La Hora de las Juventudes (Barcelona 1933), Después de la Tragedia.. La Traición del Señor Azaña (Havana 1939), Del Triunfo a la Derrota. Las Interioridades de la Guerra Civil en el Campo Republicano Revivida por un Periodista (Barcelona 1978), No Éramos tan Malos (Madrid 1975), Stalin. Análisis Espectral, Anverso y Reverso de la Unión Soviética, Joaquín Costa y la Revolución Española.

135. CHIAPUSO, Manuel. San Sebastián 1912.
CNT member from the age of 19. Served on the Basque regional CNT committee and on the CNT national committee in Barcelona during the civil war. Jailed under the republic (1931-35), he was the founder of the major anarchist newspapers in the Basque Country - Crisol (San Sebastián 1935), CNT del Norte (Bilbao 1936) and the review Horizontes. During the civil war he distinguished himself in the defence of San Sebastián and, after he was wounded there he moved on to Durango and then to Bilbao (October 1936) to take up his post on the CNT regional committee; he himself supported the idea of entering the Basque government (and had talks with Aguirre in May 1937) but was unable to overcome the opposition (led by Rivera) and, as a result, the Basque CNT held to the orthodox line. After the defeat he passed thgrough concentration camps in France and experienced lots of ups and downs; he fought in the French resistance and with anti-Francoists in the south of France (Bayonne and Tououse); eventually he settled in the Paris area, studying at the Sorbonne and turning to the teaching of languages and literature. In exile he advocated the collaborationist position and even signed a document in support of a libertarian party in January 1948. Author of: Las Incertidumbres del Doctor H (a novel that was finalist for the Nadal prize), Generalidades sobre Euskadi y la CNT (Bayonne 1945), Juventud y Rebeldía, Sembrando Inquietudes, El Impertinente Andariego, La Ciencia y el Joven Libertario, Délire et retrovisión, Los Anarquistas y la Guerra de Euskadi. La Comuna de San Sebastián (San Sebastián 1977), El Gobierno Vasco y los Anarquistas (San Sebastián 1978), Oposición Popular y Cárceles en la República (San Sebastián 1980).

136. MUJERES LIBRES. Name of an anarchist organisation and of several publications.
1. - Anarchist feminist organisation set up in April 1936; it survived until Franco’s victory (effectively disappearing from Spain in April 1939). Its origins lay with a group of women who published a review of the same name, designed to foster women’s interest in social issues. The group was established by the trio Lucía Sánchez Saornil, Mercedes Comaposada and Amparo Poch, the first of whom served as the nascent organisation’s secretary. It grew rapidly during the war to something like 20,000 members, most of them workers, especially in Barcelona, Madrid, Guadalajara, Aragon and Levante, with groups scattered across Gijón, Granada and Almería. Its first congress in Valencia (beginning on2 August 1937) determined the Mujeres Libres’ structure and principles: it would be organised on the basis of local, provincial and regional groupings with a national committee assisted by a sub-committee of 6 secretaries (general , organisational, socio-political, economic and labour, social welfare and propaganda-cultural-press secretary), and it enshrined the principles of independence, self-management and fderalis, abolition of the State, ec. Plainly anarchist, it regardeed the civil war as more of a social than a civil conflict and pushed a proletarian feminism designed to lift women out of their triple slavery (as ignoramus, producer and woman). It also sought to campaign for social equality for the individual of eother sex and was against marriage (replacing it with free love in the correct sense) and stressed the value of education and culture (hence its establishment of training schools in Madrid, Valencia and Barcelona, publication of information pamphlets and literacy drives). It aspired to become the fourth arm of the libertarian movement (along with the CNT, FAI and FIJL) but met with no success in this, for most of the libertarian movement could not see the point (of organising on the basis of gender).
2. - Title of the mouthpiece of the Mujeres Libres organisation. Thirteen issues between 1936 and 1939. It showed an interest in culture, women’s issues and the collectives. Carried writings by Nahuel, Sánchez Saornil, Montseny, Martí, Comaposada, Grangel, Poch, Portales, Goldman, Federn, Mary Giménez, etc.
3. - London, from 1963 on. Contributions from Lola Iturbe, Mera, Zimmerman.. The continuation in exile of the 1936 paper.
4. - Mouthpiece of Mujeres Libres. Barcelona 1977-1978, 4 issues. Regular.

137. TRAMONTANA. Title of several publications (some with the definite article included i.e. LA TRAMONTANA).
1. - Anti-clerical, partly anarchist publication. Barecelona, 12 February 1881 to 12 June 1895. Suspended several times and its editors were jailed. Directed by José Llunas. A very prestigious weekly which seems to have been a replacement for La Teula Barcelonina. At least 717 issues printed and contributors included Conrado Roure, Federico Soler, Lasarte, Arús, Farigola, Carreras, Tonijuán and Serabé. In 1892 it also issied an Almanaque.
2. - Publication appearing in 1907 (1 August). Libertarian weekly from Barcelona, sub-titled “Sociología”. Popular interests, arts and letters. Its last edition dates from October and was written in Spanish (the previous issues having been in Catalan). Run by Mas Gomeri, its editorial panel included Usón, J. Grau, Pujol and Masferrer. Connected with Cortiella’s Avenir.
3. - Publication from 1913. Barcelona. Its first issue dates from 15 February and it appears to have published only three. Texts from Lorenzo, Pujalà and Folch. May well have been under the direction of Salvador Seguí and H. Plaja. Declared itself to be a follower of Llunas.
4. - Gerona 1979, single issue. Decribed as ‘Periodic llibertari’.

138. - EL ORDEN. Title of several publications.
1. - Clandestine newspaper of the Spanish International. Madrid, monthly 1875-78, 65 issues. It appeared as a “Socialist propaganda and revolutionary action sheet”. Compiled by González Morago and Serrano Oteiza. Highly influential, it faced hostility from the government which promised a reward to anyone who would give information concerning the whereabouts of its presses (of which Posyol was in charge).
There is a possibility that 12 to 15 issues appeared in 1876 elsewhere in Spain.
2. - Córdoba 1873-75. Appeared, clandestinely, in June and built up a laerge circulation that summer due to the workerist vigour of Barrado, which is why the FRE federal council was to ask its editors to turn it into the mouthpiece of the International. (Some people argue that it had earlier appeared in 1870).

139. ABAD de SANTILLÀN, Diego. Alias used by Baudilio Sinesio García Fernández, born in Reyero (León) 1897 into a family that emigrated to Argentina in 1895.
From the age of 10 onwards in Argentina he tried his hand a a variety of jobs (especially on the railways) and attended night school. Returned to Spain to study for his baccalaureate (León 1913-14) and studied pohilosophy in Madrid where he struck up a friendship with Noel and turned to writing (for the review Los Ciegos, a pamphlet on Spain’s entitlement to a revolution, and the book Psicología del Pueblo Español, 1917). Mixing in bohemian circles, he experienced jail (15 days) and shortly after that was caught up in the refolutionary events that led to his being jailed again; released under amnesty in 1918, he moved to Argentina where he threw himself into the anarchist movement (having come into contact with it in jail in Madrid through Tomás Herreros) in Santa Fe (where he founded the review La España Futura), ontributing to the like-minded press and struck up friendships with Torralvo, López Arango, Barrera and Radowitzky (helping Torralvo and López Arango to publish La Campana). In 1919 he was back in jail (over a strike in Buenos Aires) and then he ran an anti-clerical weekly; an attempt to launch another review the following year failed and eventually he became a influential member of the La Protesta staff and of the FORA(in those days he admitted to being a Kropotkinist). In 1922 he left for Germany to study medicine and from there he carried on writing for La Protesta (and its Suplementos) and became very influential. In Hamburg and Berlin he associated with militant anarchists (Goldman, Arshinov, Berkman, Voline, Schapiro, Makhno, Ghezzi, Kater) and was in touch with Nettlau and Rocker (translating them both as well as Bakunin), busily assisting them in the re-launching of the IWA (attending the congresses in 1922 and 1924 and even coming up with the name). Through the La Protesta Suplementos he argued the purist line against those who he regarded as syndicalist reformists within the CNT and he was all for the establishment of a specifically anarchist organisation (the notion of the trabazón), an idea taken up by Buenacasa, Herreros, Magriñá and others who founded El Productor (in Blanes). With an eye to combating communists and reformists, he, with López Arango, wrote El Anarquismo en el Movimiento Obrero (1925). In 1926 he returned to Argentina in an attempt to find a resolution to the hostilities that had broken out among the La Protesta team and he campaigned widely on behalf of Sacco and Vanzetti. At the same time he had growing doubts about violence as a solution and was taking an interest in economic issues and constructive socialism. He had a hand in the founding of the ACAT (drafting its statement of principles in 1929) and encouraged the revolutionary line within the FORA. Uriburu’s military coup (1930) drove him out of the country and after a time in Montevideo his eyes turned back to Spain. He arrived in Spain on the eve of the 1931 CNT congress, visiting Barcelona and then returning to Montevideo to conspire and then smuggle himself back into Argentina. He resurrected the FORA, laid the groundwork for a campaign on behalf of the exiles and then returned to Spain. He was back in Spain by mid-1933; he cautioned those who had placed all their hopes in the republic and opposed the treintistas; he was involved in the re-launching of Solidaridad Obrera, launched Tierra y Libertad and Tiempos Nuevos and tried without success tosell his economic ideas to the congress in 1936. When the fascist revoilt came, he joined the Antifascist Militias’ Committee in Barcelona (representing the FAI) on 21 July and later served on the Generalitat’s Council of Economy (August) and as a Generalitat minister between December 1936 and March 1937: later, he wa a member of the CAP. After May 1937 he was disillusioned, founded the review Timón (1938) and drifted towards H. Martínez Prieto’s revisionist line. In January 1939 he left Spain, endured life in the concentration camps in France and, shortly before the end of the world war, moved on to Santo Domingo and then Chile, finally settling in Argentina for some decades; there he threw himself into tremendous academic work (as a translator and compiler of encyclopaedias). During this lengthy period in exile he subscribed to the collaborationist line and lapsed increasingly into a reformism bordering on Cincopuntismo, as was evident after he returned to Spain after Franco’s death.
A globe-trotting anarchist of extraordinary influence in Spain and in the Americas, a prolific writer whoise articles are scattered throughout the libertarian press, as well as the author of a huge number of books and pamphlets (many of them crucial), Santillán was a contributor to La Protesta (being a major figure with that paper), Solidaridad Obrera, Tiempos Nuevos, Tierra y Libertad, Construir, Umbral, Sindicalismo, Historia Libertaria, Acción Social Obrera, Cultura Proletaria, Mañana, etc. Author of several bi-lingual dictionaries and encyclopaedias (Gran Enciclopedia Argentina, Gran Omega, Historia Argentina, Diccionario de Argentinismos, De Ayer en Hoy. etc.). His anarchist and labour writings include Ricardo Flores Magón (Mexico 1924), El Anarquismo en el Movimiento Obrero (with López Arango, Barcelona 1925), Historia del Anarquismo en Argentina (Buenos Aires 1930), Reconstrucción Social, Nueva Edificación Económica Argentina (with Lasarte, Buenos Aires 1933), Las Cargas Tributarias. Ensayos sobre las Finanzas Estatales (Barcelona 1935), El Organismo Económico de la Revolución. Cómo Vivimos y Cómo Podríamos Vivir en España (Barcelona 1936), Bancarrota del Sistema Económico y Político del Capitalismo (Buenos Aires 1932), Por Qué Perdimos la Guerra (Buenos Aires 1940), De Alfonso XIII a Franco (Buenos Aires 1974), Contribución a la Historia del Movimiento Obrero Español, Estrategia y Táctica (1971), Ayer, Hoy y Mañana (Puebla 1971), ¿Colaboración y Tolerancia o Dictadura? El Problema de la Armonía Revolucionaria (Montevideo 1937), España Ayer, España Mañana, Resumen Histórico de la Revolución Mexicana, Opúsculos, El Derecho de España a la Revolución (Madrid 1917), La Insurrección Anarquista del 8 de Diciembre de 1933 (with Juanel and Villar, Barcelona 1934), La Represión de Octubre (Barcelona 1935), Gli Anarchici e la Rivoluzione Spagnola (with Fabbri, Geneva 1938), La FORA. Ideología y Trayectoria del Movimiento Obrero Revolucionario de la Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1933 and 1971), El Anarquismo y la Revolución en España. Escritos 1930-38 (Masdrid 1976), En Torno a Nuestros Objetivos Libertarios (Algiers 1945), Memorias 1897-1935 (Barcelona 1977).
His ideas underwent a considerable evolution over time, shifting from a radical anarchism of a prounced anti-communist and anti-reformist tenor to a progressive acceptance of the importance of economic issues (which led him on to a synthesis of planning and spontaneist anarchism), and an historical understanding of capitalism (as a necessary stage in the evolution of humanity, one that has placed man in a position where self-liberation is feasible) and a rejection of an anarchism that has no programme to offer. In the 1970s, by which time he was an old man, his programme was a far cry from what it had been initially: participatory trade unionism, reform as the revolution of today, the need for experts inside the unions, the State as a greater repressor and danger than capitalism, and he looked upon Spain as being what all sides had made her.

140. FRE.
Initials of the Federación Regional (or, de la Región) Española (Spanish Regional Federation).
The FRE was the product of a process begun with Fanneli’s meeting (on 24 January 1869 in Madrid) with a band of working men with the Barcelona combinationist tradition (of the Centro Federal) and disenchantment with federal republicanism behind them: all these elements came together in the first Spanish labour congress (Barcelona 1870) which gave birth to the IWMA’s Spanish section, to wit, the FRE, the first federal council of which comprised González Morago, Lorenzo, Borrel and the Mora brothers. Its task was undoubtedly a difficult one, as there were several factors working against them: a) government restrictions which ultimately led to the banning of fledgeling internationalism, b) the fascination that federal republicanism exercised shifted across to internationalism, c) the ingrained traditions and compliant character ofmost workers. The FRE grappled with these difficulties with considerable success: it expanded and managed to recruit stalwart militants (some of whom would go on to belong to the FTRE, Solidaridad Obrera and the CNT), but, then again it failed to sell its approach to the whole labour movement and a split occurred (with the Madrid group breaking away). Initially this split was rather feeble but with the passage of time it spawned the PSOE and UGT. Militants of the FRE old guard included Farga, Tomás, García Viñas, Iglesias, Pagés, Mesa, Lorenzo, González Morago, the Moras, Pauly, Calleja, Soriano, Sentiñón, Albarracín, Pino, Montoro, Pamias, Albagés, Alonso Marselau, Nácher and Balasch..
The initial thrust was considerable and the FRE even ventured to expand into Portugal, where the Portuguese section of the international was set up in 1871, thanks to the good offices of Lorenzo, Mora and González Morago. The FRE also boasted a number of gutsy labour mouthpieces (La Solidaridad, La Federación, El Obrero, La Revolución Social, La Voz del Trabajo, El Orden, El Condenado). Expansion into Andalusia (as the Córdoba congress confirmed) was a great stride forward: thereafter Andalusia would be a staunch anarchist stronghold, whereas the initial Madrid group was to wither and the core groups in Catalonia, Valencia and Aragon were intensely active.
The fall-out with federal republicanism was confirmed at the Valencia Conference (September 1871), when the “federal democratic reoublic” was categorised as having these three features: collective ownership, anarchy and economic federation, or, to use the classic formula “a free universal federation of free workers’ agricultural and industrial associations”. In practice this theoretical divorce was not so comprehensive (on account of the radicalism of the republicans at the time) and there were internationalists aplenty who were involved in the republicans’ insurrections, possibly with an eye to investing them with an internationalist slant. On the other hand, the Valencia Conference signalled the first signs of the coming split, which was not unconnected with the subsequent work of the federal council elected at it (Iglesias, Mesa, Lorenzo, the Moras, Pauly, Pagés, Calleja and Sáenz), most of whom were converted to marxism through the efforts of Lafargue.
The ripple effect from the Paris Commune enthused active internationalists but it terrified the conservatives who used their government positions to ban the FRE (order of Sagasta, January 1872) which, as a result, went underground (as the Defensores de la Internacional): even so, the FRE defied the banning order by holding its congress in Zaragoza (April 1872), where its strength was reckoned at 25,000 members: at that congress the gloves came off in confrontation between marxists (authoritarians) and Bakuninists (anti-authoritarians and anarchists) and although the members of the congress tried to defuse the quarrel, the differences between them persisted and affected even the members of the federal council (Montoro, Tomás, Rosell, Torres, Asensi, Martí, Franco, Mora and Lorenzo) were affected, with Lorenzo resigning in June and Mora refusing appointment (his place was taken by Albarracín): indeed, the marxists from La Emancipación were expelled and the split became effective on 7 July 1872 when the tiny New Madrid Federation was established (Iglesias, Pauly, Pagés, the Moras, Sáenz, Mesa, Calleja and Castillón). This split mirrored the situation in labour circles internationally and also led to a parting of the ways between authoritarians and anarchists (with the congress in The Hague and the Saint-Imier Pact in September 1872). The FRE congress on Córdoba (1872-73) wholly endorsed the ascendancy of the anarchists and the expansion in membership (with a doubling in membership), on which basis it has been argued that that congress was the world’s first anarchist congress and that Spanish labour preferred the Bakuninist line over the marxist. The federal council elected at the congress in Córdoba reflected this, being made up of Albarracín, Pino, Tomás and Fontbuena (complemented at comarcal level by Seguí, Abad, Deomarco, Villa and Castillo). With the espousal of anarchist principles, the government attack was escalated: early in 1874 a dissolution order was rigidly enforced, with two thousand workers deported and anything reminiscent of internationalist labour organising coming in for intense persecution. All in al, the FRE contented itself with surviving and keeping its structures - most likely aping the Bakuninist Alliance in this - so the 1874 congress in Madrid registered its shrinkage and emasculation: (This shrinkage accelerated over the years, hence the decline from 270 local federations in 1873, to 320 in 1874, 112 in 1976, 73 in 1877 and just 37 by 1880). This required the postponing of general congresses, which were then replaced by congresses and conferences at comarcal level until an extra-ordinary Conference met in Barcelona in February 1881 and wound up the FRE, launching the FTRE in its place. Clandestinity and persecution account for the emergence of radically defensive attitudes as well as avengers: Oliva attempted the king’s life in October 1878, there was peasant agitation and strikes and Andalusia in 1879-80, the emergence of action groups and the revolutionary socialist Alliance, etc. During the tough underground years, the FRE was sustained by volunteer groups (let us single out Lorenzo, García Viñas, Tomás, Miranda and Farga) and it is down to this that the FTRE bounced back. The membership of the clandestine federal councils and commissions included Domínguez, Trucharte, Vera, Borrel, F. Ruiz, Moreda, Llúsar, Tomás, Soriano, Albarracín, Nácher, Balasch and others: Farga, García Viñas, Alerini, Brousse, Marquet, Soriano and Albarracín served as delegates to international congresses.
COMARCAL CONFERENCES OF THE FRE.
Forced underground, the FRE found itself prevented from opeating in accordance withnorms laid down by the 1874 congress: as a result, the federal commission, advised by the local federations, replaced congresses with comarcal conferences (which would be attended by a delegate from the federal commission who would bring along the agenda that had been drawn up at the prompting of the federations): it was up to the federal council to amalgamate all the resolutions into a common whole. In order to ensure the necessary coordination, there was the Bakuninist Alliance network to fall back on. Consequently there was no FRE congress in 1875. In a variety of ways, the conferences overhauled the FRE’s statutes: 1. - Incorporating conferences into the federal structure for as long as the ban on the FRE remained. 2. - The federal council became a corresponding and statistical clearing-house, as well as an intermediary between the comarcal federations: it had a minimum of five permanent members baed wheresoever seemed the safest place. This commission could take the initiative if it deemed this appropriate and this signified a strengthening of its powers (which, however, remained limited insofar as they were renewed on an annual basis and it had no funds). 3. - Establishment of comarcal federations organised into local federations. 4. - Revolutionary activity was afforded priority over scientific strikes.
The first comarcal conference held was the Catalan one in Sans and the ones in 1876 and 1877 were especially outstanding in terms both of their determinations and of the number of those actually put into effect. The ones in 1875 (like all the others held over that summer) delivered to the FRE a federal council made up of Tomás, Farga, Soriano, García Viñas and Vidal. In 1876 there were conferences in Aragon, Valencia, Old Castile, Murcia, New Castile, Extremadura, Andalusia East and Andalusia West, with the ones in Catalonia and Andalusia especially well-attended: their decisions were: that the line of the 1875 conferences be endorsed, that executive commissions be appointed to every federal section to organise action groups, security and secret propaganda with an eye torevolutionary action, that the 1875 statutes be retained, with subscriptions raised to 15 céntimos per head, that the Spanish delegation to the international congress work towards unity of action and solidarity and sponsor the creation of an international bureau, that the federal council be empowered to appoint two delegates to the international congress, that (come the collapse of the State) any localities in which internationalists might succeed be declared independent, property abolished and that all the rebel comarcas federated, etc., at which point the liberated collectives would be represented by the local councils. The 1876 conferences (in July-August) drew attendances from Barcelona, Sans, San Martín, Gracia, Granollers, Sabadell, San Esteban, Reus, Las Corts, Zaragoza, Huesca, Cocentaina, Alocy, Valladolid, Murcia, Molina, Beniaján, Madrid, Chamartín, Málaga, Vélez Málaga, Córdoba, Quentar, Dila, Benaoján, Granada, Seville, Córdoba, Arcos, Lebrija, Marchena, Jérez, Puerto, Coronil, Badajoz, Plasencia and Trujillo.
The 1877 comarcal conferences (in Catalonia, Valencia, Murcia, Andalusia East, Andalusia West, the North, Extremadura, Aragon, Old Castile and New Castile) were attended by 77 local federations: Barcelona, Sans, Gracia, Tarrasa, Manresa, San Martín, Granollers, Sabadell, Reus, Bañolas, Llansá, Lavid, Valencia, Alcoy, Grao, Murcia, Cartagena, Molina, Málaga, Benaoján, Jaén, Córdoba, Espiel, Granada, Motril, Alhaurín, Arahal, Paterna, Coronil, Puerto Real, Alcalá Gazules, Puerto, Sanlúcar, Rota, Trebujena, Jérez, Carmona, Lebrija, Marchena, Paradas, Seville, Cádiz, Ubrique, La Línea, Huelva, Arroyo, Arcos, Santander, Bilbao, Aceuchal, Badajoz, Puente Maestre, Nogales, Santa María Barros, Villalba, Plasencia, Trujillo, Almaraz, Brozas, Zaragoza, Huesca, Valladolid, León, Candelaria, Madrid, Alcalá and Chamartín. Its accords included: that a general strike be organised to press for the eight hour day, that the federal council liaise directly with the local federations, that each region have its propaganda fund, that Morago and Viñas be appointed delegates to the international congress, that a drive be launched to recruit women members and mutual aid funds set up, revolutionary courts, insurrection was defended as was distancing from the bourgeois and a new federal commission be appointed (Lorenzo, Tomás, Farga and Viñas).
The conferences over the following years were indicative of an obvious decline. The ones in 1878 agreed not to reduce the powers of thew federal council, the appropiateness of internationalist schools, engagement in revolutionary action, support for prisoners, exiles and victims of reprisals, that delegates (Morago and Lorenzo) be appointed to the international congress and a new federal commission be elected which included Gasull and Julivert. The 1879 conferences decided to set up a war committee, declared their sympathy with those retaliating against oppression and to appoint a new federal council (Viñas, Farga, Soriano and Lorenzo). The 1880 conferences decided to give priority to collective over individual defence, to reject amalgamation with outside groups, to struggle actively and mount reprisals as well as to elect a new council (Lorenzo, Allier, Vidal, Gasul and Nácher).
Finally, the FRE extra-ordinary conference in Barcelona (6-9 February 1881), drawing delegations from Andalusia East and West, Valencia, Catalonia, New Castile and Old Castile, resolved to expel Lorenzo (general secretary of the FRE) and to impose lighter penalties upon Gasull, Nácher, Allier and Vidal (also federal council members). There was evodence of internal squabbling and this set the seal upon the demise of the Federation. Seven months later, a reconstruction congress was held (in Barcelona in September).

141. EXILIO.
CNT newspaper published in France by Regional No 3 (Cantal department) from 19 July 1944 to November 1947. It was the first CNT publication in exile in France: initially roneoed, it was later printed: the first eight issues were clandestine. It appeared in Veray Mauriac under the direction of Manuel Rico, with Morey as administrator. Its standing increased after the Clermont-Ferrand plenum in September 1944 and it turned into a publication designed to offer guidance to the membership, defend the CNT and combat the PCE’s attempts to gain hegemony through the UNE. It did sterling work, given the confusion prevailing at the time, but its line was controversial because of the heterodoxy of its leading contributors such as Doménech, Morey, Martínez Prieto, Fernández Escobés, Vivas, Albagés, Domingo Torres, Borrás, Juanel and Ramón Álvarez.

142. SABORIT CARRELERO, César. San Martín Sagrera 1915-Barcelona 1951.
At a very early age he joined the Libertarian Youth in his barrio of San Andrés and Clot; also a militant of the Barcelona construction union. As early as 1932 he had connections with the busiest of the action groups as controller of a clandestine arms dump. In July 1936 he took part in the fighting against the fascists in Barcelona and then served with the Durruti column and in the hand-picked Batallón de la Muerte (Death Battalion). When the civil war ended he was jailed for several years and then joined the underground organisation, coming to prominence on account of his activism. In 1949 he was secretary of the CNT’s Catalan regional committee and he backed the activities of Los Maños; in 1950 he turned up in Massana’s guerrilla band and shortly afterwards left for France; he carried out organisational missions on both sides of the border and in mid-1951, after a lot of hesitation and opposition from the Organisation in exile, he decided to go with Facerías (having fought alongside him previously as a guerrilla) on an incursion into the comarca of Barcelona; he died at the hands of the police on 19 July 1951. A militant greatly loved in wide sectors of the CNT, his death caused tremendous uneasiness and grief.

143. MASSANA BANCELLS, Marcelino. Berga 1918-
Orphaned at the age of five, his early childhood was spent in Llínas and, from the age of seven, he attended a religious college in Solsona (spending the summers in Berga) under the supervision of his uncle, a priest. He left the college at 13, spent a year in Sallent and eventually started his working life at 14 as apprentice in a machine shop. by 1934 he was a textile machinist and he joined the CNT the following year. Come the fascist revolt, he joined the Berga militias’ committee and in August, having enlisted with the Tierra y Libertad column, he fought for a short time on the Madrid front; he returned to Catalonia and joined the Hilario Zamora column and, after it was amalgamated, served with its successor, the 25th Division, with whose 118th Brigade he fought in Aragon from October 1936 up until the end of the civil war (as a lieutenant from April 1938 on). The end of the war caught him in Alicante, where began his odyssey through concentration camps and jails (Albatera, Bétera, Porta Coeli, Manresa, Barcelona, Madrid). Released on licence in 1942, he went underground after a few months after refusing to do his army service; he walked all the way from Barcelona to Berga, lived as a peasant farmer in Aviá and Organyà, contacted the smugglers in the area and became an expert in border crossings. In 1944 he was living in Tarascón and organised a guerrilla campaign that he was to keep up until 1950 with great shrewdness and consistency (he was living in Toulouse from 1947), until he found himself caught up in a clash with French customs officers and called it a day. Initially his problems with the French government earned him a month in prison, but, following pressures brought to bear by the Francoists (who pressed for his extradition) he was imprisoned again and then committed to Deux Sebres and Leucamp up until 1956. Released in 1956 he moved to Paris to work as a mechanic and gardener and, having fallen ill, he drifted away from activism and resisted pressure first from Sabaté and then (in the early 1960s) from Mera, Alberola and García Oliver to rejoin the armed struggle. Eventually he moved to his present home in Languedoc and after the CNT was relaunched he joined the Barcelona metalworkers’ union. His tremendous prestige derives from his intense struggle against Franco in 1944-50, years when he carried out countless operations in the Catalan Pyrenees (blowing up electricity pylons, carrying out expropriations, making border crossings with documents, weapons and other fighters, etc.) , frequently in the company of Vila Capdevila, Senzill, Antonio Sánchez, Puig Torres, Pons, Dot, Saborit, Saturnino Sanz, Pérez Pedrero, Adrover, Massip, Crespo, Benítez, F. Martínez, Arcos, M. Sabaté, Pepe Blanco, etc. especially in 1949 when he was frenetically active in the Manresa-San Vicente de Castellat-Rocafort comarca, enjoying considerable popular support. The work he did for the Libertarian Youth members involved in the publication of the clandestine Ruta likewise seems significant. Massana is one of the greatest of the anti-Franco guerrillas, on a par with Sabaté, Vila Capedevila and Facerías. Curiously enough, he did not die in combat, in spite of the length of the time he was active.

144. MIL - Initials of the Movimiento Ibérico de Liberación (Iberian Liberation Movement).
The roots of the MIL can be traced to one of the factions into which the Workers’ Commissions (CC.OO) split in Catalonia in 1969, a faction described as “independent” and made up of one-time Catholic militants from the JOC and the HOAC and anarchists, contributors first to the review Metal and later to ¿Que Hacer?, the last issue of which announced that it was winding itself up in order to establish a Platform without any political alignment, one that would have its own review in the form of Nuestra Clase (1969) and for which the future members of the MIL were to write. Initially the MIL included three teams (the Worker, the Theoretical and the External teams), one of which operated as the armed wing; the latter had a base in Toulouse and sought to liberate the working class from the noxious influence of intellectuals. In 1971 all three teams amalgamated to form the GOA (Grupos obreros autónomos - Autonomous Workers’ Groups) and published numerous clandestine pamphlets. In December that year the GOA disintegrated over differing interpretations of activism, leaving the members of the External and Theoretical teams which launched the MIL and decided to go on the offensive.. The MIL grew up as a support group for radical struggles waged by Barcelona labour, offering tactical back-up (material help to strikers) as well as theoretical support ( publishing pamphlets and leaflets through its review CIA and its publishing imprint Ediciones May 37). Its main theme was anti-capitalism, with heavy councilist and anti-parliamentary undertones. In its capacity as a support group for the proletariat it tackled at the root the issue of expropriation of funds and it carried out lots and lots of operations in Barcelona (30 hold-ups between the end of 1972 and early 1973). A document dated 1972 drew a distinction between armed action (i.e. support groups) and armed struggle (i.e. the vanguard), and indicated that they were counting upon the armed agitational groups spreading throughout the entire country. Among the members of MIL were Oriol Solé Sugranyes, José Luis Pons Llobet, Emilio Pardiñas Viladrich, Santiago Soler Amigó, F. Javier Garriga Paituvi, Salvador Puig Antich (executed in March 1974), Canestro, Piguillén, and Jorge Solé. At its first and only congress (august 1973) MIL disbanded itself in response to the repression by which it was being decimated; that repression started in September 1972 (with the arrest in France of Oriol, Puig, Torres and Rouillan) and extended from June 1973 (with the uncovering of safe houses in Barcelona, the arrest of Oriol in Spain, and the arrest of Pons, Piguillén, Pardiñas, Camestro, Soler Amigo, Garriga and Puig between 17 and 25 September 1973), From that September on MIL, it can be assumed, was no more: its closely connected successors, or so it seems, were the GAI and the GARI.

145. VIDA OBRERA. Title of several newspapers.
1. - Weekly of the Asturian CNT, Gijón 1921-22, run by González Mallada.
2. - Organ of the CNT sindicato único in Canet (Barcelona). Appeared in February 1924 and disappeared the same year.
3. - Weekly of the Gijón CNT, 21 issues. Virtually exclusively labour news, 1977-1978.
4. - Organ of the CNT-AIT Asturian regional. 7 issues, 1981-82. Replaced Acción Libertaria. Aligned with the breakaways from the Fifth Congress. Almost all labour news only.

146. SEGUÍ RUBINAT, Salvador. Lérida 1887-Barcelona 10 March 1923, murdered.
In the year he was born he moved with his family to Barcelona which became the theatre of his activities from then on. He attended school up until the age of 12 and then became an apprentice painter; he flitted from workshop to workshop on account of his restless temperament and began to look into anarchist theory. In 1902 he was arrested briefly for his part in a metalworkers’ strike and was early on active with the hardest of the anarchist groups (see the murky Rull episode). In 1904, for the first time, he used the alias that he was to make famous, El Noi del Sucre, i his speeches and articles (in El Pintor). In 1907 he was caught up in events at the Condal theatre in connection with the struggle against Lerrouxism and served nine months in prison. His role in the Tragic Week is none too clear, although we can be certain that he was forced to flee to Gualva or Palautorderá.
He had a hand in the foundation of Solidaridad Obrera (as a delegate to the 1908 congress) and of the CNT (although it appears he did not attend the 1910 congress), as well as in the 1911 general strike and in the campaigns opposed to to the deportation of American anarchists (1910); in 1911 he was in Marseilles on CNT business, attending an international working class get-together. In the ensuing years, by then a CNT bigwig, he could be found involved in the 1914 hunger riots, in the Queraltó campaign, the Valencia Assembly, the Zaragoza Pact (1916), he was president of the Barcelona construction union (1915), a labour organiser in Lérida, a public speaker and lecturer tirelessly touring throughout Catalonia, secretary of the Catalan CNT (1916), served on the 1917 strike committee, was secretary of the Assembly in Valencia (1916), entered talks with the UGT with a view to tackling the rising cost of living. In 1918 he was the lynch-pin of the crucial Sans congress, lobbying on behalf of sindicatos únicos, served on the first Junta of the Barcelona construction union and was secretary of the Catalan CNT to boot. He also did important work in connection with the La Canadiense strike, not that emerged from this with any credit (he negotiated the return to work), being heavily criticised by purists who alleged that he had political ambitions, a suspicion strengthened by his serving on the Mixed Labour Commission. At the 1919 congress he opposed a straightforward affiliation to the Russian International and in 1920, perhaps because of the strained atmosphere, left for Tarragona (he served on the clandestine Catalan regional committee that year), before carrying out a lengthy and busy speaking tour of Andalusia and Levante (speaking 110 times) which ended in his being arrested in November. He did not emerge from prison until April 1922, to embark upon intense propaganda work in Catalonia and the Balearics and attending the Zaragoza Conference (1922), where he endorsed the famous document that drew a distinction between a-politicism and anti-politicism. In the end he was murdered by a police-employer conspiracy.
A much harassed (jailed in 1907, 1916, 1917, 1919 and targeted for assassination bids in 1919 and 1920) bohemian type, he towered over an entire chapter of CNT history, which is why Seguí’s story is also the story of the early CNT. A great organiser, legendary public speaker and a contributor to the press (Solidaridad Obrera, La Terra, L’Opinió, Páginas Libres, Vida Nueva, Cultura y Acción, etc,) he was momentarily attracted to journalism and tried to re-launch La Tramontana (1913). His evolution has been a matter of some controversy and he has been credited with leaning towards politics, which appears not to have been the case. It was more a case of his being, as lynch-pin of the CNT and as a greatly harassed militant, having been compelled to grapple with particularly difficult times (the pistolerismo of the employers) and that he resorted to advocacy of a strategy of alliance with socialists and republicans (Macià, Casanova, Soriano, Layret, Companys..) as a means of surmounting problems: in any event, there is no conclusive evidence of his having been getting ready to go over to politics. It is quite another matter that the more orthodox anarchists (Urales for one) may have deplored the possibilist approach displayed by Seguí on occasions. Author of: El Sindicalismo Libertario en Cataluña (with Pestaña) and Escuela de Rebeldes (Madrid 1923).

147. GARI. Initials of the Grupos de Acción Revolucionaria Internacionalista (Internationalist Revolutionary Action Groups).
The organisation lurking behind the initials GARI is shrouded in some mystery. It appears to be the case that the Groups had some connection with the MIL and aspired somehow to be the continuation of the MIL. The link with the MIL was through Jean Marc Rouillan (who would turn up years later connected with the Action Directe organisation in France) who, it would appear, had some connection with the MIL. The centre of GARI activities shifted from Catalonia to France and Belgium and its theoretical outlook was more anarchist than the MIL.. but still very confused. The half-way house between the MIL and the GARI was the GAI or Grupos Autónomos de Intervención (Autonomous Intervention Groups) set up in France after the death of Puig Antich; these carried out a series of attacks in France in March 1974 The GARI were made up of some MIL members, Alberola’s anarcho-syndicalists and others of no very definite affiliation, centred on Toulouse. Their characteristic features were: they were a solidarity group, rebels rather than revolutionaries, anti-capitalist, anti-religion and hostile to the society of the Spectacle. Their operations included the kidnapping of the director of a Spanish bank in Paris, attacks on the Tour de France’s Pyreneean stage, a series of attacks on the Iberia airline in France and Belgium, bombings of Spanish consulates and banks, etc. Those connected with the GARI appear to have included Octavio Alberola, Lucio Urtubia, Ariane Gransac, Rivière, Plazen, Guibert, Camilleri, Rouillan, Mario Inés Torres, Víctor Manrique, R, Delgado, Floreal Cuadrado, Zapata, etc. By the end of 1974 the GARI had faded away. Be that as it may, anything having to do with the GARI is open to revision.

148. GÚZMAN, Eduardo de. Madrid 1909-
A journalist from a very early age, he was editor-in-chief of La Tierra (1930) for five years: in 1935 he moved on to the editorship of La Libertad, staying until the civil war broke out. Having joined the CNT - apparently under the influence of Orobón Fernández - he took up the direction of Castilla Libre (the organ of the CNT of the Centre region) in January 1937 and held this until the end of the war. Captured in Alicante on 1 April 1939, he passed through the concentration camps and (in January 1940) was sentenced to death in Madrid, a penalty then commuted (May 1941); released from prison and wholly at liberty from 1948, he was rearrested in 1951 (serving a year in prison in Oviedo), on charges of spying. After his release, he earned his living as a translator and writer of pot-boilers (no less than a hundred detective novels and 400 westerns published under the noms de plume of Eddy Thorny or Edward Goodman) and from 1969 he worked for a Mexican news agency. Like other militants so severely chastened by imprisonment and repression, in 1965, in a moment of thoughtlessness, he turned up aligned with Cincopuntismo. In later years he was editor of Historia Libertaria, and wrote for Indice, Triunfo, Tiempo de Historia, Castilla Libre. etc. In addition to the novels mentioned earlier (so far as we have been able to establish, it looks as if the bulk of this very popular genre was written by victimised CNT personnel) he wrote: Madrid, Rojo y Negro (Barcelona 1938), El Año de la Victoria (Madrid 1974), Nosotros, Los Asesinos (Madrid 1976), La Muerte de la Esperanza (Madrid 1973), Aurora de Sangre (Madrid 1978), 1930: Historia Política de un Año Decisivo (Madrid 19730, Historias de la Prensa (Madrid 1982), Vida y Lección de Anselmo Lorenzo (Madrid 1938), La España Trágica (Madrid 1932), Sevilla la Trágica (Madrid, undated), Teodoro Mora (Madrid 1938?), Un Momento Decisivo en la Vida de España (Madrid 1938), 24 Horas (Madrid 1936), España entre la Dictadura y la Democracia, plus an investigation of Hildegart made into a movie.

149. PIÑÓN, Camilo. Barcelona 1889-1979.
Highly prestigious pre-civil war CNT militant. Showed an early interest in revolutionary syndicalism and attended the CNT’s foundation congress (1910) and had been jailed in May 1909. In the years following the foundation of the CNT he held positions of responsibility: secretary of the Barcelona local federation and secretary of the Catalan regional committee in 1912, then president of the lamp-lighters, treasury of the Catalan metalworkers’ union (19170, treasurer of the regional committee formed at the Sans congress, member of the transport strike committee in 1920. During the years of the employers’ hired gunmen he moved to Mahón and on his return headed the Barcelona transport union (1923). Advocating a moderate line akin to Peiró, he signed the Vida Sindical manifesto (January 1926) and the Manifesto of the Thirty and was involved in the contest with the faístas. During the republic he was president of the international relations committee, prersident of the fishing industry and by 1936 secretary of the National Fishing Industry Federation. When the civil war was over he passed through several French concentration camps and returned to Spain (1943) to participate in the underground struggle, but was quickly arrested (he was a member of the CNT’s Catalan regional committee) and jailed for 27 months. Later he stck by his convictions and appears to have served as secretary of the ANFD in 1945. With the passing of the years he eased up on his activity. A typical syndicalist, he believed in natiinal industrial federations and in revolutionary syndicalism, as opposed to spontaneist, violent revolutionism, not that he used this as a petext for dropping out of the struggle at times when it looked as if his beliefs had been bested; he attended all the CNt congresses, was frequently jailed for his beliefs, serving a total of 15 years behind bars.,

150. ALAS. A syndicalist and anarchist review, sub-titled “Sociological and Literary Review”. It appeared in Castro del Río, published by the anarchist group of the same name. Monthly, it published 6 issues from 1 February 1915 on. Its director was S. Cordón.

151. ADELANTE. Title of several newspapers.
1. - Reus, 1936.
2. - Gijón, 1901.
3. - Santander, 1901-1903, 42 issues. Articles by V. Blanco, Mella and Martínez Barrio.
4. - Eibar, 1908.
5. - Murcia 1920. Organ of the CNT of Murcia, Cieza and Cartagena. Syndicalist weekly.

152. GÓMEZ CASAS, Juan. Bordeaux 1921-
Born to emigrants who returned to Spain in 1931. A CNT member (like his father) and, from 1936, of the FIJL in Madrid. At the beginning of the civil war he was working as a re-moulder and he joined the army in 1938 (39th Mixed Brigade). When the war ended he ecaped jail because he was a minor and he threw himself into the clandestine struggle through the Libertarian Youth. In September 1946 he was secretary of the Libertarian Youth Centre region (anti-collaborationist) and shortly after that represented the Libertarian Youth at the Toulouse congress (October 1947); on returning from France he was arrested in Madrid (January 1948), and in his home were found the presses to print Tierra y Libertad and Juventud Rebelde (he was then, it seems, secretary of the FAI’s Peninsular Secretariat); in July 1948 he was sentenced to a thirty year jail term of which he served almost half in San Miguel de los Reyes, Ocaña and Burgos (failing in an escape attempt in 1956). Released from prison in 1962, he returned to his old trade as a painter, worked as bookkeeper in a Madrid hotel and turned to writing, creative writing (his first book, Cuentos Carcelarios, was started while he was in prison) as well as publicist writing and translation (he translated upwards of a hundred titles and writes like a demon-hack, alone and in partnership) using the nom de plume of Jacques de Gaulle for some books like Las Horas Decisivas de la Guerra Civil, El Frente de Aragón and a life of Pablo Iglesias). In the 1970s he became the best-known representative of the renascent CNT, serving as its first secretary (august 1976 to April 1978) once it had finally resurfaced: at the same time he was beginning to make his name as a ppoulariser of CNt and anarchist topics and also came to be regarded as a credible spokesman for the CNT. Following the 1979 congress, he condemned the policy of the breakaways. Has written for El País, Cambio 16, Historia Libertaria, Sindicalismo, etc. Author of: Los Anarquistas en el Gobierno (Barcelona 1977), Historia de la FAI (Madrid 1977), Historia del Anarcosindicalismo Español (Madrid 1969), La Primera Internacional (Madrid 1974), Situación Limitada (Madrid 1975), Sociología e Historia (Madrid 19730, La Política Española y la Guerra Civil (1974), Cuentos Carcelarios, Autogestión en España (Madrid 1976), etc. Also author of several forewords and introductions to books on anarchist themes. Director of CNT (1980-81) and of Adarga.

153. CERRADA SANTOS, Laureano. Miedes 1902-Paris 1976, murdered.
A student of José Alberola, he was a member of the CNT (railroad union) and anarchist organisations. Active under the republic, in 1936 he helped in the taking of the Atarazanas barracks and Captaincy-General building in Barcelona and, as the man in charge of the Central Railway Administration Fund, was a great help to the Aragon front. He really became popular, though, in exile in France after the civil war: very active in the struggle against the Nazis, he organised extensive propaganda networks, clandestine arms dumps and safe houses and was also in contact with many underground guerrillas and dabbled in arms-trafficking. After the end of the Second World War, he enjoyed enormous prestige in CNT circles: he was secretary of the Paris regional committee (1945), but appears to have refused the position of CNT general secretary (declining to have his name included in the list of candidates) and some take the view that his refusal led to the success of Esgleas’s candidacy in 1945. He funded CNT propaganda and direct action activity against Franco and furnished forged papers to many victims of persecution: the high point in his war on Franco came in 1948 (when, together with Ortiz, he prepared an airborne attempt on Franco’s life). He also tried to flood the country with counterfeit currency. His star began to wane in 1951: an informer brought him to the attention of the police who accused him of being a counterfeiter (of currency and official papers): many CNT personnel distanced themselves from him (and he was even expelled from the CNT for resorting to “unacceptable methods”) and his life was lived on the blurred margins shared by criminality and anarchist idealism, torn between one and the other. Jailed again from 1970 to 1974, he was murdered in his old age. A very energetic man of tremendous daring, a born activist none too scrupulous in fighting the enemy, his style did not go down well with some people.

154. ALBEROLA SURINACH, Octavio. Mexico 1928-
Son of Spanish parents with a libertarian tradition (his father was councillor for Education on the Council of Aragon), he moved with his family to Mexico after the civil war (1940), studying engineering in Mexico City and became an organiser for the Libertarian Youth (being arrested in 1946). In 1962 he moved back to Europe and joined García Oliver, Mera and others on Interior Defence: from then on his name was associated with numerous operations designed to strike at the Franco regime. In 1966 he was one of the most strenuopus opponnents of Cincopuntismo (see the New York conference that year) and at all times he was closely associated with the FIJL and with the review Presencia: from 1966 at least he has been regarded as a leading member of the Primero de Mayo anarcho-syndicalist group and responsible for violent attacks against Spanish fascism (the attempt in February 1968 to kidnap the minister Ullastres in Belgium, for one) which led to his serving time in prison in Belgium. His activity continued into the 1970s fom French soil, from where he was expelled in April 1974 and within a month he had been arrested in connection with the abduction of a Spanish banker: around that time he seemed to be connected with the GARI; in the mid-1970s he settled in Liège. When the renconstruction of the CNT began in Spain, he tried to bring influence to bear through the review El Topo Avizor (without much success) and when the obscure episode of the “Paralelos” came to light, leading members charged Alberola of having been behind it. Similarly, he was accused of having bolstered the the marinalist faction of the CNT (through Edo). All of this would be hard to prove, because, following the split in the CNT, Alberola (presumably on the basis of his well-known opposition to Esgleism) went with the breakaways (writing in their press). Author of: El Anarquismo Español y la Acción Revolucionaria 1961-1974 (Paris 1975, with Ariane Gransac) and Determinismo y Libertad (1949). Has written articles for El Topo Avizor, Historia Libertaria, Frente Libertario, Solidaridad Obrera (Valencia Congress), An enthusiastic advocate of violent tactics (see his controversy with Gaston Leval in 1965) and direct action and vehement in his hostility to Esgleism, these days, he represents for some in CNT circles a minor but magnetic school of thought.

155. ALONSO MARSELAU, Nicolás.
A picturesque, unstable personality whose life was governed by great spiritual upheavals. Born in Granada on a date uknown, he was a seminaian in his native city until, around 1858, he parted company with the Church to throw in his lot with the federal republicans, as a result of which he was obliged to flee to Gibraltar, France and England. Shortly before the 1868 revolution, he popped up again in Seville and years later was the director of the famous newspaper La Razón (1871-72) with its markedly anti-clerical tone. Whilst not departing from this line it turned to championing the arguments of the internationalist proletariat. In the early days of the FRE he became a popular activist who attended the Valencia Conference (1871) on behalf of Seville labour groups and was a delegate to the congresses in The Hague (having been elected by referendum which says a lot about how popular he was) and Brussels. A fine controversialist (see his quarrel with Mateos-Gago) and a writer of passion and brilliance, he switched tack again in 1874. He forswore his beliefs, eturned to the Catholic Church and entered a Trappist monastery, after which he dropped out of sight. He was a tortured personality who, in spite of his final change of direction, deserves to be remembered because it was largely due to him that the FRE was such a success in Seville. He defended anarchism staunchly in Saint-Imier and helped draft the famous memorandum that Lorenzo brought with him to London and wrote a couple of highly successful pamphlets. He wrote articles for La Razón and La Solidaridad and was the author of: Pensamientos Sociales Arreglados (Seville 1872, written from a prison cell) and El Evangelio Obrero (1872).

156. CARRASQUER LAUNED, Francisco. Albalate de Cinca (Huesca) 1915-
Member of a celebrated family of libertarians. After trying his hand at a number of trades he finished up in Barcelona in 1936 as a teacher in an ateneo. He served in the civil war (119th Brigade), ending it as a staff major. After the defeat, he went into exile in France, served time in the Vernet concentration camp and found work in Nantes, Pau, Toulouse and the Foix district. He returned to Spain in 1943, apparently wanted by the Nazis and was arrested and jailed for half a year, before being sent to Africa (to do his military service). Involved in the undereground struggle (as a member of the CNT’s Catalan regional committee, together with his brother Félix), he was arrested in December 1946 and, in July 1947, released on licence after a half a year in jail. In 1949 he returned to France by clandestine means: settling in France, he studied at the Sorbonne in Paris, eking out a living by giving Spanish and literature lessons and graduating in these subjects. From 1953 on he lived in Holland, where he worked fore a radiuo statiuon, publishing his poetry and teaching at the University of Leyden (from 1964 on). Author of some superb translations (a prize-winner in 1960), anthologies of Dutch poetry, an anthology of the writings of Alaiz (Madrid-Gijón 1981), a thesis on R. Sender and some creative writing like Manda el Corazón (1948?) and Cantos Rodados (1956). Contributed articles to Frente Libertario.

157. CATALUNYA. Title of several CNT publications.
1. - Evening daily newspaper of the CNT of Catalonia, written in the Catalan language. Published in Barcelona from 22 February 1937 until, having met with little success, it was replaced in 1938 by the evening edition of CNT in Castilian. Sub-titled “Regional Organ of the CNT”, it was directed initially by Ricardo Mestres, then (from August 1937) by Peiró and then by Ferrer and Vives. It had a print-run of some 5,000 copies and carried contributions from Urales, Viadiu, Bajatierra, Santillán, Doménech, Marianet, Usón and, chiefly, J. Ferrer and J. Anselmo, as well as from several journalists from L’Instant (such as Puig, Sivera, Vila). Mirrored the contents of Solidaridad Obrera.
2. - “Revista d’opinió confederal CNT-AIT”, Barcelona, 1976-78, 4 issues, in the Catalan language.
3. - Trial daily newspaper of the CNT-AIT in Barcelona, a would-be continuation of the 1937 daily newspaper. It failed, with just one issue published in 1978.

158. ANARQUÍA. Title of several newspapers and reviews, some of which (see the entries from 6. onwards below) bore the title of LA ANARQUÍA.
1. - Seville 1910. Directed by Sánchez Rosa.
2. - Seville 1920. Replaced El Productor and became (at the request of the Catalans) the organ of the anarchist groups. Its print-run rose to sdeven thousand coies and it was the platform from which Sánchez Rosa pushed his strictly libertarian pro-congress views in opposition to the reformism then prevalent among the CNT committees in Andalusia. Its first issue was dated 14 November. It was directed by Sánchez Rosa and claimed to the the “Organ of the Spanish anarchist congress”.
3. - Bulletin of the Libertarian Youth of Granada. Two issues appeared (clandestinely). Directed by Mateo Rodríguez, 1933.
4. - Barcelona, FAI., 1937.
5. - Seville, Libertarian Youth, 1980? (Full title” La Anarquía. o los Amigos el Orden”). One issue.
6. - Madrid 1869. Popular individualist weekly. Texts from Huelbes and Tejada.
7. - Madrid weekly. from 16 August 1890 to 15 June 1893, 144 issues. Under the direction of Ernest Alvarez: texts from Mella, Urales, Büchner, López Montenegro, Salvochea, Gustavo, Prat, Setabas, López Maldonado, Lorenzo, Renan, Bo, Bigeon..
8. - Madrid 1882-85. Duirected by Ernesto Alvarez.
9. - Barcelona, fortnightly, 1906, 10 issues. texts by Prat, Médico, Martorell, Mella..

159. QUINTANILLA PRIETO, Eleuterio. Gijón 1886-Bordeaux 1966.
Of working class origin, he received his primary education at a non-feepaying school and from the ag of 13 worked as an apprentice with an employer who encouraged to pursue his studies: he attended the workers’ ateneo and from 1904 on picked up several languages (italian, French, English, Esperanto). Got involved in the labour movement in 1904-05 as a public speaker in Mieres (putting the case for anarchism) and wrote for the regional libertarian press (for Tiempos Nuevos from 1905 on), of which he became a stalwart and a marvel on account of his extensive knowledge of trade unioinism world-wide. From 1908 on, he was associated with Mella (having made his acquaintance three years before) whose moderation-, deliberation- and realism-centred theories he stoutly defended. The repression in Barcelona drew a response in Gijón (with many public rallies in which Quintanilla participated) and at about the same tome Quintanilla was to the fore in the founding of the Casa del Pueblo in Gijón (1910-11) . In September 1910 there was a great sensation when he was jailed (this was during the crackdown on Asturian anarchism) and protest rallies were held: in the following years he held meetings throughout the region and debated against the socialist Teodomiro Menéndez, served as editor on Acción Libertaria and El Libertario (in the pages of which he published his famous serials). In 1914 he quit his trade as a chocolate maker and took up teaching at the Escuela Neutra (of which he was to be the director), attended the El Ferrol congress in 1915 and the 1916 trade union congress in Gijón, urging unity between the CNT and the UGT. During the 1914-18 war, he expressed support for the Entente powers and in 1918 he represented Asturian anarchists at the Barcelona plenum, a plenum at which he called upon anarchists to join the CNT; that same year he ran the workers’ library and gave French classes at the ateneo. In 1919 he addressed rallies in Sama and La Felguera and was exceptionally prominent at the 1919 CNT congress, albeit to little effect (his motion on the federations of industry being defeated): between 1910 and 1922 he held meetings in Asturias and then opted to take a back seat (unable to reconcile himself to the defeat he had suffered at the 1919 congress): even with the advent of the republic, he remained in the background until, towards 1932-33, he called for reunification of the CNT. After the outbreak of civil war and the CNt decided to collaborate in governmenty, he refused a ministerial appointment (other sources claim that some CNT personnel from Asturias refused it for him on the understanding that he was not active at the time): he served on the National Council for Evacuee Children and was the Spanish representative at the Labour Conference in Geneva (1938). After the defeat of the republic, he went into exile., serving with a labour company in the Loire until 1943 (a period by which he was particularly affected, given that he was far from a young man by then: such was the impact it made on him that he wrote Emocionario del Destierro, with its mystical overtones). Later he settled in Bordeaux and lived a quiet life. A man of profound intelligence and ahead of his times (cf. the pact with the UGT, the national federations of industry, his misgivings about the Russian revolution..), a moderate but no weakling and staunch in his approach and beliefs.. he was a great influence on the Asturian CNT and on anarchism in the area. His name will be forever associated with the National Federations of Industry (of which he was the main champion). He published lots of writings in the libertarian press: Solidaridad Obrera (Gijón), Renovación (he editor of both of these papers), Acción Libertaria, El Libertario, Tribuna Libre, Revista Blanca, Sindicalismo, etc. He wrote the foreword to the second volume of Mella’s collected works and was author of: Las Tesis Sindicalistas (Madrid 1931).

160. PESTAÑA NUÑEZ, Ángel. Santo Tomás de las Ollas (León) 1886- Barcelona 1937.
From an impoverished and distressing background (his mother having abandoned husband and son when Pestaña was very small) he followed his father’s itinerant quest for work, through Béjar, Canfranc, Pajares and the mines of Vizcaya. His father wanted his son to study for the priesthood, believing that to offer steady employment and sent him to a relative in Ponferrada, but that relative exploited the boy: he ran away from Ponferrada to rejoin his father in Valmasada (he was then 10 years old): he followed his father around the Cantabrican coast and from the age of 11 was working in the mines: orphaned at 14, he worked on the railways 9in Portugalete) and then in a theatre in Bilbao: he developed a fondness for theatre (an even wrote a comedy, La Ciudad, which was staged during the republic) and set up a troupe that performed in the Bilbao district, marrying this activity with his work as a bricklayer and glazier. At the age of 15 he was arrested and jailed for three months for public advocacy of the eight hour day: on his release he made a living as a farundalero in Asturias and Santander, until he left for France (Bordeaux and Paris) via Gijón and Pasajes. He was deported from France in 1906 (for travelling without documents). After a time in Guipúzcoa, he made his way back to France and worked in the Bordeaux countryside and then, in the south, helping with the grape harvest: later he turned up in Cethe as an espadrille-maker (thee he met María Espés who was to become his wife and constant help). At the age of 23 he arrived in Algiers and lived quietly there working at his final trade (watch-maker) and for the first time he began to write for the anarchist press (articles for Tierra y Libertad in Barcelona). In August 1914, he moved to Barcelona, contacts Tierra y Libertad and Anselmo Lorenzo and frequented the Ateneo sindicalista: he soon made a name for himself with articles in Solidaridad Obrera and at public meetings at which he sided with the most hard-line, radical elements of anarchism (he himself was a member of the Primero de Mayo group), representing his local federation at the El Ferrol congress in 1915 and calling for the CNT to be overhauled: shortly after that, he fled to France after severely criticising the Civil Guard and on his return to Spain was forced to live in hiding for several months. In 1916 he was put in charge of the (underground) Catalan regional committee of the CNT and the following year, together with Lacort and Seguí, he helped finalise arrangements in Madrid with the UGT for a protest strike (and, as a member of the strike committee, was forced to flee to Zaragoza). Appointed director of Solidaridad Obrera he did sterling work on sprucing up the paper and also exposed Bravo Portillo. He attended the Sans congress (1918), which re-elected him as director of Solidaridad Obrera and, the very same year he was addressing rallies (by then he was a CNT bigwig on a par with Seguí). He attended the 1919 congress (representing Berga) where his contributions were telling. He was chosen to visit Germany and Russia. The trip proved extremely dangerous: he was jailed in Barcelona, attended cthe international congress in Berlin, visited Moscow (taking part in the proceedings of the Profintern, meeting Lenin and other soviet leaders and witnessing the crackdown on anarchism), was jailed in Milan, Genoa and Barcelona (it was in his Barcelona prison cell that he drafted his famous report on his experiences). Freed in April 1922, he put his findings to the Zaragoza conference that year and, with Seguí and others, put his signature to the famous and controversial resolution spelling out the philosophy behind a-politicism and anti-politicism. An opponent of terrorism, he became a sought after target for the gunmen of the employer-government alliance: his life was attempted in Tarragona (in 1920) and in Manresa (1921) and was left seriously wounded. With the approach of the Dictatorship, he joined the revolutionary national committee, but soon left it: a little later, he was embroiled in the Vera de Bidasoa and Atarazanas incidents and was jailed until the end of 1926. It was around this time that Pestaña began, discernibly, to lean towards revisionist views: on his release, he championed reorganisation of the CNT against supporters of clandestine struggle and he was caught up in his famous controversy with Peiró, in the course of which he argued a very possibilist, exceedingly syndicalist line which led to the collapse of the national committee on which he was serving (1929): shortly after that he was holding talks with Berenguer and Mola with an eye to legalisation of the CNT (1930): the next year, he ruled out the possibility of a Libertarian Party and came away from the CNT congress rather disappointed: he signed the treintista manifesto and became the bête noire of the radicals and faístas (he was secretary of the CNT national commitee): the criticism he came under led to the break-up of the national committee (March 1932) and he was expelled from the CNT (not that that stopped him from looking upon himself an a CNT member right up until the day he died). After that, the pace of events accelerated: he set up the FSL (Libertarian Syndicalist Federation) in opposition to the FAI, took an interest in the Workers’ Alliance and eventually founded the Syndicalist Party (March 1934). Not only was the latter a failure. but it left him in a vacuum. After the outbreak of civil war (he was deputy for Cádiz on the Popular Front tocket after February 1936) he organised a brigade (the 67th) and served on the general war council: in addition, he was sub-commissar general for war and declined appointment as a CNT minister (in return for which offer he was required to disband his party, which he refused to do: later on, he was put in charge of the War Materials Council and rejoined the CNT - late in 1937). He died on 11 December 1937, still, it would seem, invoking the CNT’s name. He wrote widely for the libertarian press and the press in general: Pravda, Solidaridad Obrera, España Nueva, El Crotálogo, Solidaridad Proletaria, Acción, Mañana, Revista Obrera, La Libertad, Vida Sindical, Solidaridad Obrera (Santiago), Tierra y Libertad, Acción Social, Nueva Senda, La Campana de Gracia, etc., and was director and administrator of Solidaridad Obrera. He wrote numerous books and pamphlets including: Sindicalismo y Unidad Sindical (Valencia 1933), Setenta Días en Rusia. Lo Que Yo Pienso (Barcelona 1925), Setenta Días en Rusia. Lo Que Yo Ví (Barcelona 1924), Acción Directa (Barcelona 1924), Sindicalismo; Su Organización y Tendencia (Valencia 1930), Las Federaciones de Industria (Barcelona 1930), Normas Orgánicas (Barcelona 1930), ¿Sindicato Único? (Barcelona, undated), El Sindicalismo, Qué Quiere y Adonde Va (Barcelona 1933), Lo Que Aprendí en la Vida (Madrid 1933), Terrorismo en Barcelona (Tarragona 1920, reprinted in an extended edition, Barcelona 1979), Por Qué se Constituyó el Partido Sindicalista (Barcelona 1936), ¿Dictadura Proletaria? (Barcelona, undated), ¿Debe Disolverse el Partido Sindicalista? (Valencia 1936), Del Momento (Madrid 1936), Las Doce Palabras (Madrid, undated), Inocentes (Barcelona 1926), ¿Donde Cree Usted Que Va el Siglo? (Madrid, undated, with others).
Pestaña is a mythic figure, one of greatest in the CNT’s history, the very symbol of the life of the Confederation for upwards of twenty years, a protagonist in all of the major events and meetings, who gave repeated service at the head of the national committee, was arrested times out of number for his CNT activity and was also wounded in the Confederation’s service. However, even today, when the CNT has bestowed its forgiveness upon so many, he is still widely vilified and all because he ventured to launch a political party (and refused to disband it). Surely it is high time that that error was outweighed by the numerous services he rendered anarchism and the Confederation? It is high time that Pestaña, a methodical, tenacious type, a knight of sorrowful countenance, puritanical and long-suffering, a man of steely temperament, a CNT man even in his mistakes, was rewritten into the overall history of anarchism.

161. PEIRÓ BELIS, Juan. Sans 1887-Valencia 1942, shot by the fascists.
Involved in the glass industry from a very early age, he was illiterate until the age of 15 and had ambitions of becoming a bullfighter. At the age of 15 he started to take an interest in labour affairs and moved from Pueblo Nuevo to Badalona where he joined the workers’ association and became a theatre buff. By 1906 he was a committed activist and it seems certain that he attended the 1910 congress (as an observer on behalf of the Ateneo of Badalona, along with Piera). In 1915 he managed to unite the Badalona unions into a single local federation and launched its mouthpiece, La Colmena Obrera (of which he was director from January 1917 on),: in 1916 he was general secretary of the Spanish Glass Federation (until 1920), editor of El Vidrio (which he was to direct the following year). In 1917, he argued the anarcho-syndicalist case at a conference and in 1918 he attended the Sans congress: in 1919 he spokw up for national industrial federations at the CNT congress. In 1920 he moved to Sans, organised the national glass-makers congress, survived two attempts on his life and was jailed in Soria and Vitoria for holding clandestine meetings. In 1922 he came to the forefront of the CNT: he served as secretary of its national committee, attended the Zaragoza Conference and, by then a resident of Mataró, threw himself into resolving the glassmakers’ problems and took part in many meetings: in 1923 he served on the civilian conduct committee: in 1924 he oversaw the establishment of the glass co-operative and argued for legalisation of the unions (to which end he launched Vida Sindical in 1926): he had a hand in every conspiracy against Primo de Rivera and endured jail a number of times (serving half a year in 1925, as well as being jailed in May 1927 and in the summer of 1928), headed the CNT national committee in 1928-29 and towards the end of 1929 engaged Pestaña in a famous controversy, only to cause surprise by signing the Manifesto of the Republican Intelligentsia the following year (for which he was much criticised and from which he retracted his signature). He helped found the syndicalist papers Mañana and Acción and at the 1931 congress he successfully argued the case for national federations of industry. Come the frictions between moderates and radicals, he signed the treintista manifesto and (under FAI pressure) resigned the directorship of Solidaridad Obrera: in 1932 he joined the FSL and in 1934 was scathingly critical of the foundation of Pestaña’s Syndicalist Party and called for reunification of the CNT. After the outbreak of civil war, he served on Mataró’s local antifascist committee, which he left to turn to journalism (in August): he drifted towards possibilism: in October he was appointed a delegate to the Generalitat’s Council of Economy and in November 1936 became minister of Industry in the central government as the CNT representative. After his time in government he directed the daily Catalunya, was commissar general of electrical power (1938) and finally left for exile in France. In Paris he worked with the JARE and after the Nazi victory he was arrested and handed over to Franco who had him executed on 27 July 1942 after Peiró refused to take up a post in the fascist syndicates.
He wrote for many publications, including: La Colmena Obrera, Solidaridad Obrera, El Diluvio, Solidaridad Proletaria, Acción Social Obrera, Vida Sindical, L’Opinió, Despertad, Acción, Mañana, La Rambla, La Tierra, Cultura Libertaria, Sindicalismo, Catalunya, Meridià, CNT, Timón, Revista Blanca, Redención, La Calle, La Publicitat, Renovación, Combate, Vertical, El Poble Català, Albada, Llibertat, El Combate Sindicalista, Tiempos Nuevos, Hora Sindicalista, Mi Revista, El Noticiero Universal and Umbral. Author of: Perill a la reraguardia (Mataró 1936), Trayectoria de la CNT (Mataró 1925), Ideas sobre Sindicalismo y Anarquismo (Barcelona 1930), Problemas y Cintarazos (Rennes 1946), as well as few other things which seem to have been lost when he was arrested in France. Some fragments have survived of Análisis Crítico de la Historia de España, but there was a text on economic problems and the reconstruction of Spain and a third text on the republican emigrés in France.
Peiró is one of the most attractive of the libertariam movement’s personalities: any mistakes or vacillation on his part were wiped out by the integrity with which he conducted himself in the face of the Francoists in 1940-1942. In a way, Peiró was Seguí’s successor within the CNT, acting in the 1922-1936 period as its pace-setter, a position for which he competed with Pestaña (even though they eventually found themselves on common ground). At great length he spelled out his view of syndicalism and of the CNT, a view that changed over the years, but which was always exceptionally influential in CNT circles. His theoretical work was pursued through the press: we might single out the series of articles he published in La Colmena Obrera (1919), entitled “Democracy and Syndicalsm”, the first heavweight treatment of the principles, tactics and aims of revolutionary syndicalism: it was syndicalism’s rtole to carry out cultural work and revolution and work a change in society. In Solidaridad Obrera (1924) he wrote about the need for a congress, rejecting the option of clandestinity and setting our controversial ideas about the meaning of direct action: it can be said with certainty that he drafted the Zaragoza motion on apoliticism and anti-politicism. In Solidaridad Proletaria (1925) he mounted his earliest defence of national federations of industry, dealing with the relationship between anarchism and syndicalism and the CNT’s particular brand of syndicalism. This led on to the Vida Sindical manifesto (January 1926), to his controversy with Cardenio on the CNT’s principles and cooperativism (see Acción Social Obrera, 1927). In 1928 (in L’Opinió), in a polemic with Maurín and others he declared himself an anarchist and the following year he defended direct action. His controversy with Pestaña dates from 1929 (in Acción Social Obrera) and brought about the famous ‘clearing of the decks’: he rejected the idea of the CNT as a mere container or receptacle, condemning cooperativism and championing direct action. In 1929-30 (in Despertad) he published a much praised series of articles, arguing that syndicalism was not sufficient unto itself in achieving the ideal, stateless society, but that anarchism was needed, working through syndicate and commune. In 1930-31 he broached the necessity of updating the workers’ movement as well as how this might be done: organisation along industrial lines, adapting to the new phase of capitalist economics, with industrial unions and federations (which he advocated very vigorously). In 1931-32 he spelled out his conception of revolution (distinguishing it clearly from political revolution) which had to be social and which would necessitate a prior restructuring in order to reach beyond mere violence: he also spoke of permanent revolution, stages in the revolution, personality cults keeping the CNT divided, the revolutionary ineffectuality of local strikes and the over-riding necessity for CNT unity: he also set out his view of revolutionary syndicalism (a far-reaching view that took in virtually everything) and attacks on the FAI. In 1933 (in Sindicalismo) there was the series called “The Social Revolution and Libertarian Communism”, where he argues that libertarian communism was feasible (it would be introduced by libertarian syndicalists, not by the anarchists) as was the social revolution (he attacked the FAI’s concept of revolution) and how the union would be the pre-eminent instrument in this: The social revolution was more dependent on resolution of an economic-industrial organisational problem than on an act of force, from which it followed that the task of the militant was to convince people that the building of a new world was not dependent on political, or State legislation but rather upon the conquest of the factories, mines and land, the means of transport and production - to be achieved through organisation of manual and intellectual workers along industrial lines: the social revolution implied organisation and discipline: Peiró also tackled the question of money, the functions of the municipality, the requirement for coercion during the transition.. In 1933-34 he launched savage attacks on the FAI, put the case for the Antifascist Labour Alliance and the Federal Social Republic (demonstrating that it was not at odds with libertarian communism) and, prophetically, he called for participation in voting in the forthcoming elections as a lesser evil. After the civil war began he wrote for Solidaridad Obrera: he stressed that the war would be won through the economy, advocated a transitional regime (federal socialist republic), a unified command in military matters (winning the war being the most important thing), unity with the UGT and a CNT presence in government. In 1938-39, his writings hinted at his loss of heart: the CNT ought not to have collaborated directly with the government, the UGT might not be trustworthy and he even concluded (in Timón, October 1938) that maybe the CNT ought to have imposed libertarian communism in 1936 without detriment to its principles, the existing situation assuredly being the result of its having jettisoned its own ideals and style.

162. CANIBELL MASBERNAT, Eudaldo. Barcelona 1838-1928.
Printer with some grasp of French and English, a sketch artist and watercolourist of some quality, he worked in the printshop run by Fargas and, like so many other printing workers, was active in working class internationalist circles in the latter half of the 19th century. An early recruit to the FRE, he was an office-holder of the Barcelona local federation and a member of the Federal Council in 1882. After the split in the printing union, he sided with the anti-authoritarians: he met Kropotkin in Barcelona and occupied a significant place in cultural life in Barcelona: he ran the Biblioteca Arús, was a great Cervantes scholar, helped Pellicer found the Catalan Institute of Publishing Arts (and was director of its review), had a hand in the foundation of the Excursionist Centre of Catalonia and in the establishment of the Watercolourists’ Centre in Barcelona. After quitting the Biblioteca Arús, he took over as artistic director of a publishing house and edited or directed trade publications (Revista Poligráfico, El Mercado Poligráfico, Anuario Tipográfico de Neufville). Within the workers’ Federation he was active within the moderate faction, as against the radicalism of Los Desheredados in Andalusia. His efforts in the printing field was added to that of other illustrious internationalists (Farga, Pellicer, etc.) and it might be argued that it was anarchists who brought fresh blood to the printing trade in Spain and the Americas. He wrote for La Asociación, Acracia and La Tramontana. Author of forewords and editions of the classics (illustrations included) such as Don Quijote or Lazarillo. Also wrote many printing-related books and on sundry other topics: Defectos de que Adolece la Imprenta Española Ortoprosódica y Tipográficomente Considerada (1881), Efemérides de la Tiopgrafía Española y Americana (1891), Efemérides del Periodismo Español y Hispanoamericano (1893), Montserrat, Album, Guía, Plano, Historia de la Célebre Montaña y su Monasterio (1899), Heribert Mariezcurrera i la Introducció de la Fototipia i del fotograbat a Espanya (1900),, Album Caligráfico Universal (1901), A la Bona Memoria de Marcel.li Serra i Furnell (1906), Estudi Iconográfic del Rei Jaume lo Conqueridor (1910).

163. MANO NEGRA.
1. - Everything to do with the Mano Negra is extremely suspect. It probably never existed, but was, rather, a concoction of the Andalusian oligarchy in cahoots with the State’s agencies of repression, the object being to eradicate the growing strength of the FTRE. First reports of it date from 1883 (they were preceded by intense repression), at which time the government made allegations to the effect that it had stumbled upon a criminal organisation with ambitions to overthrow the government and wipe out agrarian caciquismo in Lower Andalusia. On the basis of suspicion and nothing more, the government authorities mounted a wave of arrests: 200 were arrested in February 1883 and upwards of 5,000 in March (2,000 were locked up in Cádiz and 3,00 in Jérez), all on the basis of tracking down those responsible for a few deaths. The FTRE realised instinctively that it was a set-up designed to destroy it and denied that any such society existed. In addition, out of fear, it severed all connections with all victims of the crackdown (see the Federal Council’s Manifesto that year) and this dis-association was not unbrelated to the conflict by which the Federation was split at the time (with the more radical breakaway elements, Los Desheredados, being located in precisely the district under the government cosh at the time). The tide of repression began late in 1882, but the so-called Mano Negra trials followed in 1883: there were three trials in all: a) the so-called Cuatro Caminos well trial, from the site where the inn-keeper Antonio Vázquez had been murdered. That trial started on 26 May 1883, with four sentences of life imprisonment being handed down. b) The Arcos trial, resulkting from the murder of Fernando Oliveras. This ended with one sentence of life imprisonment and another of 17 years’ imprisonment. c) The most famous trial related to the death of Blanco de Benaocaz and an attempt was made directly to implicate the Spanish section of the IWMA: it was known as the La Parrilla trial, after the site where Blanco was murdered on 4 December 1882. 15 death sentences were requested and no less than seven granted, plus seven sentences of life imprisonment: several members of the FTRE were implicated (Roque Vázquez, Francisco Corbacho, and Pedro Corbacho - the last-named being the supposed leader of the Mano Negra); the trial showed that evidence was the last consideration: reading the (legal) anarchist press was looked upon as criminal and some “Mano Negra Regulations and Statutes” were even produced, which had been accidentally discovered “under a rock” by T. Pérez Monforte (a known provocateur in the pay of the caciques, on whose behalf he would set fields ablaze, with the blame then being heaped upon the organised workers), circumstances which made it mind-boggling that a recent female scholar should have peddled it as fact. In charge of the repression was Civil Guard Lieutenant José Oliver and those executed included the Corbachos, Juan Ruiz and Roque Vázquez. The Mano Negra events centred on Jérez have inspired floods of ink. Not until 4 March 1903 was an amnesty granted and it benefitted 8 survivors (J. León, A. Martínez, Antonio Valero, Salvador Moreno, Cristóbal Durán, Diego Maestre, Francisco Prieto and J. Jiménez). The Mano Negra was one of the biggest frame-ups orchestrated by the police, government and reactionaries against revolutionary labour.
2. - Orientation and fighting organ of the Libertarian Youth of Madrid. Periodical publication, Madrid, 1981, 2 issues.

164. ILLERA TEJADA, Macario. Vitoria 1913 -
From a very impoverished family, he spent periods of time in the poorhouse: at the age of 14 he joined the army as a drummer-boy and lived in the Zaragoza Military Academy in the days when Franco was its director: when the Academy was shut down during the republic, he joined an infantry regiment, initially as a drummer and later as a rifleman: posted to stand guard in the prison in Zaragoza, he was jailed for chatting with the inmates and, shortly afterwards, quite by accident, he attended a CNT rally in the city (1932). It made a deep impression on him and he decided to join the ranks of the anarchists. It was not long before he clashed with a sergeant and was cashiered from the army. In 1933 he was living in Vitoria as a CNT member and in 1936, when the fascists succeeded in Vitoria he fled (24 July) over the mountains to Bilbao: he fought in San Sebastián, Tolosa and Irún and later, having signed up with the Bakunin Battalion, in Chiviarte, Sollube and Murguía, until the Bilbao front collapsed, at which point he made for Santander where (due to the treachery of Basque nationalists) he was arrested along with several thousand others in August 1937 and taken to Santoña: this was the start of long period of calamity (including his being sentenced to death) in the prisons of Bilbao and Burgos, until he was released on licence in March 1943 and banished to near Benicarló (Cervera) where he was a goatherd. After some months he returned to Vitoria, trying his hhand at various trades and entering into the clandestine struggle (as a member of the Alava comarcal committee). In 1947 he attempted to flee to France, but was arrested in Navarre and jailed for several months in Pamplona and Vitoria. Sickened by the unresponsive nature of the workers, he made up his made to change his profession and became a shoe-shine boy, keeping the torch of anarchism alight in Vitoria for many years and becoming extraordinarily popular in the city. From 1967 on, a series of thromboses weakened him, but this did not stop him from being one of the first to offer a helping hand when the CNT began to rebuild in Vitoria in 1976. A Tolstoyan, advocate of a pacifist anarchism, tremendously determined, always optimistic, with strict principles that led him to reject consumerism, he is the perfect embodiment of the indefatigable militant whose ideas are indestructible.

165. LA REVISTA BLANCA.
A highly prestigious publication that survived for two decades. It came into being to carry on the campaign to assist the victims of the Montjuich trials, a campaign initiated by Lerroux’s El Progreso. Initially it was not avowedly anarchist, given the legislation in force and Soledad Gustavo was the named director, since Urales could not be so named for legal reasons. In its initial stage, 1898-1905, it published 168 issues and was under the direction of Urales and Soledad Gustavo in Madrid. Its second stage saw it based in Barcelona from 1923 to 1936, publishing a total of 338 issues, under the direction of Urales and Federica Montseny. It came out fortnightly (weekly from 1933 on), and met with considerable success (selling some 8,000 copies). It could count upon the contributions of many intellectuals as well as from the cream of world anarchism: essentially, it concerned itself with scientific, sociological and literary matters. From the vast list of its contributors, we might cite Fernández Mateos, Malatesta, Lazare, Spencer, Gori, Benavente, Corominas, Gener, Mella, Giner, Unamuno, Grave, Guyau, Cunillera, Guerra, Fouillé, Dicenta, Bardon, Tailhade, Chekhov, Dumont, Bonafulla, Rubio, Laguerra, Royer, Brossa, Money, Cano, Tárrida, Reclus, Lorenzo, Prat, Salvochea, Clarín, Lubin, Gorky, Romeo, Ferrer, Büchner, Moreno, Zisly, Layda, Brich, Lagrange, Ribot, Marguery, Huxley, Baroja, Nordau, Lluria, Cortiella, Cornelissen, Malato, Prot, Montagut..
There was a complementary Biblioteca de la Revista Blanca series (in its first stage) that offered works by Haeckel, Urales, Fernández Mateos, Spencer and others. Another complementary publication was the Almanaque de la Revista Blanca, which included writings by Posada, Bonafoux, González Serrano, Cama, Giner, Dorado Montero, Cossio, Unamuno, Apolo, Salvochea, Michel, Reclus, Pérez Jorba and Romeo.
Furthermore, in 1899, the review launched a Suplemento, which struck out on its own after two years as Tierra y Libertad.

166. CASAS VIEJAS.
A village south of Cádiz, known these days as Benalup. There in 1933 incidents occurred that had a great impact upon political developments in Spain. In 1933, Casas Viejas had a population of 2,000 and, come the anarchist uprising in January 1933, which affected several regions, the effects were also felt in Casas Viejas. On 10 January the peasants rose up and seized the village, organising it along anarchist lines. On the afternoon of the following day, the Civil Guard stormed into the village. Most of the CNT militants escaped into the countryside, but the absence of CNT personnel did not prevent the invaders from conducting themselves with extraordinary brutality: commanded by Fernández Artal, they searched the houses and after torturing Quijada, they brought him to the hovel in which Seisdedos and eight others had taken refuge: when an attempt was made to break through the door, one Civil Guard was wounded and those inside refused to surrender themselves, whereupon a gun battle erupted: as night fell, 90 Assault Guards arrived under the command of Rojas, who assumed charge of the repression: after an intense hail of rifle-, machine-gun- fire and grenades, Rojas ordered that the hovel be set on fire. Six of those inside (two youngsters only managed to escape, one of them the celebrated María Silva Cruz) perished and were burned to death. Whereupon Rojas proceeded to ransack the village houses: an old man died and twelve young men were taken to Seisdedos’s burned-out hut and murdered on the spot.
Once the extent of the repression became known, the entire country was stunned and accusations flew between the politicians; it proved a telling factor in the election campaign, which was won by the right. The man held most to blame was Azaña, who was credited with the famous instruction that no one was to be left alive and that they were to be shot in the bellies. The repression visited upon Casas Viejas set the seal upon the CNT’s disassociation with the republic. After the parliamentary debates provoked by the criminal action and after the trial that followed upon the repression, only one person was held culpable: Rojas, wo was sentenced to 20 years. The proceedings at his trial had exposed the hair-raising repression that had descended upon the village in the ensuing days: a further several people had been clubbed to death and terror had been enforced. Among those murdered in January 1933 were Francisco Cruz (Seisdedos), Antonio Barberán, Pedro Cruz, Jerónimo Silva, Francisco García, Josefa Franco, Manuela Largo, Manuel Quijada, Fernando Largo, Rarael Mateo, Balbino Zumaguero - all of them from anarchist and CNT families. The sometime informer, sometime provocateur involved answered to the name of Juan López Estella, who posed as a newspaper correspondent.
Naturally, the anarchist press made great play of these events and pamphlets were published to record the courage of the martyrs and the savagery of the repression (especially on the part of Rojas, Sergeant Marín, Assault Guard García and Azaña). Among the writings from the libertarian and CNT camp referring to the episode, the most prominent were: Casas Viejas (Madrid 1933, by R. Sender), ¡Han Pasado los Bárbaros! La Verdad sobre Casas Viejas (Seville 1933, CNT, by Ballester), Viaje a la Aldea del Crimen (Madrid 1934, by Sender), La Verdad sobre la Tragedia de Casas Viejas (Barcelona 1933, CNT), María Silva la Libertaria (Toulouse 1951, by F. Montseny), and España 1933. La Barbarie Gubernamental (Barcelona 1933).
Casas Viejas represents yet another instance of the savagery with which the Andalusian peasantry has been repressed by government.
167. MONTSENY MAÑÉ, Federica. Madrid 1905-
In 1914 she moved with her father to Barcelona, living in San Andrés, Hospitalet, Guinardó, Horta and Cerdañola (from 1918 on). The sel-educated daughter of anarchist intellectuals (Federico Urales and Soledad Gustavo), she turned to writing at a very early age on account of the prospects open to her as a member of the Urales family (which published its own reviews). Her first novel dates from 1922, as do her earliest contributions to the anarchist press (Nueva Senda, Redención). From 1923 on she was being published in Solidaridad Obrera and very often in La Revista Blanca, on literary and philosophical themes (e.g. her Breve Ensayo para una Antología de Escritores Españoles de Izquierda, in 1930: or La Mujer, Problema del Hombre in 1926-27). She published lots of novels and novelettes in the Novela Ideal series (1925-1931). Up until the advent of the republic, she had had little political engasgement, her time consumed by matters literary and because of her conformity with the family’s tradition of not allowing themselves to be confined by a set of initials. It was after she joined the CNT in June 1931 that she quickly gained prestige for her support for radical arguments and her criticisms of moderates (see her celebrated articles against Mira and Pestaña in 1931-32). In 1932she went of propaganda tours of the Basque Country and Andalusia, as well as Mallorca: in 1935 it was the turn of Galicia and in 1936 Cantabrica’s turn, as she expounded upon an odd, somewhat antique anarchism (the revolution had to proceed from countryside to city, would be spontaneous but not improvised, stress of individualism etc,) that largely emerged the victor at the Zaragoza congress. On the outbreak of the civil war, she joined the FAI, served on its peninsular secretariat and was the FAI’s delegate on the CNT regional committee; in the early months of the war she addressed rallies on behalf of the FAI and took part in important CNT meetings: at the September 1936 national plenum of regionals she was part of the working party that drafted the motion suing for the establishment of a Defence Council and, shortly after that, 94 November) she served as Minister for Health in the republican government: in the months that followed she simply wallowed in the revisionism by which the CNT was afflicted during the civil war years. In December 1936 she addressed a rally calling for discipline, in May 1937 in Barcelona she urged moderation, she served on the working party which , at the Libertarian Movement plenum in April 1938, set up a CNT Executive Committee and she held meetings with the UGT designed to arrive at a compact or amalgamation.. After the civil war ended, she left for exile in France, where she served on the SERE and Libertarian Movement General Council (1939); the Nazi victory in France led to her being jailed in Limoges (1942) and after that she was confined in Salon for a few years. During the early months in exile she experienced some ideological vacillation (she, along with her husband, Esgleas, is credited with a scheme to establish a party) but by the time of the 1945 congress she, and Esgleas, headed the orthodox, purist current which criticised the war-time collaboration policy of the CNT. From then on she stayed loyal to anarchist and CNT orthodoxy, holding positions of the utmost importance in the majority faction of the exiles (serving on the Inter-Continental Secretariat several times and acting as director of CNT for several terms too), becoming, over the years, the CNT’s greatest symbol, something not unconnected with her belonging to a staunchly anarchist family, her regular contributions to the press and her undoubted readiness to speak at CNT meetings and conferences. A very controversial woman in CNT circles, she had lots of supporters and a sizable number of detractors too, the result of her having been forty years in the uppper echelons of the CNT. She published articles in lots of newspapers: Etica, El Luchador, Solidaridad Obrera, Cenit, Umbral, Nueva Senda, Redención, CNT, Espoir, La Revista Blanca, La Tierra, Tiempos Nuevos, Inquietudes, Acción, Prismas, Tierra y Libertad, Mi Revista, Nosotros, Mujeres Libres, Catalunya, Timón. Author of numerous books and pamphlets, including: Horas Trágicas (Madrid 1922), El Anarquismo Militante y la Realidad Española (Valencia 1937), Anselmo Lorenzo; el Hombre y la Obra (Barcelona 1938), La Commune de Paris y la Revolución Española (Valencia 1937), La Comuna, Primera Revolución Consciente (Barcelona, undated), España, su Lucha y sus Ideales (Buenos Aires, 1937, with others), Cent Dies de la Vida de una Donna 1939-1940 (Barcelona 1977, previously published in Spanish in 1949), El Éxodo Anarquista (Barcelona 1979), El Problema de los Sexos (Toulouse 1969), María Silva , la Libertaria (Toulouse 1951), Pasión y Muerte de los Españoles en Francia (Toulouse 1969), Qué es el Anarquismo (Barcelona 1976), Crónicas de CNT 1960-61 (Choisy 1971), Cuatro Mujeres (Barcelona 1979), Florecimiento, Las Santas, El Amor Nuevo, Cuál de las Tres (1925), Los Hijos de la Calle, Maternidad, El Otro Amor, La Última Primavera, Resurrección, (all from 1926), Martirio, La Hija del Verdugo, María de Magdala, El Rescate de la Cautiva, El Amor Errante (all 1927), La Vida que Empieza, Sor Angélica, La Ruta Iluminada, El Último Amor, Nuestra Señora del Paralelo, El Derecho al Hijo, Los Caminos del Mundo, La Hija de las Estrellas (all 1928), Frente al Amor, El Juego del Amor y de la Vida (both 1929), La Infinita Sed, Sonata Patética, Pasionaria, Tú Eres la Vida, El Ocaso de los Dioses, La Mujer que Huía del Amor (all 1930), El Amor que Pasa, Un Hombre (both 1931), Una Vida, Aurora Roja, Ana María, Heroínas, Vampiresas, La Aventurera, La Sombra del Pasado, Sinfonía Apasionada, Amor de un Día, etc., etc.

168. LA ESCUELA MODERNA.
1. - Boletín de la Escuela Moderna. Periodical publication subtitled “Scientific, Rational Education”. Mouthpiece of the aforementioned Modern School founded by Ferrer. Monthly. Barcelona, 30 October 1901 to 30 Juy 1907 (it did not appear between June 1906 and July 1907): a second phase covered 1 May 1908 to July 1909: the last issue was No 62. It ceased publication due to the imprisonment of Ferrer. It was a publication widely distributed around the rationalist schools, freethinkers and anarchists: its contents were virtually exclusively devoted to educational matters and analysis of experiences. Contributors included Cancellieri, Dubois, Columbié, Key, Chtchedin, Eugen, Robin, Myrial, Eysinga, Jacquinet, Poltawsky, Lagardelle, Yvetot, Faure, Lorenzo, Michel, Grave, Ferreras, Berthelot, Spencer, Gorky, Vulguis, Reclus, Guillaume, Haeckel, Nacquet, Albert, Chaughi, Elslander, Flammarion, Bonnard, Meslier. etc.
2. - Periodical of the Samuel Torner Modern School. Valencia, 292 (?) issues produced from 1910 onwards.
3. -Publicaciones de la Escuela Moderna. A publishing imprint set up by Ferrer. It was essentiallt designed to firnish the aforesaid school with reading matter and text books. It operated from 1902 to 1910 and published works written by Bloch, Paraf-Javal, Pargame, Engerrand, Nergal, Letourneau, Lluria (Evolución Superorgánica, La Humanidad del Porvenir), Odón del Buen (Nociones de Geografía Física, Las Ciencias Naturales, Geografía, Historia Natural, Mineralogía), Reclus, Saverweir, Edmund, Rube, Laberne, Ferri, Pellicer (Análisis de la Cuestión de la Vida), Kropotkin, Pert, Pi i Arsuaga (Preludios de la Lucha), Estévanez (Resumen de Historia de España), Pataud, Pouget, Grave, as well as Canciones (by Estévanez, Codina, Salvochea, Bersá and Ferrán).
4. - An educational experiment begun in Barcelona with the establishment of a school with thirty pupils in the Calle Bailén on 8 September 1901. The Boletín, Publicaciones series and so-called Conferencias dominicales (Sunday Lectures) were associated with the School. Founded by Ferrer, it had a panel or board of patrons that included Rodríguez Méndez, Odón, Ramón y Cajal, Lluria, Martínez Vargas and Anselmo Lorenzo, with Prat serving as administrator. Prominent among the teaching staff were Salas, Corominas, Maseras and Jacquinet. The School expanded rapidly: in January 1902 it had 70 pupils, in 1904 the figure was 126 and by 1906 it had expanded to include fifty centres around the province of Barcelona: in 1908 the number of Schools in Barcelona city had risen to 10, with an enrolment of a thousand pupils and there were associated centres in Madrid, Seville, Granada, Málaga, Cádiz, Córdoba, Las Palmas, Valencia etc., and had even expanded into Brazil, Portugal, Switzerland and Holland... The Modern School’s decline began in 1906 (with the arrest of Ferrer) when the government ordered that the school in the Calle Bailén shut down, and was already very pronounced when Ferrer was shot. After his death the Torner school in Valencia was one of the few that dared to soldier on.
Much opposed by government figures, reactionaries and the clergy (opposition that did not rest until Ferrer had been executed), Ferrer’s achievements have been embraced by anarcho-syndicalism which has looked upon these things as part of its own experience. The features of the Modern School were: co-education of the sexes and social classes, emphasis on the ethical status of teachers, non-use of a punishment and reward system, comprehensive (manual and intellectual skills) education encouraging rebelliousness, respect for the personality of the pupil, schooling for liberation, critical rather than neutral teaching, teaching that was libertarian, anti-State, anti-authoritarian, secular, rational, idealistic and scientific.
5. - Libertarian review published in Calgary, Canada. Founded by the Spaniard Félix Álvarez Ferreras (with help, initially, from the Italian Luigi Maida), its first issue appeared in July 1963 in Italian and Spanish, in a print-run of 400 illustrated off-set editions, its title a tribute to Francisco Ferrer. No 2 appeared in Montreal (where Álvare Ferreras was living at the time), in Italian, French and Spanish, in March-April 1964. From No 3 it was based in Calgary (December 1964) where it lasted for six years, publishing a total of 28 issues at bi-monthly intervals. It was wound up in 1969. It published texts by Malatesta, Nettlau, Kropotkin, Berneri, Mella, Lorenzo, Faure, Flores Magón, Reclus, Ferrer and other classic authors and enjoyed the collaboration of Redondo, Lamela, Deogracia, Fernández Leys, G. Polanco, Solano Palacio, Relgis, Álvarez Ferreras, Campio Carpio, Frutos, Sol Ferrer, Nosir, Greenwood, Fabio Luz, Víctor García, Ibero Galo and others.

169. OARE. Initials indicative of two organisations with anarchist leanings.
1. The Organización Anarquista de la Región Española (Spanish Regional Anarchist Organisation). Set up in 1888 at the last congress of the FTRE, it was short-lived and of minor importance, or at any rate was little known, since the decision had been taken at that congress that the FTRE sections and trades branches were to be disbanded (and replaced by unorganised groups) and that no congresses should be held. Rather than as a trade union organisation, it may well be better considered as an extension of the Alliance and a fore-runner of the FAI: this view may be endorsed by the fact that considerable numbers of its members also held simultaneous membership of the Pacto.
2. - Initials of the Organización de Agricultores de la Región Española (Spanish Regional Farmers’ Organisation). Founded in 1891 (at the Córdoba congress, 30 November-1 December) as an anarchistic organisation. It appears to have been a continuation of the UTC which failed to resurrect the old organisation. The aforementioned congress was attended by delegates from 21 localities in Andalusia, representing some three thousand members and it called for an orchestrated uprising and tried to launch a recruitment campaign directed at share-croppers and farm labourers, but fell out when it came to coordinating inter-locality solidarity and failed as a result. The initials UARE, with the U standing for Union, appear to refer to the same organisation. A congress in August 1893 adopted the statutes of the old UTC from 1882 and called upon Andalusian workers to organise along solidarity lines.

170. LIQUINIANO, Félix. Mondragón 1909-
In his youth he worked alongside his father (a contractor) up until he was called up into the army. In San Sebastián, he organised a protest over the rations issued to troops and this earned him a 15 year prison sentence. Released under amnesty in 1933, he joined the CNT and was again sentenced to 15 years. He was released from prison under the 1936 amnesty and when the civil war started he fought bravely in the Commune of San Sebastián, directing operations against the rebels: after the loss of the North, he fought on in Madrid, Aragon and Catalonia. When the war ended he joined the clandestine struggle. In exile in France he was one of the most outstanding militants from the Basque regional and was implicated in some controversial matters: together with Armesto and others he signed up to the Bayonne Pact which gave rise to a lot of problems but survived. A very good riend of Chiapuso.

171. ORTÍZ RAMÍREZ, Antonio. Born in Catalonia, 1907.
A carpenter by trade, he joined the CNT early on and by 1926 was a member of the Los Solidarios group, its youngest member, and in that capacity he had a hand in many of its activities. During the republic, he was in charge of the CNT defence cadres in Barcelona and after the uprising of January 1933 was jailed and beaten. Very active in snuffing out the fascist revolt in July 1936, he left Barcelona shortly after that for the Aragon front at the head of the Sud-Ebro Division and played a crucial role in the Bujaraloz meeting (October 1936) that led to the establishment of the Council of Aragon and to appointment of Ascaso as its president. For two years he commanded the 25th Division (before and after its regularisation) until he was accused of abusing his authority and complicity in certain obscure activities credited to J. Ascaso. He was stood down and sent to the Pyrenees where several attempts were made on his life before he escaped to France and contacted Ascaso, which triggered a tidal wave of vehement objections from the CNT (who accused him of desertion). After the defeat, he passed through French concentration camps (Vernet and Djelfa): in 1942 he left Djelfa after enlisting with the Allied army, with which he saw action in several countries, was decorated and was promoted to sergeant. After the Nazis were defeated he settled in Saverden (Ariège department) and was still living there when, at a summons from Ceradda Santos (another CNT member fallen into disgrace), he took part in the abortive airborne attempt on Franco’s life (1948). Later he moved to the Americas where he was living (in Venezuela) as of 1979, working in a saw-mill.

172. PALLÁS LATORRE, Paulino. Cambrils 1862-Barcelona 1893, shot.
Son of a stomemason from Maella, he had a tough childhood: he learned the trade of compositor and became a great reader and dyed-in-the-wool anarchist. He travelled a lot in France, Argentina (accompanying Malatesta) and Brazil. On returning from the Americas and unable to find work, he acquired a sewing machine and did sewing work for a factory, as well as buying and selling clothes: this was very taxing work. Later, he settled in Barcelona and was a member of the Benvenuto Salud anarchist group. On 23-24 September 1893 he attempted the life of Barcelona’s Captain-General Martínez Campos by way of retaliation for the deaths of several anarchists and even though the general did not die, Pallás was executed. He explained his assassination bid by stating that he deemed the appointment of his intended victim as captain-general of Catalonia to constitute an offence to humanity. Ideologically, he seems to have been of the anarcho-communist persuasion. His act of vengeance created a great sensation and the Chicago anarchist congress that year gave its approval to his action. The great integrity with which he faced execution made a great impression and the anarchist press of the day all hailed him (e.g. El Oprimido, La Controversia, La Revancha, El Corsario, all in 1893). A leter of his was published in El País of October 1883.

173. TIERRA Y LIBERTAD.
Title of several anarchist newspapers. This is the quintessential Spanish anarchist title and it frequently acted as the spokesman for the anarchist groups and faístas.
1. - Anarchist fortnightly published in Gracia from 2 June 1888 to 30 April 1889. Director, Sebastián Suñé. Anarcho-communist, 23 issues published. Contributions from Apolo, Montseny, Gustavo. The title was borrowed from the (19th century) Russian movement Zemlya i Volya.
2. - Publication produced in Madrid, first as a Suplemento to La Revista Blanca (20 May 1899) and then, two years later, independently as Tierra y Libertad. Directed by Urales, it survived until 1904. Later it moved to Barcelona where it was to survive lots of ups and downs over many years as the mouthpiece of the anarchist groups. It was banned in 1919, only to reappear in 1923. Among its directors were Herreros, Cardenal, Basón, Soledad Gustavo.. and its many copntributors included Bueno, Urales, Tárrida, Lorenzo, Mocoroa and Reclus. Normally. publication was weekly, but occasionally (as in the latter half of 1903) it went daily.
3. - Launched in May 1930. Organ of the FAI, Barcelona, publishing weekly (daily in 1936). It endured various ups and downs and was frequently suspended and re-launched. From April 1931 on, it was subtitled “Organ of Spain’s Social Revolution”. Its directors included Alaiz, Juanel and Abad de Santillán and its administrators Peirats, Juanel, Cuscó and Escorza. It achieved a print run of thorty thousand copies (more than any political group’s newspaper). Published very violent, radical writings. It vanished in the wake of the military dfeat, only to resurface clandesinely in Madrid and Barcelona in June 1946 and then, sporadically at least, in 1955, 1956, 1957 and 1958.
4. - Publication of the Spanish anarchists in Mexico. Founded in June 1944 by Hermilo Alonso, Marcos Alcón, Domingo Rojas and Cano Ruiz. A monthly, it has published upwards of 400 issues (and was still publishing in 1982). Under the successive diurection of Cano Ruiz, Floreal Ocaña and Severino Campos, Guilarte, Adolfo Hernández, Ismael Viadiu-José Viadiu and Guilarte again. It count count upon the ready assistance of Liberto Callejas who looked after the editorials up until his death. Over the years, its format shrank and it assumed a more timeless, American flavour. Its myriad collaborators have included: Lladó, Viñuales, Lazarte, Papiol, Iniesta Pérez Gaona, Carranza, Severino Campos, Magriñá, Ocaña Sánchez, Alaiz, Vallina, Baciu, Carpio, Samblancat, Villar, Carbó, Ródenas, Andrade, Figola, Pintado, Pacheco Vargas, Solano Palacio, Nettlau, Alberola, Borghi, Costa Iscar, Carsi, Fresneda...
5. - Mouthpiece of the Catalan FAI and later of the Spanish FAI. Clandestine. Barcelona? 1977-1982, a total of 17 issues.

174. EN MARCHA.
Newspaper, organ of the Canaries CNT. Three separate phases, the first, in 1934 , as a weekly that survived for two years up until the fascist revolt. A second phase came in 1947 when publication was clandestine and fitful: it ended in a wave of repression that swept its publishers into exile in the Americas. The third phase was 1977 to 1980 when 5 issues were published.

175. LOS MAÑOS.
Anti-Franco action group that operated essentially in and around Barcelona in 1949-1950. Its best known fighter was Wenceslao Giménez Orive and the group included Simón Gracia Fleringan, Plácido Ortiz, Rodolfo and one or two others. Its formation grew out out the disagreements that Wenceslao had had with Facerías in late 1946/early 1947, at which point Wenceslao decided to strike out on his own and set up his own guerrilla group, which he did, in Zaragoza and Barcelona in February 1949. The group was involved in the abortive attempt on the life of the head of the anti-terrorist police, Quintela, and in similarly unsuccessful attacks on Franco in La Muela and in El Pardo, as well as in several expropriations. It enjoyed the support of Saborit who unfortunately put the group in touch with Aniceto Pardillo who proved to be a planted informer. Following the police crackdowns of 1948-49 which smashed the clandestine structures of the fighting groups, Los Maños entered Catalonia via the Pyrenees (December 1949) and on reaching Barcelona found that they had been followed. A gun-battle erupted in which Wenceslao was left seriously wounded and he took his own life (9 January 1950). Gracia and Ortiz were arrested and later sentenced to death and shot (24 December 1950).

176. HOYOS VINENT, Antonio. Madrid 1886-1940.
From an aristocratic family, educated in Vienna and Oxford and a student at the University of Madrid and having gone on a grand tour of Europe, it seems that he joined the FAI in the late 1920s and may, although this is less certain, have belatedly joined the Pestañist grouping. During the civil war, he wrote revolutionary articles for El Sindicalista and, once the war was over, he was jailed and died in prison. A curious, high-minded individual with ambitions to be a liberator, he grasped the truth and justice behind the wishes of the people. Hoyos occupies a not inconsiderable position in turn of the century Spanish literature; a precocious writer (his first novel dates from 1903) he published a lot of writing at the rate of several books per year until he had written some thirty substantial novels, about fifty short stories, several volumes of stories and numerous journalistic pieces (initially in the conservative, and later in the revolutionary and anarchist press). There are three main strands to his novel-writing: social criticism, eroticism and sensual mysticism: a writer of artistic prose of an overwhelming, baroque lyricism, a touch romantic and a neo-modernist, he blends eroticism with mysticism and a certain obsession with death and cruelty, as well as with a political conservatism. All of these elements gave way around 1930 to an anarchistic messianism to which he was to remain loyal and which cost him his life: however, his anarchism is hardly reflected in his novels, although it is intensely present in his journalism. He was the director of several reviews (Gran Mundo, Sport) and author of: Cuestión de Ambiente (1903), Mors in Vita (1904), Frivolidad (1905), A Flor de Piel (1906), Los Emigrantes (1908), Del Huerto del Pecado (stories, 1909), La Vejez de Heliogábalo (1912), El Pecado y la Noche (stories, 1913), El Horror de Morir (1914), El Monstruo (1915), El Oscuro Dominio (1916), Los Cascabeles de Madame Locura (stories, 1917), El Árbol Genealógico (1918), El Pasado (1918), La Ciudades Malditas (1920), Llamarada (1917-19), Oro, Sed, Sangre y Sol (1914), Novelas Aristocáticas (1917), El Secreto de la Ruleta (1919), La Hora de la Caída (1921), La Pasión, la Sangre y el Mar (1921), Las Señoritas de la Zapateta (1922), El Momento Crítico (1918), La Casa de Modas (1916), La Hetairas Sabias (1916), El Remanso (1917), La Curva Peligrosa (1925), El Sortilegio de la Carne Joven (1926), Meditaciones (1918), La Trayectoria de las Revoluciones (Madrid 1919), América: El Libro de los Orígenes (1927), Las Hogueras de Castilla (1922), Las Lobas del Arrabal, Obscenidad, El Encanto de Envejecer, El Acecho, El Promer Estado (Madrid 1931), La Hora de España (Madrid 1930), Mi Testimonio (Madrid, 1962?), Transformación Social (Madrid 1937).

177. BROTO VILLEGAS, César. Zaragoza 1915-
A clerical worker by trade, he lived in Madrid and was active in the CNT even before the civil war (he was sentenced to fifteen years’ imprisonment at the end of the war). On his release from prison, he threw himself into the underground struggle inside Spain, holding dangerous posts of responsibility: in 1945 he was secretary of the Catalan CNT which he represented at the famous Carabañas plenum (July 1945) from which he emerged as national secretary of the CNT; shortly before that, he had been sent by the interior to the Paris congress, but, after he was arrested by the French gendarmerie, he arrived in time for the closure session only and was unable to deiver a report on the determinations of the CNT of the interior, and this undoubtedly was a factor in the split in the CNT. As CNT general secretary, he headed the tenth clandestine national committee which lasted for half a year: arrested at the end of 1945, he was sentenced to 30 years by a court martial (March 1947); after serving a long time in prison, he moved to France where he was still alive as of the mid-1970s.

178. TIEMPOS NUEVOS. Title of several anarchist publications.
1. - Gijón. Anarchist publication, from 1 December 1905. Director, Suárez Duque. Contributors included Quintanilla, Lorenzo, Valle.. Renée Lamberet insists that publication dates from 1901.
2. - Toulouse-Paris, 1945-46. Published by the Spanish exile community.
3. - Barcelona, 1934-38. First issue dated 5 May 1934. Fortnightly, then weekly (January-April 1935), as a replacement for the suspended Tierra y Libertad, and finally monthly (up until November 1938). Championed a constructive anarchism, eventually attaining a print-run of 17,000 copies. Directed by Diego Abad de Santillán, with contributions from Peiró.
4. - LOS Tiempos Nuevos. Seville, 1901, anarchist.
5. - Anarchist labour organ: also mouthpiece of the FAI of Catalonia. Barcelona 1979-82, clandestine.,but upwards of 40 issues (to date) as a weekly or monthly. Contributions from G. Cano and Corsino. Very disputatious (taking a critical line) in the latter half of 1982.

179. BARRIOBERO HERRÁN, Eduardo. Torrecila en Cameros (Rioja) 1880 - executed by garrote vil by fascists in Barcelona 1939.
Lawyer, writer and public speaker of some stature, a philosopher and educationist and at all times a servant of the people. In him, literature and the law went hand in hand and earned his livelihood from both: from early on he had a passion for literature. From the age of 12 he was an enthusiast for Latin literature and within two years was penning stories and poems: a successful civil and business lawyer, he spent his earnings ondefending social and political cases. In literature, he was a fan of Cervantes and Rabelais and, in politics, a follower of Pi y Margall. He was a member of the Federal Republican Party and, from 1912 on, of the CNT: he was also a freemason and a regular champion of CNT personnel before the courts over a thirty year period (e.g. García Oliver, Roigé, Figueras, Chato de Cuqueta, Sancho Alegre...), leading to his being jailed himself on several occasions. He spoke at numerous rallies in support of prisoners and freedom (in Gijón in 1911 and 1912, in Madrid at the turn of the century and made a propaganda tour in 1915 in support of the Cenicero prisoners..) . A staunch defender of civil liberties - he refused a ministerial post offered him by Maura - he was jailed in 1920 and in June 1921 (for plotting against Primo de Rivera) and when the fascist revolt erupted in 1936, he placed himself at the disposal of the CNT: for over half a year (beginning in August 1936), he chaired the Popular Court of Catalonia, something for which the fascists could later not forgive him. The end of the war found him ailing and captive in Barcelona and he refused plans by Valklina and Flores to secure his release.
It seems that in the early years of the century hhe he was active exclusively in anarchist circles - in the hope and ambition of becoming Spain’s Sébastien Faure - and he was in touch with Vallina and Salvochea (which would account for the conversion of the review Germinal from a literary to an anarchist review). He was a prolific writer, who contributed to El Libertario and to Germinal (which he founded), wrote a foreword to Sánchez Rosa’s El Abogado del Obrero, and wrote numerous literary and legal works: De Cánovas a Romanones (Madrid 1916), Delitos de la Multitud (Madrid 1934), Lo Que Será la República Federal (Madrid 1931) Guerrero y Algunos Episodios de su Vida Milagrosa (1906), Syncerasto, el Parásito (1908), Vocación (1909), Matapán, Probo Funcionario (1921), Chatarramendi el Optimista (1922), Como los Hombres (1923), El Hermano Rajao, Grado 33 (Madrid 1924), Un Tribunal Revolucionario (Barcelona 1937), Cervantes de Levita. Nuestros Libros de Caballería (Madrid 1905), Dos Capítulos de Don Quijote Suprimidos por la Censura (Madrid 1925), El Divorcio y las Leyes Laicas de la República (Madrid 1932) Legislación del Trabajo y de la Jornada (Madrid 1931), Legislación Hipotecaria (Madrid 1931), Los Delitos Sexuales en las Viejas Leyes Españolas (Madrid 1931), Todas las Leyes Políticas (Madrid 1931), Ganémosle Hoy (Madrid 1922), Nuestra Señora la Fatalidad (1927), Historia Ejemplar del Caballero de la Mano en el Pecho (1928), El Airón de la Torre-Cumbre (1929), El 606,, El Hombre Desciende del Caballo, Cómo está Europa (Trave book), Don Quijote de la Mancha, Juerga y Doctrina, and Hombres de Honor (these last three were plays). In addition, he translated Turmeda and Metge from the Catalan, was a music-lover and a bibliophile. A jolly, punctilious man, he looked and was, in terms of his mind-set, refined and elegant; though no anarchist, he stoutly defended anarchism, the CNT and its personnel as an honourable representative of federalism of the Pi y Margall school of thought.

180. SORIANO, Trinidad. At an early age he felt the attraction of revolutionary democracy and in his student days in Barcelona he frequented the Ateneo Obrero: he struck up a friendship with Farga and Sentiñón and was among the initial Barcelona core of the IWMA (1868). Later he returned to his native Seville where he was one of the lynch-pins of internationalism and engaged the priest Mateos-Gago in a polemic. He was a popular figure in FRE circles (upwards of 3,000 asked for him to represent the Federation at the congress in The Hague). He was very active at the Barcelona congress in 1870, the Córdoba congress in 1872-73 and the one in Zaragoza (1872). At the latter he tabled a famous motion on integral education that was to serve as the basis for everything that anarchist labour was to espouse in the field in succeeding years. He represented the FRE at the congresses in Berne (1876) and Verviers (1877) and served on its federal council in 1875, 1876-77 and 1879: he also did outstanding work on the newspaper La Federación. He was aligned with the most Bakuninist group, like García Viñas, but after 1880 dropped out of internationalist affairs, probably because of ideological differences, the same as García Viñas.

181. TORRES ESCARTÍN, Rafael. A native of the Ayerbe comarca, he seems to have been born in Sabiñánigo in 1901. His contacts with anarchism date back to his student days (he was a disciple of R. Acín in Huesca) and came through his family as well. He was an early recruit to the case for the action groups: he belonged to the Crisol group in Zaragoza (1922) and then of Los Solidarios. He was a CNT member from at least 1918 in the Foodstuffs Union (he was a pastrycook). As a member of Los Solidarios, he was involved in numerous operations: in 1923, along with Ascaso, he executed Cardinal Soldevilla and within a short time was involved in the robbery of the Bank of Spain branch in Gijón, as a result of which he was arrested in Oviedo (2 September 1923) and tortured. He escaped but was recaptured on the basis of information given by the clergy and was tried in March 1925 and sentenced to death (a sentence later commuted). Jailed in Santoña, he lost his sanity and on his release in 1931 had to be committed to an asylum in Reus. When Barcelona fell to the fascist troops, he was taken out of the asylum and shot in Barcelona on 21 January 1939.

182. RUTA. Title of several periodical publications. Favourite title of Libertarian Youth mouthpieces.
1. - Barcelona, October 1936 to 1939. Mouthpiece of the Libertarian Youth of Catalonia. Characterised by its staunch defence of orthox principles and tactics of the CNT and MLE at a time of rampant revisionism. Contributors included Miró, Santana Calero, V. Rodríguez..
2. - Newspaper of the Libertarian Youth in exile, Caracas, from 1976. The central figure was Victor García. It carried a famous polemic between Alberola and Leval on the subject of violence.
3. Anarchist publication, Caracas, from 1969. Also directed by Victor García. Published as a series of monograph studies. 40 issues published as of 1980 (and counting).
4. - Publication of the Libertarian Youth, Brussels 1964. Replaced the French Ruta after the latter was banned. Linked with Alberola.
5. - Libertarian Youth weekly. Published first in Marseilles (from 19 September 1944) and then in Toulouse (July 1945) and Paris (November 1947) and finally back in Toulouse. It attained a print-run of 12,000 copies in its time as the mouthpiece of the FIJL (initially it had been only the organ of the Libertarian Youth in Marseilles). Run by a committee (alorda, Botey, L. Gómez), it was later under the direction of Milla, E.E. Rodríguez, Parra and Pintado. Banned in February 1953, its place was taken by Juventud Libre and Nueva Senda. Orthodox and anti-collaborationist in its line, it took a very hard line with possibilists. Contributions from G. Gracia, Téllez, Sarrau, Camacho, Carballeira, Alcácer and others.
6. - Clandestine organ of the FIJL, Barcelona, 15 issues published between 15 June 1946 and the end of the year: later it appeared fitfully up until 1957. Hostile to politicians, it attacked the policy line of the CNT of the interior. Contributors included Sarrau, Carballeira, A. Franco. Especially targeted by the Francoists, several of its editors perished at police hands. It echoed the French publication of the same name.
7. Mouthpiece of the FIJL and ML of the Barcelona comarca. Barcelona 1979-1982, 15 issues.

183. GONZÁLEZ ENTRIALGO, Avelino. Tremañes (Gijón) 1898-Mérida (Venezuela) 1977.
A gifted student, his initiation into politics was with the Federal Party: from the age of 13 he worked for a living and was a frequent visitor to the Workers’ Societies Centre in Gijón where contact with Sierra, Iglesias and Quintanilla won him over to anarchism. In 1915 he was working in the glass industry and met Acracio Bartolomé; in 1916 he was Gijón’s delegate to the Spanish Glassworkers’ Federation congress in Barcelona. In 1918 he was a great help to the upsurge in the CNT in Gijón and after doing his military service he reappeared in Gijón to help out with the re-launching of the Confederation. During the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, he was very active in the Casa del Pueblo, in the workers’ ateneos and in propaganda work in the region, whilst strenuously resisting Communist infiltration attempts. Come the republic, he recognised the merits of the FAI, but, bothered by its designs on hegemony in the CNT - the 1931 congress was a disappointment to him - and by its boycott of the national federations of industry (Entrialgo was secretary of the Metalworkers’ national industrial federation) he sided with the treintistas and gave lukewarm support to the Opposition Unions. The uprising in late 1933 led to his being jailed in Oviedo: at around that time he became a zealous advocate of a compact with the UGT (representing the CNT in the Alliance with the UGt in Asturias). He saw the Asturian commune in 1934 as an endorsement of his pro-alliance policy and as indicating that Asturuan anarchism’s moderation in no way implied weakness of cowardice: following the rising he lived in hiding in Gijón until May 1935 when he escaped to Paris and Brussels via San Sebastián. He returned under amnesty in 1936 and attended the congress of Zaragoza. When the fascisr revolt broke out he served on the Defence Commission in Gijón and was secretary for mobilisation on the war committee (doing sterling work with the militias). From October 1936 on he represented the Asturian CNT on the CNT national committee based in Madrid, serving as defence secretary and arguing in favour of CNT entry into the Largo Caballero government and for militarisation. As the war drew to an end he took over the secretaryship for military affairs on the Libertarian Movement national committee (7 March 1939). When the defeat came, he left Spain via Valencia and settled in England, from where he moved to the Americas (Argentina, Bolivia, Chile) when the second world war started and eventually settled in Venezuela. In exile he aligned himself with the collaborationist line of the National sub-committee and was active right up until he died, convinced of the need for a single, united CNT that embraced the precepts of the 1936 congress. He was not a man for writing, but did contribute to Asturias (Paris 1964).

184. SANS, Regional congress of the CNT of Catalonia in (1918).
Even though it has gone down in history as a congress, this was, strictly speaking, a regional plenum of the unions of Catalonia: even so, in view of its importance, it is not going too far to describe it as a congress. The holding of this plenum signalled the implementation of the accords reached at the foundation congress in 1910, accords that had gone by default because of the repression targeting the CNT and the natural organisational disarray flowing from it. The precise number of associations represented is not quite clear, although it seems that 164 delegates met, representing 153 associations with 73, 860 members (some claim that there were 153 to 164 delegates representing 173 to 198 associations); adding up the delegates indicated below looks like arriving at a likelier figure.
Badalna (8 associations: delegates Bussot, Marsal, Peiró, Eno, F. Borrás, Robert, Cabanas).
Barcelona (55, delegates Martorell, M. Grau, Monteagudo, Escandell, Botella, Rubinat, Butsems, Miró, Benvingut, Bonet, Santacana, Massoni, Rico, llorach, Saura, Comas, Piñón, Rueda, Buenacasa, Escofet, España, Puig, Batlle, S. Figueras, Agustí, Prius, Ullod, S. Ferrer, J. and R. Satorra, Olavia, Arnau, Bruguera, Rumia, J. Navarro, Penades, Quemades, Lampomanes, Tomás, Ferré, Vives, Domingo, Hosta, R. Martínez, Ballach, M. Ruiz, Silvestro, Pedrerol, Larosa, Collado, Miralles, Arbós, F. Martínez, Solsona, Pestaña, Peanca, Jorge, Rovira, Maestre, Vendrell, Torres, Seguí, Elías, L. Miguel, Basart, Vilarroya, J. Benet, Morera, J. Bonet, M. and F. López, Nin, Farrés, Marín, Barberá, Sola, Gil, Pastor, Cruz, Piera, Soler, Saura, Ullod, J. Puig, Mas, Ramón, Saenz, Fornells, Mira, Lleonard, Sanz, Viadiu).
Blanes (1 association, D. Ruiz).
Calella (1 association, Llorens and Burcel).
Cornellá (1 association, Pagés and Casas).
Figuera (1 association, Archiaga).
Granollers (1 association, Serrats).
Igualada (4 associations, Vilanova, J. Ferrer, Damián Fabregat, Busqué).
Lérida (2 associations, Roig and Arbonés).
Manleu (2 associations, Mateuu).
Manresa (1 association, Saroca and Batet).
Mataró (2 associations, Arnó, Comas and Vagés).
Olot (1 association, Ferrés and Canal).
Palafrugell (6 associations, Barthe).
Reus (16 associations, Manresa, Rius, Pilás, Pallejá, Mestres).
Ripoll (3 associations, T. Viñas).
Rodas (2 associations, Dam and Crespi).
Sabadell (11 associations, Catalán, Pich, Badía, Bertrán, Lladó, Daví, Verdejo and Comas).
San Feliu de Guixols (1 association, T. Claramunt).
Sitges (5 associations, Durán).
Tarragona (17 associations, Francesch and Llavería).
Tarrasa (1 association, Sarrate and Bruno).
Valls (1 association, Mateu).
Vich (7 associations, Caballé, Sala, Journet and Suriñach).
Villanueva y Geltrú (3 associations, Colomer).
Plus seven individual members. Of the associations represented, twelve had in excess of a thousand members (roller-makers, wheelrights, bricklayers, manufacturing, tanners, marble-workers, lamp-makers, woodworkers, mechanics and dyers in Barcelona: manufacturing in Mataró, manufacturing in Badalona), with the Barcelona manufacturing union having eleven thousand members.
They came together in the Ateneo Racionalista in Sans from 28 June to 1 July 1918 ( a day more than anticipated). Careful preparations had been laid for the congress, notably through advertising in Solidaridad Obrera and Tierra y Libertad which, in the days leading up to the gathering carried the views of many prestigious militants. The interest demonstrated by the membership was mirrored in the 55-item agenda. The number of items led to a get-together of Barcelona delegates (26 June), the upshot of which was a proposition (drafted by Pereña, Buenacasa, Mira, Mercé and Seguí) which grouped the items into batches of eight on the basis of similarity (many of the motions being variations upon a theme). Not that this prevented the congresses from examining each one of them individually. The most interesting items related to: publication of Solidaridad Obrera and strengthening of the press, social prisoners (prisoners’ aid, prisoners’ support committees, prisoners’ support cards, releases and amnesty), whether the CNt should be organised along union lines or in federations, whether or not the regional secretary should be a pais position, direct action (or manifold or mixed action), establishment of CNT cards and stamps, sindicatos únicos and industrial unions,ways of unifying the proletariat (amalgamation with the UGT), boilstering the unions, resistance, organising women and peasants, relations with politicians (delegates and accommodation), school in the unions and rationalist schooling, abolishing piece-work (under-age workers, overtime, the eight hour day) and militarisation of the proletariat.
The congress appointed eight working parties, each of which drafted a proposition for further scrutiny by the assembled delegates. Proceedings opened with Pey greeting those attending the congress and closed with a rally involving Ullod, Mestres, Pestaña, Rueda, Peiró, Fornells, Seguí, Pallejá and Roca. As with the entire proceedings of the congress, that rally had to contend with a strong police presence. The CNT emerged from Sans reinvogorated (and would very shortly demonstrate its effectiveness), the emphasis being on the tactical and practical rather than the theoretical. Whilst this implied an apparent marginalisation of ideology, it also paved the way for the priority of the day: strengthening labour solidarity, boosting the unions and organisation and setting up structures which made it possible to embrace huge masses of workers without any feeling of being swamped. This marginalisation of ideology (in the sense of unbending principle) was visible in the flexible approach to direct action and, even more plainly, in the absence of any declaration of principles: on the other hand, there was a spectacularly warm welcome afforded to the principle of a-politicism. The most significant legacy of the Sans congress was the sindicato único ( it was agreed that “industrial or sectoral unions are to be the basis of the organisation” and “ those branches which have yet to do so should join the industrial unions where these are already established”), putting paid to the existence of duplicted unions and bringing numerous trade associations together into single bodies. Other resolutions were: that women be organised; that they press for reduced working hours; that piece-work be rejected; that overtime be resisted so long as there were workers without employment; that the exploitation of minors be resisted; that they should campaign for the eight hour day and the standard wage; that Pestaña be appointed director of Solidaridad Obrera and that its editorial staff be paid; that the regional secretaryship carry an emolument (Ulod was elected to this post, although some sources insist that the appointee was Seguí); that all members be required to buy a confederal stamp and a 10 céntimo stamp ( 2 céntimos of which would go to each of the Local Federation, the regional committee, the national committee, Solidaridad Obrera and the prisoners’ aid committee); that a propaganda tour and organising drive be mounted throughout the region; that they campaign against the repression on the railways; that the number of newspapers be reduced; that collective workshops be established and helped to distribute their products; that a campaign be mounted against labour militarisation; that a labourers’ union be established; that direct action be employed (albeit that it was left open to use other tactics wheresoever circumstances made this advisable); a-politicism (political parties were condemned); unions were placed under an obligation to join their local federation; that a pact be sought with the UGT; that it was felt that national federations of industry were not appropriate, although arrangements were made for this matter to be considered at a forthcoming national congress. Stress was also laid on the importance of rational schools, which the unions ought to support. It was apparent from the conmgress that it represented a gathering of the cream of anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism, in the shape of Peiró, Seguí, Piñón, Pestaña, Piera and the like.

185. FSL, initials of the FEDERACIÓN SINDICALISTA LIBERTARIA (Libertarian Syndicalist Federation)
Organisation launched in January 1933 inside the CNT by CNT personnel opposed to the radical line of the FAI: its members meant to beef up the trade union side of the CNT. It had a number of press mouthpieces: Sindicalismo (Barcelona), El Combate Sindicalista (Valencia) and Vertical (Sabadell), which carried on the tradition of Cultura Libertaria. It was closely bound up with the Opposition Unions and intended to have the same (albeit that the line was different) impact on them as they alleged the FAI was having on the CNT. The general secretary of the FSL was Pestaña: when he quit the FSL he was replaced by Juan López who, together with Peiró, was the FSL’s ideologue. The FSL survived from 1933 until 1936, in which year it was wound up, just like the Opposition Unions were, when they rturned to the CNT fold. After breaking away from the CNT, its most enthusiastically pursued aim was to bolster the Alianza Obrera and propagate syndicalism: the FSL representative on the Alianza Obrera in Catalonia was Juan López, whereas the Valencia group, set up later on (March 1934) was headed by Farra. After the defection of Pestaña, the FSL’s sole aim, like the Opposition Unions, was to rejoin the CNT. Thus at the beginning of 1935 the FSL in Valencia (where it held the majority) was to resurrect the Alianza Obrera and its mouthopiece, Sindicalismo (published from July 1934 in Valencia) launched a campaign in favour of reunification of the Confederation. This rapprochement with the CNT continued without interruption until they finally came together at the Zaragoza congress in 1936. The sole FSL congress (in Barcelona in July 1934) rejected electoralism and condemned the Pestañist deviation. In terms of its activities and principles the FSL was identified with the Opposition Unions.

186. BUESO, Adolfo. Valladolid 1889-Barcelona 1979.
At the age of three he moved to Barcelona. A type-setter by trade, he belonged to the Arte de Imprimir association and was invoplved in the Tragic Week. He did his military service from 1911 to 1914 in Africa and, immediately uupon his return to Barcelona he set up a defence committee and came to prominence as a public speaker alongside Pestaña; shortly after that he joined the Socialist Youth and, in 1917, under the influence of a brother, the PSOE. He took part in the August 1917 strike, which led to his being forced to flee to Valladolid. As the CNT expanded he rejoined the Confederation (joining its printing union) and by 1919 he was his union’s delegate to the Catalan regional committee; at around this point he was caught up in the Sallent incident (which was to create lots of problems for him up until the republic arrived) and came under pressure from the “free” trade unions and was obliged to earn a living at all sorts of trades (once acting as assistance to a boxing promoter, which widened his circle of acquaintances). In 1921 he joined the anarchist groups (the Redención group with Cueto, Bernal, etc.) which he found a disappointment and a year later he was an editor with Solidaridad Obrera in Valencia; that same year he returned to Barcelona and worked in Premià and Barcelona city. At around this time he distanced himself from the specific tgroups and was in touch with the Communists of Pérez Solís and Maurín; he wrote regularly for La Batalla and spent time in jail from March 1925 to July 1927. He rejoined the CNT, this time to carry out donkey-work for Maurín and Nin and he attended the clandestine national plenum of regionals in Mataró (june 1929); when Nin and Maurín joined forces, he joined the BOC and its trade union offshoot, the FOUS. When the latter failed, though, he had no inhibitions about helping to draft the manifesto of the Catalan regional CNT committee setting out its position on the republic (according to his own admission). Later, his activism diminished. Author of: Recuerdos de un cenetista (Barcelona 1976), and Cómo fundamos la CNT (Barcelona 1976). Bueso was an anti-FAI CNT memberm a friend of Pestaña and Seguí, and bounced from party to party, in and out of the CNT and eventually became hostile to anarchism even though he had been a member of an anarchist group and towards the end of his life he wrote some books openly hostile to anarchism and trying, willy-nilly, to justify his tortuous record.

187. PEY, Juan. Catalan. Anarchist carpenter and CNT member who had been active in anarchist organisations prior to the foundation of the CNT. He was frequently jailed from at least 1909 onwards (the Tragic Week) and his renown derives from his work as CNT treasurer from 1916 to 1919. A purist, methodical and an organisation man, he nevertheless never lost sign of the practice of direct action in its fullest sense (disarming two policemen during the 1918 strikes), operating in concert with V. Carmona. In 1916 he addressed the glassmakers’ congress held in Barcelona and two years after that, at the Sans congress ( at which he gave the welcoming address) he was appointed to the Catalan regional committee and was retained on it in 1920 (as organising secretary). He has been credited with playing a part in laying the groundwork for the assassination of Dato and in the organising of the Reus unions through García Oliver. In 1921 he was murdered by members of the Somatén.

188. MATEU CUSIDÓ, Pedro. Catalan anarcho-syndicalist who died in exile in France (Cordes, 1980).
A kindly, measured sort, he nevertheless joined the action groups at a very early age to defend the CNT from the outrages of the employers. He came to fame due to his part, alongside Casanellas and Nicolau, in the attentat that cost the life of Dato (March 1921) - an assassination he descrbed as a “humanitarian inevitability” - following which he was arrested and sentencved to death: when his sentence was commuted he turned into a cultivated man and a secular saint in prison. Released after the advent of the republic (1931) he worked in Barcelona and did sterling work in the ateneos (especially the one in Gracia). After the civil war broke out in 1936 he fought with honour and after the defeat left for France. In exile he held positions of responsibility: serving as a member of the Intercontinental secretariat (elected at the congress in Toulouse in 1947) for several years as co-ordinating secretary. In 1959 he was arrested in France as part of a police campaign to discredit the CNT. Very active in Lyon and Grenoble, he later settled in Cordes (around 1958) and was obliged to earn his living as a mechanic until he was well into his seventies. In his latter years, by which time he was a very old man, he retained his interest in the anarchist ideal and was still a CNT member at the time of his death.

189. RODRÍGUEZ GARCÍA, Vicente. Born 1911 and died in 1941 (in Gerique forest France).
From a very early age he lived in Barcelona; he studied at the Industrial School there and by 1934 had joined the FAI (the Trabajo group) and was prominent among the original youth groups that set about launching the Libertarian Youth alongside Miró, Martínez and Cabrerizo: the following year, 1935, he set up the Student Freethought Federation which reached into educational centres in Barcelona and aimd at the removal of incompetent teachers and bureaucrats and in this he had the support of Cabrerizo, Monterde, Rosa Lahoz, Emilio Vaqué and others. At around that time he wrote for the anarchist press 9using the nom de plume Viroga). After the fascist revolt in 1936 he established the People’s Institute and disappointed, like many another member of the Libertarian Youth, by the progress of the revolution and CNT compromises, he joined the editorial board of the purist Acracia in Lérida, striking up a friendship with Peirats. After the defeat of the republic, he went into exile in France, working as a woodcutter and helping to reorganise the Libertarian Youth. A champion of anarchist purism, he condemned the theses of H.M. Prieto and confederal revisionism. Wrote for Ruta, Tiempos Nuevos, Juventud Libre, CNT, Solidaridad Obrera and Tierra y Libertad. Author of: Juventud e Ideas (Barcelona, uncredited, Libertarian Youth publication).

190. PÉREZ MONTES, José. Known as Pepín. Born in Santander (1917) - 1947.
Under the republic he was a member of the Libertarian Youth’s affinity groups, a regular attender at the Ateneo Obrero in Santander and involved in agitational and propaganda efforts leading up to the revolutionary uprising in October 1934. After the outbreak of war in 1936 he enlisted with the first CNT column and served on the Libertarian Youth committee in Santander: in 1937 he returned to the Burgos front and later turned up on the local, comarcal and inter-regional committees of the Libertarian Youth in the North region and wrote for the newspaper Adelante. With the collapse of the front in the North, he moved to Catalonia until the end of the war. In exile in France he sampled life in the concentration camps (Barcarés and Gurs) and quickly rejoined the struggle. After the liberation of France he stepped up his activity and joined the FAI’s liaison committee and made repeated incursions into the Spanish interior. By the start of 1946 he was the FIJL delegate in the interior and in pursuit of his tasks he traveled to Santander and the Basque Country to reorganise resistance: that same year he was also in Spain as the delegate of the FAI (he seems to have attended a meeting in Valencia). His last clandestine trip was in 1947 (as delegate from the MLE) and ended badly; in October he drowned in the Bidasoa river en route to France. Pérez Montes is a fine example of the steadfast militancy of the Libertarian Youth in Cantabrica.

191. PÉREZ BERNARDO, Celedonio.
CNT militant born in Zamora but active in Madrid from the days of the republic. He had been a faceworker in the mines in Asturias before being forced to go into exile during the Primo de Rivera era. In exile he worked as a miner in Belgium and France and returning to Spain settled in Madrid where he came to the fore in the construction sector and later (after suffering a heart complaint) in less arduous activities. A member of the FAI (belonging to the same group as Melchor García and García Pradas) he fought in the 1936 war and after it ended threw himself very courageously into the clandestine struggle eventually heading the third clandestine national committee of the CNT up until he was arrested in 1942 (he managed to rescue a lot of CNT personnel from execution). Sentenced to thorty years, he was released on licence early due to the confusion reigning at the time and rejoined the ranks of CNt fighters. becoming a lynch-pin of the Centre regional committee until arrested again in 1953: tried in February 1954, he was sentenced to 15 years (he was the Centre’s representative on the national committee) of which he served a part in Guadalajara. He emerged from prison severely impaired (having suffered an embolism) and died in Madrid in 1965. An outstanding militant, kindly and optimistic, unwavering in the face of disappointment, he had a innate cpacity to believe: one of the men who dod most to sustain the CNT in the Madrid area.

192. RAYA GONZÁLEZ, Antonio. From Granada.
Joined the CNT metalworkers’ union before he was fifteen years old and was prominent in the action groups of the Libertarian Youth and FAI during the republic, during which time he was involved in lots of urban guerrilla operations and in the 1933 uprising, withut mishap. After the outbreak of the civil war he founded the CNT column based in Antequera that bore his name and fought on the Málaga front until it collapsed: later he served as commissar with the 88th Brigade and fought in Pozoblanco and Extremadura. After the fascist victory, he carried on the fight, first in the sierras above Málaga, where he organised rural and urban guerrilla bands that struck in Málaga, Córdoba and Madrid, and, later, in the Granada area (1941) where he was in touch with Los Queros and carried out an intensive campaign of sabotage, reprisals against informers and Falangists and robberies. Tracked down by the police, he was killed in an ambush on the streets of Granada on 24 June 1942.

193. FRANCO CAVERO, Máximo. Alcalá de Gurrea (Huesca) 1915 - Alicante 1939.
Brought up in a conservative home, his libertarian leanings brought him problems with the family: a good student and reasonably well-educated autodidact he contributed to the libertarian press. From early on he belonged to the FAI and was involved in the uprisings in 1933, as a result of which he was jailed and, althoiugh he managed to escape from jail in Huesca, he was recaptured and jailed again until the success of the Popular Front in the February 1936 elections. Almost immediately after his release he was to the fore at the congress in Zaragoza that year. The fascist revolt found him in his native village and, after resisting against impossible odds, he managed to get out to the republican zone: he immediately joined the militias there, first as group delegate and later as commander of a centuria of the Roja y Negra column: following regularisation he commanded the 127th Mixed Brigade up until an attempt was made by Modesto’s Communists in 1938 to bring him to trial (following the collapse of the Aragon front), possibly because they could not forgive him his pronounced anti-communism: after rehabilitation he commanded the 71st Division. After the civil war was lost he committed suicide together with his friend Viñuales on 1 April 1939 in the port of Alicante, in a gesture not without a certain tragic grandeur. As far as Máximo Franco was concerned the revolution took priority over the war and he was convinced that the members of the PCE had been engaged in counter-revolution in May 1937 (in a coup de force against the CNT in Barcelona), so he marshalled a column to annihilate the Stalinists but its march was intercepted in Binéfar by Juanel who persuaded him that his action had not been thought through. The same anarchist conscience accounts for the failure of his column ever fully to embrace regularisation and for its serving as a safe haven for anarchists fleeing from republican repression.

194. GALLEGO CRESPO, Juan. Torreperogil (Jaén) 1885 - Mexico 1974.
From his youth a prestigious militant of Andalusian anarchism. A fine article-writer, public speaker and lecturer of some stature, he was a passionate debater. In the teen years of the century he toured Córdoba and Seville: in 1911 he was living in Bujalance, from where he fled after he was accused of having circulated anti-militarist propaganda material in the barracks. In 1913 he settled in Seville, earning his living as a photographer, helping out at the workers’ centre and lecturing on the anarchist ideal: in 1915 he began on a pilgrimage through Córdoba district and three years later was in Seville where he founded and directed Acción Solidaria: that same year, he attended the FNA congress in Valencia and moved to the Levante region: there he was to contribute to Solidaridad Obrera (Valencia) and would represent some of the local unions at the La Comedia congress. He remained active into the years of the republic as a respected militant (in 1938 he represented the CNT at meetings of the MLE committees). In 1939 he served on the controversial General Council of the MLE (Paris February 1939). Later he moved to Mexico where he remained up until his death.

195. CULTURA Y ACCIÓN. Title very characteristic of the anarchist and CNT press of Aragon. Several newspapers and reviews were published under this title and they can be regarded equally as separate newspapers or as separate phases in the life of the same newspaper.,
1. - Zaragoza 1910-1914. Directed by Buenacasa. Mouthpiece of the group of the same name, founded by the CES (Social Studies Centre): later it became the organ of the Aragonese CNT. It was distributed free of charge and its editors and contributors were well known Aragonese anarcho-syndicalists: the Chuecas, Lacort, Guallarte, Domingo, Maymón and Canudo.
2. - Again in 1915, in Zaragoza, Anarchist and pro-Entente.
3. - Zaragoza, from 1920. From 1921 on it was directed by Buenacasa, Carbó and Arturo Parera. It appeared as the press organ of the Zaragoza federation: and later as a regional organ.
4. - Alcañiz, 1936-37, organ of the CNT of Aragon, Rioja and Navarre.
5. - Resurfaced clandestinely in 1946-47 as organ of the regional confederation of labour in Aragon, Rioja and Navarre. Not more than three issues and up to 18,000 copies were published. Also appeared sporadically in 1955-57.
6. - Zaragoza 1977, one issue. Organ of the CNT of Valle del Ebro.

196. EL REBELDE. Title of a number of publications.
1. - Granada, 1870 (?)
2. - Zaragoza 1893, 3 issues.
3. - Granada, 1901-08. Anarcho-communist.
4. - Madrid 1904-08, anarchist weekly under the direction of Antonio Apolo and with Camba as editor. Texts from Francisco Soler, Mella, Prat, Artal, Vallina, Claramunt, Azorín, Baroja, Clariá, Navarro, etc. Its line was Nietzschean and literary, but it also carried labour news.
5. - Barcelona 1907-08. anasrchist weekly, 35 issues. Texts by Lorulot, Mirbeau, Gómez Fabián.. Opposed terrorism and wary of French-style syndicalism.
6. - New York, 1898. Published by Spanish tobacco workers. Definitely connected with Pedro Esteve.
7. - Paris 1945. Close to the FIJL.
8. - Mouthpiece of the Andalusian CNT in exile in France, 1960. Texts by Pascual.

197. GARCÍA DURÀN, Juan. Galician anarchist and CNT member born in 1915.
A member of the Libertarian Youth from the age of fifteen, he was later active in the CNT on the moderate wing. Fought in the civil war and was jailed when it ended. Released in 1943, he joined the clandestine CNT and soon became a key element in the reorganisation and recovery of the CNT in Galicia, acting as its general secretary (elected at the clandestine regional plenum of unions in June 1943), in which capacity he attended the national plenums of regionals in Madrid in July 1945 and March 1946. Elected by the latter national plenum of regionals to serve as political secretary of the national committee and as secretary of the ANFD. He fell into police hands in April 1946 (having been selected shortly before to travel to France to deal with the republican government-in-exile) and was imprisoned in El Dueso and later in Yeserías (having feigned illness) from where he escaped on 10 March 1949, reaching France by launch. Later he travelled to many countries and built himself a reputation as a library and bibliography expert. Returned to Spain after Franco’s death. Author of: Bibliografía de la guerra civil española 1936-1939 (Montevideo 1964 - it was the first bibliography on the subject) and Por la Libertad (Cómo se lucha en España) (Mexico 1956).

198. PLAJA, Hermoso. Anarchist militant, journalist and publicist of the first order of literature and libertarian theory.
Born in 1888, he died in his native comarca of Palasfrugell in 1982 after many years as a exile. He was in on the formation of the CNT in its heyday but even prior to its foundation he was a familiar figure in libertarian circles: at the age of scarcely 14 , he was involved in the metalworkers’ strike in Barcelona in 1902. With the passage of time he became the mainstay of anarchist propaganda, an activity in which he was to persist right up until his death, and simultaneously he was to9 hold posts of responsibility within labour organisations up until 1939. The only lulls in this were the years when he was performing his military service in Tarragona and in Africa. Around 1917 he was catapulted into the front ranks of libertarians: in 1918 he launched Acracia in Tarragona and from its columns he was to campaign successfully to expand the CNT into the Tarragona region. That campaign, mounted with help from Barjau, Viadiu and Alaiz, was to culminate in Fructidor (Reus, 1919-20) and in Los Galeotes. His efforts in Tarragona, supplemented by talks and rallies, ensured that the CNT made headway into a comarca that had initially seemed inaccessible to it and those efforts inevitably led to his being jailed (in Tortosa in 1920 and 1921) and he was deported during the dark days of Martínez Anido. In the years that followed, he addressed meetings alongside García Oliver and Seguí and was director of Solidaridad Obrera (in 1924). By 1928 he was a member of the Solidaridad group and served on Peiró’s CNT national committee that same year. During the civil war he fought in the ranks of the militias (suffering a wound in one leg) and later departed for exile in Mexico (1939) where he carried on impeccably with the publicising of anarchist writings. In exile, he argued the anti-collaborationist case (he was a friend of Ferrer, Montseny and Esgleas). In 1976 he returned to Spain. A lecturer of some standing he was a first class newspaperman (in addition to the papers mentioned earlier he was director of Vértice in Barcelona in 1923 and of Crisol in Sabadell in 1923) and wrote for many newspapers in addition to the above, including Cénit and Tierra y Libertad... His greatest achievement was in the publishing field in which he had incalculable assistance from his wife, Carmen Paredes over many decades spent in Spain and in Mexico, through what may well have been the finest publishing imprint ever boasted by Spanish anarchism (and of which he was the founder) Ediciones Vértice, publishing hundreds of books and pamphlets (frequently with print-runs that appear huge to us today - upwards of a hundred thousand at times), by Ingenieros, Darwin, Michel, Zola, Elías García, Balunin, Proudhon, Maupassant, Malato, Plato, Lorenzo, Nicolai, Ryner, Riera, Faure, Carret, Prat, Marestán, Barcos, Makhno, Kropotkin, Malatesta, Manzoni, Giraud, Hucha, Blanqui, Pestaña, Amador, Segarra, Barthe, Torres, etc. We should also mention the 222 titles published in his La Novela Social series, as well as his assistance to Lamberet’s historical bibliography and his part in the planned history of the CNT. Author of: Salvador Seguí, Hombre de la CNT (Paris 1960, with others), Charlas con la Juventud (Mexico 1948), El Sindicalismo según sus Influencias (Mexico 1954), Sindicalismo. Misión Revolucionaria del Sindicalismo (Tarragona 1921), and Concepción Federalista de la CNT (Mexico 1948).

199. EL FERROL, International Peace Congress in 1915.
Anarchist congress held in the aforementioned city in Galicia in 1915 and attended by representatives of anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism. Meeting on 1 May, the intention was to oppose the First World War, secure peace and even make a start on the establishment of a trade union international (drafting its statutes and publishing them); the final accords were merely that a general strike would be declared in proterst against the war and to affirm the revolution, but the congress was of interest in other ways too: from it emerged a serious drive to reorganise the CNT. The climate against which it took place was profoundly anti-war and anti-militarist (with the odd exception such as Mella and Quintanilla, and the delegates from Solidaridad Obrera and Tierra y Libertad). The congress, instigated by the El Ferrol trade union Ateneo (especially Vieyras and Bouza) was attended by 47 delegates representing, among others, the trade union Ateneo of Ronda, anarchist groups from La Coruña (C. Romeo), the Córdoba anarchist federation, the Lisbon Social Propaganda Committee, the Agrupaciones from San Sebastián and Baracaldo (Aquilino Gómez), the unions from Cartagena, Murcia and Mazarrón (M. Ferreira), Solidaridad Obrera in Barcelona (Pestaña, Miranda, Carbó and Loredo), the Catalan regional committee, the Elda labour associations, the Zaragoza local federation, Farmworkers of Jerez, the Córdoba comarcal federation, the labour associations of Andalusia (Sánchez Rosa), the labourers’ and farmhands’ federation (Bajatierra), the Brazilian Labour Confederation (Vieyres), La Voz del Cantero (López Bouzas), the Gijón federation of labour associations and Acción Libertaria (Pedro Sierra), the French Federation of Syndicalist Youth (Quintanilla), Portuguese trade union circles, the Lisbon USO (the Nogueiras), Aurora from Oporto (Alves), Portuguese anarchists (M. Campos) and other late arrivals from the Americas such as Cuba; in addition there were messages of support from the Italian USI and from Britain. Having been banned by the Dato government, the congress proceeded clandestinely, not that that prevented Carbó and López Bouza from being arrested and jailed. Malatesta and Faure were unable to attend.

200. CENTRO FEDERAL of Barcelona labour associations.
This grew out of the Ateneo catalán de la clase obrera (1861) which was riven in 1965 by internal tensions when a fraction of the membership (including Farga, Pagés and Boguña) opposed the sponsoring of recreational activity rather than that of activities designed to educate the workers: the frictions resulted in the setting up of the Dirección Central de Sociedades Obreras in October 1868 by those made most uneasy by that policy. On 8 December a commision (Farga, Nuet, Bover, Marsal, Balasch, Trillo, Pagés..) called upon Catalan worrkers to meet in congress (Farga was the acting chairman at the time). That congress went ahead , attended by 61 labour associations which agreed to defend the federal democratic republic and throw their support behind cooperatives, as well as to resist subversive ideas (so muchy so that their ranks included a deputy, Pablo Alsina). By the end of 1868 therefore the Centro Federal was plainly leaning towards republicanism. It adopted the title of Centro Federal early in 1869 (23 February) and Farga was still secretary and chairman of a 40-member council that included Balasch, Masrca, Colomer and Quinglas: by August that year the Centro had launched its own newspaper, La Federación which argued the case for a republic, but by September 1869 we find Farga representing the Centro at the IWMA congress in Basle. And, before the year was out, at the instigation of Marsal Anglora, Sentiñón and Farga, the Centro had jettisoned its republicanism and by February 1870 had become an internationalist redoubt. Finally, after the 1870 Barcelona workers’ congress, the Centro embraced the decisions reached there and went over to internationalism, turning from the Centro Federal to the Barcelona Federation of the IWMA.The Centro Federal-Dirección Central represents a telling example of how Bakuninism and proletarian internationalism were making inroads into republican circles, how they grappled with that federal republicanism and fought against reformist copperativism; however, it also explains how there was not a complete breakdown between republicans and labour and that, in the early days, they often rubbed shoulders with one another.

201. MALSAND BLANCO, Paulino. Manresa 1901-France 1980.
Outstanding militant from the Uppper Llobregat. His prestige derives from the 1930s; he was active in the miners’ union of the CNT in Sallent (and was sacked following a strike) and, once the organisation had been shattered by the treintista schism he became a distinguished campaigner for reunification. In 1934 he was connected with the foundation of the Libertarian Youth in Manresa (and a member of its comarcal committee in 1935) and when the fascist revolt came in July 1936 he represented the CNT on the antifascist militias’ committee set up in Manresa and left that year for the Tardienta front (with a machine-gun unit) as part of what was to become the Paso a la Idea column. After the civil war he left for exile in France. After the reorganisation of the CNT in France he held positions of responsibility: he was the MLE-CNT representative on the JEL (late 1944), first secretary of the political section of the national committee (at the Toulouse national plenum of regionals in October 1944 when he signed the famous collaborationist motion), general secretary of the Bordeaux Sub-committee, was elected at the 1945 Paris congress as a member of the national committee (political secretary) and re-elected at the Toulouse national plenum of regionals in 1946, etc. He belonged to the orthodox faction among the exiles. Following the reunification in 1960 he drifted away from the Esglist faction and later, at the controversial Bordeaux plenum, was expelled from the CNT. Thereafter he opted to concentrate on being active within the FAF. most certainly having grown weary of the internal frictions within the CNT.

202. VIDA SINDICAL Manifesto.
A document carried in the newspaper Vida Sindical on 16 January 1926, Dated 1 January 1926, it bore the signatures of Adrián Arnó, Corney, Bellavista, Coll, Banet, Pedemonte, Molista, Gascón, Lleonart, Quintá, Peiró, Pestaña, Minguet, Piñón, Calomarde, Bono, Porquet, Marró, Vidal, Renold, Optimo and Abella, all of them militants of the Catalan CNT. Somewhat exaggeratedly, the manifesto hs been depicted as a direct ancestor of the treintista phenomenon, although there was an obvious overlap in terms of ideas and personalities.
The manifesto called for the immediate legalisation of the CNT and the opening of all of the unions shut down in Barcelona and throughout Spain, as well as for reorganisation by the membership. Then again, the manifesto included a definition of the CNT when it asserted that reorganisation must take place on the basis of: a) Neutrality in party political matters Labour federalism and labour solidarity versus capitalism. The unions to be regarded as economic entities. b) Implementation of the accords of the La Comedia congress and Zaragoza Conference. c) New structures to be devised in tune with experience and to be debated at the forthcoming congress. d) Those holding office within the Confederation would be called to give an account of their stewardship. The Manifesto closed with a note from the drafters which stated: “To the workers of Spain who always looked to the unions when the CNT was a proletarian class organ rather than a party political one” - a definition that lends itself to wide interpretation.

203. MARTÍNEZ MARÍN, Enrique. Barcelona 1927-Pyreneean border 1949.
A member of the CNT action groups operating in the Barcelona district during the 1940s. He started out in the Libertarian Youth in Barcelona in the latter half of the 1940s, siding with the most radical militants: arrested in 1947, he was in prison from August 1947 until March 1948, accused ogf being the Libertarian Youth official in his barriada. On his release he took part, usually as part of Facerías’s urban guerrilla campaign, in numerous incursions between France and Spain in 1948 and 1949 (planting bombs at a transmitter on Tibidabo) and in lots of attacks and propaganda operations. His most regular comrades were Facerías, García Casino and Franqueza. He was killed on 26 August 1949 in a police ambush.

204. TOULOUSE 1947. Inter-Continental Conference of the MLE.
Scheduled for March 1947, it was postponed until 17 April and lasted until 27 April. Toulouse was the scene for a gathering of the Sub-delegations from Venezuela and Panama ( both represented by Peirats), from the MLE in Great Britain (Delso), the MLE in North Africa (Roque Santamaría), the MLE-CNT in France (Milla, Ildefonso González and F. Montseny), the Organising Commission (Esgleas, Sicart, Santamaría), the IWA under-secretariat for Western Europe (Pou), the Anarchist Liaison Commission (I. González), the Libertarian Youth national committee (Milla) and the Libertarian press in France (Alaiz). Those represented accounted for the orthodox faction among the exiles, the faction opposed to political collaborationism. Notably absent were representatives from the exiles in the United States, Argentina, Bolivia, Uruguay, Chile and Gibraltar (as well as the CNT of Spain) who supported the collaborationist policy line, as well as those from Ecuador, Cuba, Brazil and Mexico whose organisational status was questionable. The conference was remarkable for its abundant condemnations and criticisms of the reformism, collaborationism, politicking, Alfarachismo, Leivismo, etc. on the part of the CNT of the interior and of its supporters abroad. The accords reached were: 1. - Repudiation of the State and support for federalism and libertarian communism. 2. - Acceptance of an Alliance with the workers of the UGT (but not with their leaders), on the basis that the CNT should aspire to representing the revolutionary proletariat in its entirety. 3. - Condemnation of splits (with the commissions being given a free hand). 4. - That propaganda should be stepped up, especially with regard to the interior (Spain), to which end stresss was laid on the importance of a transmitter’s being established in the Pyrenees. 5. - The MLE’s activities were critically analysed. Such an analysis was partly impracticable, not that this prevented a series of conclusions from being reached: that artists and intellectuals should be lobbied, that the errors of 1936-39 be chalked up to abandonment of principles, that the war-time collaboration lay at the root of current conflicts.. on which basis, direct action, opposition to the State and support for revolution were all reaffirmed. 6. - Moral and economic support was offered to the IWA. 7. - An MLE Inter-Continental Commission was established with a conspiratorial remit.
The conference was therefore confined to a condemnation of the split and to a display of confidence that the future would prove them right because they held the patent on the truth: in passing, it confirmed the split in the CNT. At the conclusion rally, Delso, Esgleas, Santamaría, Peirats and Montseny attacked the breakaways and defended the orthodox line.

205. CNT NATIONAL COMMITTEES.
Strange though it may seem, we do not know for sure the names of all of the CNT general secretaries since its foundation in 1910: for the explanation for such an anomaly, we must look to the repression targeting the CNT for long periods of time, forcing it virtually consistently underground, and to the insignificance of the position of general secretary, except now and again, in that it carries no executive powers. The list of general secretaries is as follows:
José NEGRE (last general secretary of Solidaridad Obrera and first one of the CNT in 1910). The virtually immediate clandestinity into which the incipient Confederation was plunged means that we cannot be certain if, when the CNT was reconstituted (when?) Negre took up the post again in 1913-14.
Manuel ANDREU (November 1915 to August 1916).
Francisco JORDAN (held office until February 1917 when he resigned from his prison cell).
Francisco MIRANDA (up until July 1918: he was temporarily replaced between August and November 1917 by Buenacasa).
Manuel BUENACASA (up until December 1918).
Evelio BOAL (until March 1921).
Andrés NIN (until May 1921).
Joaquín MAURÍN (until February 1922).
Juan PEIRÓ (until July 1923).
Paulino DÍEZ (until March 1924).
GARCÍA GALÁN (until June 1924).
Whether there was a general secretary between June 1924 and September 1925 we do not know.
Avelino GONZÁLEZ MALLADA (September 1925 to June 1926).

* Some confusion still surrounds the holders of the general secretaryship during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship years. It looks as if PEIRÓ’s mandate ended in late 1922, at which point SEGUÍ took up the post until March 1923. Later the CNT national committee moved out of Barcelona, which makes it even harder to trace the holders of the secretaryship: even so, it is virtually certain that MANUEL ADAME headed the Seville’ based national committee during the summer of 1923 and that he was replaced by Pedro VALLINA (arrested in December 1923), again in Seville. Some sources, however, think that Paulino DÍEz and not VALLINA was secretary (from summer 1923 until March 1924), the last general secretary of the Seville-based committee. After D ÍEZ, the national committee relocated to Zaragoza, under José GARCÍA (some say GRACIA, others GRACIÁN) GALAN, who was unable to hold on to the post after he was arrested in June 1924. It may well be that in mid-1924 the national committee moved back to Barcelona with the secretaryship passing to Ángel PESTAÑA (1925), only to be replaced in September 1925 by Avelino GONZÁLEZ MALLADA as the new general secretary, in Gijón. *

Segundo BLANCO (until November 1926).
Juan PEIRÓ (until mid-1929).
Angel PESTAÑA (1929).
Progreso ALFARACHE (1930, replaced momentarily by Manuel SIRVENT. Some sources say the replacement was ARÍN, not SIRVENT.).
Angel PESTAÑA (until March 1932).
Manuel RIVAS (1933).
Miguel YOLDI (1934).
Horacio MARTÍNEZ PRIETO (1935-36, temporarily replaced by David ANTONA and Antonio MORENO during the summer of 1936).
Mariano RODRÍGUEZ VÁZQUEZ (November 1936 to February 1939).
In the last weeks of the civil war, a national committee of the Libertarian Movement was operating in the republican zone under the secretaryship of Manuel LÓPEZ, who later served as secretary of one of the clandestine national committees of the CNT.
All of the secretaries named above had their national committees based in Barcelona, except for Paulino DÍEZ (Seville), GARCÍA GALÁN and H.M. PRIETO (both Zaragoza), GONZÁLEZ MALLADA and BLANCO (both Gijón) and Mariano RODRÍGUEZ VÁZQUEZ (Madrid, then Valencia).
Ater 1939 (and the loss of the civil war) a new phase was ushered in wherein there were two CNTs, one in the interior (inside Spain) and the other in exile. Let us begin with the one in exile. After the loss of Barcelona, Mariano RODRÍGUEZ crossed into France where the MLE General Council was formed under his leadership (February 1939). When Rodríguez accidentally drowned that same year his place was taken by Germinal ESGLEAS (vice-secretary) who, in 1944, asserted his prerogatives, thereby generating a dispute with the committees established in exile in the interim of exactly who represented the organisation. Given that the aforementioned General Council was virtually non-existent, we must look elsewhere for CNT representation and thus we come upon the Liaison Commission headed by José GERMÁN (June 1943) who was replaced (November) by Juan Manuel MOLINA - together with the Béziers committee headed by