The Daily Bleed: A Calendar Better Than Boiled Coffee! Timeline, Chronology, Labor, Radical, Arts, Literature, Authors, Poets, Anarchists...
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    Our Daily Bleed...


-- Prophets of the New World: Noam Chomsky, Murray Bookchin, & Fredy Perlman >>> John Moore

-- potato land


"As long as Americans have been American, they‘ve been inhabitants of a mythology & not of history..."

Leslie Fiedler

-- SOME LITTLE KNOWN ANARCHISTS: Sam Mainwaring The Anarchist movement, numerically always a small movement in this country, has been rich, in fact unique, in exceptional personalities. One of the most outstanding was Sam Mainwaring. Big in body & mind, a Celt, with all the fire and enthusiasm of his race, he was yet a quiet persuasive speaker, & a tireless worker. The Cause was not a spare-time hobby with him, it was his life's work, & his zest never diminished. When he was too old & ill to do much open-air speaking, he took care that at his old favourite pitch, near Hoxton Church, there was a speaker, a platform, & literature on sale. An engineer by trade, he served for years as a delegate on the London Trades Council, & whilst never seeking an official position in his Union, he was active in it, seldom missing an opportunity of expressing his revolutionary views. He was one of the original members of the Socialist League, a personal friend of William Morris, & was very closely associated with, & respected by, all the propagandists of that day whose names have passed into history. Wherever he happened to be living, Wales, London, or elsewhere, that place became the centre of propagandist activity. Older comrades will remember Sam's propagandist tours into Wales. The first one in company with F. Kitz. Sam spoke in his native Welsh, which he maintained was the finest speaking language in the world. On the second tour, many years after, he was accompanied by Terrida del Marmol. Together, they, later on, started the short-lived revolutionary weekly "The General Strike", which was the forerunner of similar ventures. As a propagandist orator, Sam had his own style of address. It was characterized by clear deliberate thought, argument & enunciation, which held his audiences fixed until his message was delivered. He had a remarkable gift of humour, its form generally taking that of a story, the climax of which both amused & astonished the crowds who listened to him. It was a common thing for him to speak for four or five hours at a stretch, often during that time attracting two or three fresh crowds of people. His private personal efforts, like those of nearly all the active propagandist workers of that period were persistent. The movement to him never was merely a matter of public meetings only, but of private personal activity also. An illustration of that fact is, that years ago Tom Mann, at a meeting at the Club & Institute Union Hall, in Clerkenwell Road, introduced Mainwaring as his old foreman who, in the engineers workshop, where they were both employed, brought the message of Socialism to him It is lamentable that Tom should now be a public spokesman of a party who would, by the medium of the O. G. P. U, put a Russian Mainwaring up against wall & shoot him. Sam Mainwaring always advocated the right of others to express their own sincere convictions equally with himself. This year being the centenary of William Morris, we ought to bear in mind some of the comrades who worked with him in the Socialist League. Some so-called historians of today regard Morris & the League as one & the same thing. The fact is, there was a body of really remarkable men & women in the League, & not the least of them was Sam Mainwaring. He left a gap which has not been filled. His life & work is a challenge to the younger generations who follow. Will they equal or better his record? By Mat Kavanagh, FREEDOM, MAY 1934


Little Known Anarchists No 2: BULGARIA: A. M. Nakov, Anarchist Militant.

The document printed below was lifted from the records of the Prefecture of Police (MVR) in Pernik, Bulgaria & it concerns an anarchist militant by the name of Alexander Metodiev Nakov. It was passed to us by the Bulgarian Libertarian Union (ULB) in exile whose accompanying note stresses that "this anarchist's dossier is a splendid biography supplied by the police themselves" & adds: "For this testimonial, Nakov is indebted & we are all grateful to the DS & its agents, the informants whose names are given inside inverted commas. It is more than just a simple biography of an anarchist fighting for freedom & justice: it amounts to a multi-biography of an entire people in its unflinching struggle."

We have decided to retain the essential style & pattern of the text, contenting ourselves with eliminating the biographical details of A. M. Nakov's two brothers & two sisters.
- Editorial Note. Published in French Anarchist magazine 1993

Confidential State Security Files
Top Secret Document, Sole Copy
Report on Alexander Metodiev Nakov

Alexander Metodiev Nakov was born on 1 August 1919 in the village of Kosatcha, Pernik department, a Bulgarian, resident in the town of Pernik at No 86, Machala Teva, in the Petko Napetov district. Works in the Republic mine as a locomotive fitter. Educated to 7th grade. Descended from a poor family. Married: two children.

His wife, Kirilka Alexeyeva Metodieva, born 28 SEPTEMBER 1922, in the village of Viskar, Pernik department, lives at No 86, Machala Teva & works at the Machinostroitel plant in Pernik as a factory hand. As in the past, she is today non-party (apolitical): under her husband's influence, her position towards the popular authorities is unfriendly.

His daughter Jordanka Alexeyeva Nakov, born 8 SEPTEMBER 1945, in Pernik, is a student, a member of the DUCJ.

His son, Marin Alexandrov Nakov, born March 1948, in Pernik, is a student, a member of the DUCJ.

His father, Metodi Nakov, is long since deceased.

His mother Jordanka Christova Nakova, was born on 2 July 1897, in Kosatcha village, Pernik department & resides in the same village as an apolitical housewife.

The subject in question has two brothers & two sisters (...)

Alexander Metodiev Nakov, following his primary schooling, worked for a time as a farmhand: after arriving in Pernik, he started work in the mines in Pernik. At present he works as a filler in the Republic mine. As a worker & producer, he is very good & carries out his production tasks conscientiously.

As early as 1937, he entered the ranks of the anarchist movement & embarked upon militant activity: he helped launch an anarchist group among the workers of the erstwhile machine department of what is now the Machinostroitel plant.

In 1941, the subject & five other anarchists were arrested by the police & sentenced to 6-8 years in close custody. He served 3 years in prison. After release from prison, he stayed in his native village, carrying on with his anarchist activity along with the subjects Miltcho Slavov, Asparoukh Grouzhov, Jordan Borisov, & Gueorgui Kirilov, all of them from Kosatcha village. At the end of 1944, he came to Pernik to work: & took up with Dimitri Vassiliev, Bojan Alexev, Laserman Asenov Minev, Maria Duganova, Kotze Zacharinov & others. They set up an Elisee Reclus anarchist organisation. The subject was Southwest Bulgarian Anarchist Union's organising officer for the town of Stanke Dimitrov. After the anarchist movement was outlawed, the subject carried on with his activity as a militant, taking part in an illegal anarchist conference, distributing mutual aid stamps & collecting funds for anarchists hit by reprisals. As a result of this activity he was sent in 1948 to the Belene labor and re-education camp, where he behaved very badly, being punished several times as a result. He was freed from the camp on 10 August 1953.

After his release from the camp, he carried on with his anarchist activity & frequenting anarchist circles. His closest connections are Dimitri Vassiliev Stojanov, with whom he shared lodgings for a time, Bojan Alexev Stefanov, Michail Stojanov Mindov, presently at No 2, Batak Street in Rousse, Vladimir Andonov and llya Gueorguiev Minev. At present the subject meets frequently with the above-named anarchists: they discuss events, swap literature & assist one another.

In the labor & re-education camp, the subject met lots of anarchists from all parts of the country, with whom he remains in ongoing contact. In August 1961, using his warrant for free nationwide rail travel, he travelled to Varna, there to meet with Bojan Todorov Mangov, Atanase Mangov & Todor Baramov, very active anarchists: in Kolarovgrad he met with Trouftcho Nikolov Trouftchev: in Knegea, with Trifon Todorov Tersijski: in Debeletz, with Letcho Todorov Natchev: & in Sandanski, with Petko lvanov Stojanov: he discussed their connections & morale with them all.

The subject's attitude towards the popular authorities is unfriendly: he makes scurrilous comments, damaging the prestige of the popular authorities.

Concerning the change in the currency, & in the presence of agent Nikolov, he made a remark to the effect that in the wake of the change the price of goods would be increasing & the workers' wages shrinking. Apropos of the 25 February 1962 elections, the subject made a statement that the elections are not free, but rather a consequence of the Communists' disarray. In the presence of agent Bogdanov, he declared: Scrutinise events through the prism of a free-thinker who cannot swallow the dogmas of the present communists & then you will understand & see where the world is headed. The communists have stripped peoples of all power & provoked their resistance throughout Eastern Europe, especially in Poland, Hungary & East Germany. There the authorities only manage to hang on thanks to Russian pikes. The Hungarian events are a good example and confirmation of that. In character, the subject is modest, a teetotaller, a non-smoker and a fine worker. He is possessed of a good overall political grounding, reads a lot, knows Esperanto & is a member of the New Path Esperantist society in Pernik. He is a fanatical anarchist who openly declares that nothing on earth can divorce him from his ideas and from his relations with anarchists.

The subject was taken to the OND No 1218 from 1954 to February 1962.

Mobilisation papers.
Drafted by: P. Videnov
Chief of Mobilisation Service
Assistant Colonel - illegible
Service Seal

Note: The above text is an exact copy (translated from the original Bulgarian) with all of its flaws, in terms of grammar & language: it was made & authenticated by the Bulgarian Libertarian Union in exile as a photocopy of the original, sole existing document registered by the MVR Prefecture in Pernik. Comment would be pointless. But there are a few necessary points that we ought to make clear:

1. As a document, its status is that of a HISTORICAL CERTIFICATE prepared by the regime of People's Democracy for its own use, which is to say by & for the Bulgarian CP as the vanguard of the working class, governing in the name of the class & targeting with its dictatorship of the proletariat, not merely the enemy, but the most typical representatives of the world of work.

2. The document shows how painstakingly the police prepare their files on enemies of the working class's very own regime, because the intelligence collected relates not only to the enemy himself but also to his wife, children, brothers & sisters, & not even his mother & his dead father are overlooked.

3. The subject who is not a human being but merely No 1218 on a police register is, in this instance, an anarchist, a member of the anarchist movement from the age of 18, having served jail time for his beliefs & his militant activities under the old regime & been interned under the current one for years even after the compilation of this file, in 1978, for collecting mutual aid stamps & having helped those of his comrades suffering under reprisals, according to the document itself, & who are many, being a great many from all around the country.

4. This anarchist's file is a magnificent biography (drawn up by the police themselves) of what can be achieved, one which should be a source of pride not only to the worldwide anarchist movement, but above all also to the working class, which has in him an outstanding representative.

5. This anarchist, an enemy of the regime, product of a very poor village family & not of the bourgeoisie is a worker, who as a worker and producer, is very good & he carries out his production tasks conscientiously, in character, he is very modest, being teetotal, a non-smoker & a good worker, not a saboteur, layabout or hooligan, nor a mollycoddled fantasist. Nakov is grateful for this testimonial & we are all in the debt of the DS (Security Directorate) & its agents, the informers whose names are given in inverted commas. It is not merely a biography of an anarchist fighting for freedom & justice, but a genuine multi-biography of an entire people in its unflinching resistance.

Note by the representative of the FACB (Bulgarian Anarcho-Communist Federation) in exile: At one time or another I have worked in concert with every one of the comrades named in this article, with the exception of Alexander Nakov's family.

The Bulgarian Libertarian Union in exile

-- The Flying Karamazov Bros Juglito Ergo Sum You can keep up with those zany jugglers by going to

-- add blood updates demonstration photos Date: Sun, 14 Apr 2002 11:01:09 -0700 (PDT) From: New website with photos from Seattle demonstrations. Please forgive me my duplicate messages. George


-- Pittsburgh, 1916. Robert Minor, 1884-1952. Lithographic crayon & India ink. Published in The Masses, no. 8 (August 1916). LC-USZ62-111306; LC-USZC4-4903 (38)

Robert Minor revolutionized editorial cartooning in the years before World War I by introducing new media-crayon & ink brush--to a field dominated by pen-and-ink drawings. This technical innovation, derived from the work of such European masters as Francisco Goya & Honoré Daumier, enabled him to create spare, forceful drawings, including his masterpiece, Pittsburgh, drawn for The Masses during a 1916 steel workers' strike.


jUNE 2003:


-- Uwe Timm (Hamburg): Zum Glück besitzt die Anarchie eine Zukunft. Eine libertäre Bilanz: Erlebnisse, Erfahrungen, Erkenntnisse Eine libertäre Bilanz, Rückblick und Ausblick von einem Menschen, der seine Kindheit im Dritten Reich erlebte, sich in der frühen Nachkriegszeit in die Ideen des Anarchismus vertiefte und seine Überzeugungen publizistisch zunächst in den Zeitschriften Information und Befreiung vertrat; daneben aktive Beteiligung bei den Kriegsdienstgegnern, Anti-Atombewegung und im Ostermarsch.

Mit Kurt Zube, Hermann Fournes, Günter Ehret gehörte Timm zu den Gründern der Mackay-Gesellschaft (1974), für deren Verlag er bis 1984 mitverantwortlich war. Er arbeitete mit Peter Bernhardi im Arbeitskreis Karl Liebknecht zusammen, der von Karl Retzlaw und Augustin Souchy 1979 begründet worden war. 1987 erhielt Uwe Timm vom Arbeitskreis Karl Liebknecht für sein politisches Engagement den Friedenspreis, der von dem Schriftsteller Johannes Mario Simmel gestiftet worden war. Von 1981 bis 1992 leistete Timm aktive Betriebsratsarbeit in einem Industriekonzern, daran anschließend wirkte er für weitere 6 Jahre als Berater des Betriebsrats in personellen Fragen. Er verfaßte Beiträge in zahlreichen Zeitschriften (Zur Sache, Zeitschrift für Sozialökonomie, Trotz Alledem, Sklaven, Dritter Weg, Eigentümlich frei usw.) Buchbeiträge, darunter "Max Stirner - ein Ärgernis" in "Ich hab' mein Sach' auf Nichts gestellt" (Karin Kramer Verlag). Gespräch mit dem Journalisten Peter Peterson in "Anarchie ist Gesetz und Freiheit ohne Gewalt - Uwe Timm zum 60. Geburtstag." Seit 7 Jahren gibt er zusammen mit Jochen Knoblauch die Zeitschrift Espero heraus, ein Forum für libertäre Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsordnung. (Vortrag und Diskussion)

-- Georges Adrien, Journaliste et écrivain français (Paris, 1862 — id., 1921). Ses romans antimilitaristes (Biribi, 1888) et anarchistes (le Voleur, 1897) firent scandale.
Aus darien die Diamantkronen der Bohrmaschinen vom Sankt Gotthard.

Ein den Anarchisten nahestehender Schriftsteller. Sein bürgerlicher Name war Georges Adrien. 1900 schrieb er in London das Pamphlet La belle France, in dem es heißt: Ich wage nicht zu sagen: es lebe das Frankreich von morgen! Ich halte lediglich an dem Slogan fest: Nieder mit dem Frankreich von heute

- Der Dieb (le voleur) erschien 1897, eine Neuausgabe 1955 machte Louis Malle mit diesem Roman bekannt, der ihn mit Belmondo verfilmte. Jarry bezieht sioch auf den Schluß des 13. Kapitels des Romans, wo es heißt: Auch die Gesteinsbohrer mit den kostbaren Diamantkronen im Sankt-Gotthard, die so viele brave Männer auf dem Gewissen haben, funkelten, aber dank ihrer stieß man wenigstens einen Weg durchs Gebirge! (deutsche Ausgabe, Ullstein Verlag, 1971, S. 211ff)

Aus dem Lormel-Manuskript geht hervor, dass Jarry ursprünglich einen anderen Roman dariens ausgewählt hatte. Biribi (1890), in dem der Autor seine Erlebnisse als Strafgefangener in Tunesien schildert.

Dieses Buch dariens gehört zu den bekanntesten Vertretern der Gattung litté antimilitaire. Die Beschreibung, die darien darin von den Zuständen in den algerischen Strafkolonien gibt, hatten ganz Frankreich in Aufruhr versetzt. So stellte beispielsweise Albert Aurier, der das Buch im Mercure de France rezensierte (April 1890), fest, dass jetzt wohl endgültig bewiesen sei:

qu'il existe, en plein XIXe siècle, des tortionnaires plus cruels, plus raffinés, plus atrocement lâches que les moins de l'Inquisition, et que ces répugnants torquemadas, à la fois juges, gardes-chiormes et bourreaux, sont des officiers, de ces courageux et nobles officiers gran&cedie;ais dont les culottes vermillion sont si chè à M. Prudhomme!

Zurück zu Faustroll

Image & pages aved in ency folder

anarchist research:
Georges Darien: Robbery & Private Enterprise. by W. Redfern

-- No Work, 1935. Blanche Grambs, born 1916. Lithograph. Printed at the Art Students League by Will Barnet. LC-USZC4-6574 © Blanche Mary Grambs. (22)

The defeated figure portrayed in No Work exhibits the emphasis Blanche Grambs' teacher Harry Sternberg placed on the depiction of the rawness of life during the Depression. Born in Beijing, China, to American parents, Grambs arrived in New York in 1934 with a full scholarship to attend the Art Students League. In 1936 she joined the Federal Art Project of the Works Progress Administration, earning enough money to maintain her studio on Fourteenth Street, an area where many radicals congregated.

-- The Return of the Soldier, 1946. Charles White, 1918-1979. Pen & ink. LC-USZC4-4886 © Heritage Gallery, Los Angeles. (57)

After studies at the Art Institute of Chicago, African American artist Charles White joined the city's WPA Federal Art Project, creating works addressing ignorance & racial prejudice. As a young man, White expressed his desire to use art as a weapon to "say what I have to say" & "fight what I resent." His dramatic realist style was forged by exposure to the Mexican muralists and refined by later studies under Harry Sternberg in New York. The Return of the Soldier comments harshly on reports of racism & violence encountered by black veterans returning home from World War II.

-- On the East River, ca. 1934 Nicolai Cikovsky, 1894-1984. Lithograph. LC-USZC4-6571 © Nicolai Cikovsky, Jr. (10) On the East River exudes the atmosphere of the piers of New York City during the Depression in a dispassionate manner that offers no illusions. Nicolai Cikovsky emigrated to the United States from the Soviet Union in 1923, a mature artist with years of training behind him. In 1929, he befriended with Raphael Soyer, who had left Russia as a teenager, & shared with him a desire to express through art the experience of the common man.

-- Dusty Plowing, ca. 1939. Bernard Joseph Steffen, 1907-1980. Lithograph. Stamped: New York City WPA Art Project. LC-USZC4-6559 (54)

A native of Kansas, Bernard Steffen brought a rural sensibility to New York, where he studied under Thomas Hart Benton at the Art Students League. Benton's influence is evident in Dusty Plowing, which Steffen created for the New York City WPA Federal Art Project. Steffen, however, focused on landscape & eschewed the romance and narrative that marked the Regionalists.

-- Manhunt, 1934. John Steuart Curry, 1897-1946. Lithograph. Published in The American Scene, no. 2 (New York: Contemporary Print Group, 1934). LC-USZC4-6579 © Mrs. John Steuart Curry. (12) The darker side of the Regionalist vision of America is evident in John Steuart Curry's many powerful depictions of the African American experience. Born in Kansas, Curry studied art at the Kansas City Art Institute & the Art Institute of Chicago before heading east to work as a professional illustrator. His focus on farm subjects & the American Midwest led many to consider him a leading Regionalist along with Thomas Hart Benton & Grant Wood. Manhunt, a variation on a 1931 painting of the same title, shows a lynch mob in Kansas.

-- US: june 21, 1997 (I don't have the exact day — ed.) Over 100,000 trade unionists from 45 states, Canada, England, & France eagerly answered the call & assembled in Detroit in late June in a show of solidarity with the 2,000 locked out newspaper workers from the Detroit News & Free Press, owned respectively by Gannett & Knight-Ridder.

For nearly two years local unions & labor activists have appealed to the new leadership of the AFL/CIO to join this battle. After a protracted organizing campaign within labor the new leadership of the AFL/CIO belatedly joined the struggle of the locked out newspaper workers in Detroit & issued a nationwide call for a mass demonstration & rally. the war against working people continues unabated with corporate determination to break the Unions representing 2,000 locked-out newspaper workers.

-- Names to add to Encyclopedia; save pages of companeros;


Benigno AbúndezRebocato Aguilar
Santiago AguilarCliserio Alanís
Francisco Alarcón SánchezGenaro Amezcua
Daniel AndradeVicente Aranda
Cirilo ArenasDomingo Arenas Pérez
Fortino AyaquicaVictorino Bárcenas
Antonio BaronaAngel Barrios
Ignacio Bastida FloresSabino Burgos
Joaquín CaamañoIgnacio Cabrera
Jesús CapistránPróculo Capistrán
Celestino CarnallaPedro Casas Medina
Adrián Castrejón CastrejónPrudencio Cazales
Agustín CazaresJesús Chávez
Genovevo de la OEncarnación Díaz
Antonio Díaz Soto y GamaConstancio Farfán
Dolores Damián FloresPioquinto Galis
Bonifacio GarcíaJulio A. Gómez
Everardo GonzálezJulián González Guadarrama
Quintin González NavaJosé Hernández
Eusebio Jáuregui NolascoGildardo Magaña
Gabriel MariacaEmigdio Marmolejo León
Abraham MartínezIgnacio Maya
Maurilio MejíaFrancisco Mendoza Palma
Francisco Mercado QuirozRafael Merino
Otilio Eduardo MontañoJesús Morales
Lucio MorenoGil Muñoz Zapata
Cándido NavarroJesús Navarro
Felipe NeriCeferino Ortega
Agustín Ortiz RamosFrancisco V. Pacheco
Feliciano PalaciosManuel Palafox
José PalmaTrinidad Paniagua
José G. ParresFranco Pliego
Feliciano PolancoModesto Rangel
Manuel ReyesValentín Reyes
Leopoldo Reynoso DíazSerafín M. Robles
José RodríguezMarcelino Rodríguez
Diego RuizPedro Saavedra
Juan Salazar GalindoAmador Salazar Jiménez
Celestino Salazar SalazarJesús H. Salgado
Moisés SalomónMarino Sánchez
Timoteo SánchezMarciano Silva
Manuel Jacobo Sosa PavónGabriel Tepepa
Pablo Torres BurgosJosé Trinidad Ruiz
Gonzalo Vázquez OrtizLorenzo Vázquez
Eufemio Zapata Salazar


    Valentín López González. Los Compañeros de Zapata.
    Ediciones del Gobierno del Estado Libre y Soberano de Morelos.
    México, 1980.

-- dates

-- June 21 1997 march in Detroit A cover-up for AFL-CIO betrayal * A strike where the workers have been compelled to make an unconditional offer to go back to work is declared a "victory." By Martin McLaughlin THE MARCH & rally carried out by the AFLCIO in Detroit June 21 was a crude attempt to cover up the union bureaucracy's abandonment of the 2,000 workers who struck the Detroit News & Free Press from July 1995 until February of this year. While only a few hundred workers have been rehired, with conditions & terms dictated by management, the AFL-CIO bureaucrats sought to present the newspaper strike as a shining example of a successful labor struggle. Elise Bryant of the National Writers Union, who identified herself as a member of the "Industrial Workers of the World," chaired the rally

-- Joseph Balsamo was born in Palermo, Sicily, on 8 June 1743. His father was a book-seller. Some claim his family had Jewish or Arabic ancestry -- an interesting connection in light of his future alchemical career.

___ Joseph Balsamo by Alexandre Dumas. The best of the 'Queen's Necklace' Series of about 8 novels. Joseph Balsamo was the imposter of Saint Germain (usually called Cagliostrio) who brought down the French monarchy by Black Magic. In fact there is a film with this plot called "Black Magic', starring Orson Welles, which in my opinion is the best film ever made. In the film Balsamo does battle with Anton Mesmer, the master healer. ___

Joseph Balsamo, a.k.a. Cagliostro, Arthur Gordon Pym, Monte-Cristo, Nemo, etc. is a participant at the Wold Newton meeting of 1795. B0602 1743 6 ReLw e1Alessandro, conte di Cagliostro, Sicily, charlatan, magician, B0602 1743C6 ReLw e2alchemist, adventurer, freemason imprisoned by the pope AKA: Joseph Balsamo was born in Palermo, Sicily, on 8 June 1743. ********** His father was a book-seller. Some claim his family had Jewish or Arabic ancestry -- an interesting connection in light of his future alchemical career. Geuseppe Balsamo, (Allesandro, Comte de Cagliostro) Cagliostro. ... Magician, healer, necromancer & self-proclaimed chief of the Rosicrucians, Cagliostro cannot definitively be identified as Geuseppe Balsamo. ... cagliostro/cagliostro.html - __ Joseph Balsamo by Alexandre Dumas. The best of the 'Queen's Necklace' Series of about 8 novels. Joseph Balsamo was the imposter of Saint Germain (usually called Cagliostrio) who brought down the French monarchy by Black Magic. In fact there is a film with this plot called "Black Magic', starring Orson Welles, .... In the film Balsamo does battle with Anton Mesmer, the master healer. ___ Joseph Balsamo, a.k.a. Cagliostro, Arthur Gordon Pym, Monte-Cristo, Nemo, etc. is a participant at the Wold Newton meeting of 1795. As per Alexandre Dumas's eponymous novel, & William Kotzwinkle's Fata Morgana, we know that Joseph Balsamo married successively two Italian mediums Count Alessandro Cagliostro, Italian adventurer & self-styled ... Cagliostro, Count Alessandro (1743-95), ... After his release, Cagliostro ended up in Rome, where he attempted to create an 'Egyptian Freemasonry' order. ... - 22k - Cached - Similar pages Cagliostro Count Allessandro Cagliostro, an 18th century European healer & clairvoyant who founded the Egyptian Rite of Freemasonry. Cagliostro. ... Description: Designed to honor Cagliostro, a mysterious individual closely identified with Freemasonry. Category: Society > Religion & Spirituality > ... > Decks > Individual Decks - 4k - Cached - Similar pages Cagliostro Alessandro, Count di Cagliostro (Giuseppe Balsamo) 1743-1795. by James Dilworth. Count Cagliostro was born Giuseppe Balsamo on ***** June 2, 1743 in Palermo, Italy. ... ________________________

The Wold Newton Family is a group of heroic & villainous literary figures that science fiction author Philip José Farmer postulated belonged to the same genetic family. Some of these characters are adventurers, some are detectives, some explorers & scientists, some espionage agents, & some are evil geniuses. [Text from "An Expansion of Philip José Farmer's Wold Newton Univese" used without permission] Starting with two books, "Tarzan Alive" & "Doc Savage: His Apocalyptic Life", Farmer creates a world where many famous characters where all linked through a common heritage. Their exceptional abilites were contributed to this heritage. For more information I suggest these sites: An Expansion of Philip José Farmer's Wold Newton Univese or The Wold Newton Chronicles. If you want more information on Philip José Farmer, you want to try his official home page.

As per Alexandre Dumas's eponymous novel, & William Kotzwinkle's Fata Morgana, we know that Joseph Balsamo married successively two Italian mediums Joseph Balsamo had three children with Lorenza Feliciani:
Search the Secret History of the Wold Newton Universe site The Secret History of the Wold Newton Universe REVISED WOLD NEWTON CHRONOLOGY Prehistory-858, 858-1799, 1800-1849, 1850-1890 1891-1910, 1911-1920, 1921-1930, 1931-1940, 1941-1970, 1971-Future.

-- check chronbology see if useable for bleed date distribution

-- work over dates at this page, etc;;; already done the farina poster page

-- Lord Buckley find online ck wiki

-- Copper Crucible: Jonathan D. Rosenblum, ILR Press 1995 The story of the Arizona Copper Strike of 1983. This about Uncle Dan's time there?

Rosenblum, Jonathan D. Copper Crucible : How the Arizona Miners' Strike of 1983 Recast Labor-Management Relations in America Ithaca, NY, U.S.A.: Cornell University Press, 1995. Cloth. Very Good/Very Good. ISBN:0875463312 Bookseller Inventory #004021 Price: US$ 12.00 (Convert Currency) Bookseller: Orca Books, Olympia, WA,
Rosenblum, Jonathan D. Copper Crucible : How the Arizona Miners' Strike of 1983 Recast Labor-Management Relations in America Ithaca, NY, U.S.A.: Cornell University Press, 1995. Soft Cover. Good. ISBN:0875463320. Mark on side.Small moisture mark last few pgs.checks lst pgs. ISBN:0875463320 Bookseller Inventory #000601 Price: US$ 1.98 (Convert Currency)

-- piano music

-- Twelve Fingers: Biography of an Anarchist by Jo Soares

Twelve Fingers: Biography of an Anarchist by Jo Soares Availability: Usually ships within 1-2 business days 33 used & new from $2.95 Edition: Hardcover Other Editions: List Price: Our Price: Other Offers: Paperback $13.00 $10.40 20 used & new from $0.95 See more product details Customers who bought this book also bought: A Samba for Sherlock by Jo Soares, Clifford E. Landers (Translator) (Hardcover) Product Details Hardcover: 320 pages ; Dimensions (in inches): 1.25 x 8.75 x 6.00 Publisher: Pantheon Books; (June 12, 2001) ISBN: 0375408932 In-Print Editions: Paperback | All Editions Average Customer Review: Based on 5 reviews. Write a review. Sales Rank: 420,169 What's Your Advice? Is there an item you'd recommend instead of or in addition to this one? Let the world know! Enter the item's ASIN (what's an ASIN?) in the box below, select advice type, then click Submit. I recommend: in addition to this product instead of this product Editorial Reviews From Publishers Weekly A television & film personality sometimes described as the David Letterman of Brazil, Soares offers readers a snapshot tour of 20th-century history in his amusing second novel. The tour's guide is Dmitri Korozec, a Bosnian-born political radical with two distinct qualities: he possesses an extra finger on each hand, & he can bungle even the best-laid plans. Shortly before WWI, his anarchist father introduces him into a leftist secret society via a rather extreme initiation rite. Dmitri then undergoes rigorous training in munitions, sharpshooting & subversive tactics all in preparation for the attempted assassination of Archduke Ferdinand during his visit to Sarajevo. In what will become the prevailing pattern of his life, however, he fails miserably & another man fires the shot that inaugurates the Great War. Undaunted, Dmitri moves on to one attempted coup after another, becoming the Forrest Gump of assassins. Inevitably, he ambushes no one so well as himself getting lost, falling overboard, even slipping on a banana peel. As in his first novel, A Samba for Sherlock, Soares delights in populating his book with a variety of famous faces, enlivening his account with photos, including one of a portrait Picasso drew of Dmitri on a napkin. Despite Dmitri's devotion to anarchist thought, don't expect an in-depth analysis of leftist politics (or anything else, for that matter). Dmitri's is the very definition of a picaresque journey, with its one-dimensional rascal hero & a plot based on repetition. Landers's translation gives this book the brisk pacing it deserves, as our hero hops from adventure to adventure, never deterred by failure. Copyright 2001 Cahners Business Information, Inc. From Library Journal Dmitri Borja Korozec is a bungling, 12-fingered anarchist assassin without victims who has a gift for languages that enables him to speak with Al Capone in the Sicilian dialect & who in fact looks more Sicilian than Capone himself. The son of a Serbian linotypist & a Brazilian mulatto touring Bosnia as part of an Italian circus, the child is initiated soon after birth into the ancient secret Russian sect, the Poluskopzi, by the removal of his right testicle, a political gesture that ... read more Customer Reviews Avg. Customer Review: Write an online review & share your thoughts with other customers. This book is great!, February 18, 2003 Reviewer: Alex Freitas (see more about me) from St. Charles, MO USA I read both of Soare's books & it was surprised to see that 'A Samba For Sherlock' actually got higher remarks. I love this book & while I agree with some of the comments that the story is not much original (Forrest Gump) it's nevertheless a very good plot & some interesting historical facts. Read it, you'll like it! --This text refers to the Paperback edition. Was this review helpful to you? 0 of 2 people found the following review helpful: Not as good as Sherlock, August 18, 2002 Reviewer: An Customer from Sao Luis, MA Brazil The first 100 pages of this picaresque are hilarious, then it begins to run out of steam. The running joke, that the protagonist is too incompatent to carry off any assasination, is not funny enough to carry an entire book. After Dimitri bungled his second assasination attempt I became bored sensing that there were no more surprises in store, & there weren't. Some of the historical references are interesting & others are flat. People who have never seen Zelig or Forrest Gump might find this story original, but it isn't. There is a theory among Brazilian television comedians like Jo Soares that there are only a limited number of jokes in the world & that they can be repeated over & over again with slight variations & people will still laugh. 12 Fingers suggests otherwise. --This text refers to the Paperback edition. Was this review helpful to you?

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful: Amusing, February 6, 2002 Reviewer: An Customer from New York, NY USA The second novel by Brazillian Jo Soares, author of the international bestseller A Samba for Sherlock, Twelve Fingers is an infectious, highly clever, an thoroughly amusing look at one (fictional) man's stumble of a life through some of history's better known events. Dmitri Borja Korozec is our Zelig-like, bumbling, oft-disoriented guide, born in the Balkans at the end of the 19th century to a Brazillian contortionist mother & fanatically nationalist Serbian father, who also happens to be a linotypist. Perhaps too much having been read into Dmitri's being born with 12 fingers (one additional index finger on each hand), he is consequently groomed to be a top-flight anarchist/assassin. Soon we follow the hapless Dimitri from Sarajevo to Paris to Hollywood, unintentionally triggering (or more often, just failing to trigger) a number of the 20th century's more significant events, including the start of WWI, bringing Spanish influenza to America, & bribing the wrong jury to thus ensure Al Capone's conviction. Along the way he manages to rub shoulders, if not bump into, a varied host of real historical figures, from Mata Hari to Marie Curie & Picasso to George Raft. Soares places archival photos throughout, with very amusing captions explaining our (anti-) hero's absence or obscuration in each picture. I read both of Soare's books & it was surprised to see that 'A Samba For Sherlock' actually got higher remarks. I love this book & while I agree with some of the comments that the story is not much original (Forrest Gump) it's nevertheless a very good plot & some interesting historical facts.

The first 100 pages of this picaresque are hilarious, then it begins to run out of steam. The running joke, that the protagonist is too incompatent to carry off any assasination, is not funny enough to carry an entire book. After Dimitri bungled his second assasination attempt I became bored sensing that there were no more surprises in store, & there weren't. Some of the historical references are interesting & others are flat. People who have never seen Zelig or Forrest Gump might find this story original, but it isn't. There is a theory among Brazilian television comedians like Jo Soares that there are only a limited number of jokes in the world & that they can be repeated over & over again with slight variations & people will still laugh. 12 Fingers suggests otherwise. -- Editorial Reviews From Publishers Weekly A television & film personality sometimes described as the David Letterman of Brazil, Soares offers readers a snapshot tour of 20th-century history in his amusing second novel. The tour's guide is Dmitri Korozec, a Bosnian-born political radical with two distinct qualities: he possesses an extra finger on each hand, & he can bungle even the best-laid plans. Shortly before WWI, his anarchist father introduces him into a leftist secret society via a rather extreme initiation rite. Dmitri then undergoes rigorous training in munitions, sharpshooting & subversive tactics all in preparation for the attempted assassination of Archduke Ferdinand during his visit to Sarajevo. In what will become the prevailing pattern of his life, however, he fails miserably & another man fires the shot that inaugurates the Great War. Undaunted, Dmitri moves on to one attempted coup after another, becoming the Forrest Gump of assassins. Inevitably, he ambushes no one so well as himself getting lost, falling overboard, even slipping on a banana peel. As in his first novel, A Samba for Sherlock, Soares delights in populating his book with a variety of famous faces, enlivening his account with photos, including one of a portrait Picasso drew of Dmitri on a napkin. Despite Dmitri's devotion to anarchist thought, don't expect an in-depth analysis of leftist politics (or anything else, for that matter). Dmitri's is the very definition of a picaresque journey, with its one-dimensional rascal hero & a plot based on repetition. Landers's translation gives this book the brisk pacing it deserves, as our hero hops from adventure to adventure, never deterred by failure.
The historical references in this book were well-used to pull together all the antics of the pathetic protagonist, which made the book flow smoothly. The inclusion of Brazilian histroy is bound to be enlightening for most American readers, also. The character is very predictable & static, however, making the final part of the story a bore to read. Also, many reviews claimed this book to be funny and it turned out to be clever at times, but rarely funny (many jokes may have been lost due to the translation). A quick and, for the most part, enjoyable read nonetheless.

-- Re: Add Blood: Bartolomeo Vanzetti

ADD BLOOD UPDATES Resent-Date: Thu, 24 Aug 2000 18:38:58 -0700 Kind of puts me in mind of some of the post-war work of Australian painter Albert Tucker in his "Images of Modern Evil" series...

At 03:09 24/08/00 -0700, you wrote: >BARTOLOMEO VANZETTI > >To walk down the street now, to see the Common >In its accustomed desultory life, >One would almost say no ration of voltage >Could ever matter very much, nor Boston ever cease. > > >Walsh was a christian poet & edited a collection of >C. S. Lewis. See > >or

-- Wastelands, 1937. Joe Jones, 1909-1963. Lithograph. Distributed by the American Artists' Group. LC-USZC4-6603 © Grace Adams Jones. (27)

In 1937 Joe Jones received a Guggenheim fellowship to create a pictorial record of conditions in the dust bowl, of which Wastelands is an example. Born in St. Louis, he quit school at age fifteen to work as a house painter. Winning his first award in 1931, Jones gained the attention of St. Louis patrons who financed his travel to the artists' colony in Provincetown, Massachusetts. Returning to St. Louis, he alienated his supporters with the pronouncement that he had joined the Communist Party, so Jones signed up for the Public Works of Art Project in 1934.

-- Goin' Home, 1937. Thomas Hart Benton, 1889-1975. Lithograph. Printed by George Miller. Distributed by Associated American Artists. LC-USZC4-6587 © T.H. Benton & R.P. Benton Testamentary Trusts/Licensed by VAGA, New York, N.Y. (7) The Associated American Artists (AAA) distributed many of Thomas Hart Benton's lithographs, including Goin' Home, as merchandise in department stores & through mail order, democratizing art by making it available to people who lacked the means to buy more costly art. Benton commented on this lithograph: "From a drawing made 1928--in North Carolina Smokey Mountain country. With a companion driving the car I followed these mill people till the drawing was finished."

-- Fabric, 1940. Lamar Baker, 1908-1993. Lithograph. LC-USZC4-6580 © Estate of Lamar Baker. (4)

Graphic arts historian & curator Carl Zigrosser considered Lamar Baker "one of the first native artists to reckon with the problems of the new South." Leaving his native Atlanta in 1935 to attend Harry Sternberg's classes at the Art Students League in New York, Baker produced there his largest body of prints, the so-called Cotton Series, consisting of twelve lithographs of which Fabric is one. Baker's portfolio combines mysticism, magic, and symbolic imagery of cotton production with compassion for the sharecropper's daily struggle for dignity and subsistence.

-- Winter Garden, 1935. Wanda Gág, 1893-1946. Lithograph. Distributed by the American Artists Group, Inc. LC-USZC4-6583 © Estate of Wanda Gág. (18) Wanda Gág, who was a painter, a printmaker, & an award-winning children's book illustrator, said of her work, "A still life is never still for me, it is solidified energy." In Winter Garden the movement of the cats interacts with the rugs under the plants, which themselves seem to dance.

-- "And we'll make it fine If the weather holds But if the weather holds We'll have missed the point"- The Indigo Girls

"Atlanta's a distant memory Montgomery's a recent birth & Tulsa burns on the desert floor Like a signal fire. & I've got Willy on the radio A dozen things on my mind & number one is fleshing out These dreams of mine & it's 200 more miles of rain, asphalt in line Before I sleep But there'll be no warm sheets or welcoming arms To fall into tonight."- The Cowboy Junkies

-- AUGUST: Monthly work notes (moving dates)


About 8/20 through the 31st: Still making transition adjustment to the creation of this wokring database, having moved the materials inthis database out of the Bleed database; need to do bleed work updates, moving dates, run url checks, plus double check images are saved. 8/21 Need to check & replace redirected urls
8/22 still need to do bleedwork
8/23 still need to do bleedwork
8/24 still need to do bleedwork
8/25 created ARTS database
8/26 unresloved date re @ congress amsterdam 1907; articles have variously as 24 & 26th; I've sent email queries out. Advise Robert when/if resolved. August 2006: Resolved, see the page created for the encyclopedia, 1907
8/27 still need to do bleedwork Copy Jim Koehnline interview to his folder, + images
CHECK FOR ADD BLOOD emails; do General Strike I sent

8/28/03 still need to do bleedwork; check & replace redirected urls
8/29/03 still need to do bleedwork; check & replace redirected urls; Ephemeride thids date, done

TO DO: WORKING NOTES, BLEED, moving dates, FROM Ephemeride anarchiste (WEEK 1 -4) I've captured the emphemeride pages & put them here in Bleedwork; need to go through & add to Bleed & Encyc index.

to do: replace with

INBOX: Subject: The Electric Review Dave,

My magazine is launched as of 12 AM on July 29, 2003. I have attached URL for your convenience [ ] & I hope you enjoy what you read. Please let me know your thoughts. I have linked to your site & hope that you will consider a link to me as I try to bring as much traffic to the magazine as possible. Best! JOHN

INBOX: ABOUT your TDB site ... Date: Thu, 07 Aug 2003 23:11:40 -0700 From: "Mr.Wonderful" To: Bleed August 8th, 2003

Hello, I'm putting a link to The Daily Bleed on my site & I'd like an "about" statement from you about your site. In your words. Then I would put your brief statement on my site so my reader's might know what they are getting into.

Thanks so much, Mark Wonderful

need to go thru emphemeride methodically for month of august; i've done a few for 24th, but check others

Stig Dagerman (Swedish novelist). The story "Sleet" occurs on an specific day, month, year, which is carved on a carrot. There are a few other dates that are more problemmatical in that story, possibly other stories.

IN SENT MAIL FOLDER: Ellington: Worst Restaurant in World Date: Sat, 26 Oct 2002 21:53:23 -0700 From: "David Brown, Recollection" To: Terminal Words Brian, this attachment in rtf format. Presumably open straightforward in Word, etc. --- Dave ellington.rtf 8/03 SEE ALSO OTHER EMAILS RE ELLINGTON (SUBJECT) IN SENT FOLDER,

moving dates encyc , add names from: also need to archive these

-- Chronology of the Development of Boys' Clothing Styles: Time Line

-- Sherlock Spends a Day in the Country, 1944, novel by Ken fearing....what day was it?

-- Carlo Carrà (Italian, 1881–1966.)

( carra )

Funeral of the Anarchist Galli [Funeralli dell’anarchico Galli / Funérailles de l’anarchiste Galli]. (1911) Oil on canvas, 6' 6 1/4" x 8' 6" (198.7 x 259.1 cm) The Museum of Modern Art, New York. Acquired through the Lillie P. Bliss Bequest Collection work meeting criteria specified in Introduction. 235.48 Other works by this artist

Provenance: Albert Borchardt, Berlin. Purchased in Berlin (Galerie Der Sturm) in 1912 Collection Kluxen, Germany. By 1914 Herwarth Walden (born Georg Levin, 1878-1941), Galerie Der Sturm, Berlin. By 1920 Paul Citroen, Wassenaar, Holland. Purchased from Der Sturm, 1920 - 1948 The Museum of Modern Art, New York. Purchased from Paul Citroen, 1948 Alternate title: Beerdigung des Anarchisten Galli Printing instructions Carlo Carrà (1881-1966) Carrà was born in Quargnento (Alessandria) in 1881, At the age of twelve he left home to work as a mural decorator first at Valenza Po, & from 1895 in Milan. In 1899-1900, Carrà was in Paris decorating pavilions at the "Exposition Universelle," where he became acquainted with contemporary French art. He then spent a few months in London in contact with exiled Italian anarchists, & returned to Milan in 1901. In 1906, he enrolled at the Accademia di Brera in Milan, where he studied under Cesare Tallone. Carrà's work of this time revealed the influence of Italian Divisionism, combined with the frank descriptiveness of nineteenth-century Lombard Naturalism. Carrà met Boccioni & Russolo in 1908 and, after his encounter with Marinetti, on 11 February 1910 signed with them the Manifesto of Futurist Painters, followed on 11 April 1910 by the Technical Manifesto of Futurist Painting. Carrà's radical political & artistic interests were combined in the monumental painting Funeral of the Anarchist Galli, which he reworked after a trip to Paris in the fall of 1911, when he came into direct contact with Cubism. With Ardengo Soffici, Carrà contributed to the Florentine Futurist periodicalLacerba(1913-15). Later moved away from radicalism. 100 Most Important Art Works of the 20th Century ... Andy Warhol, Campbell's Soup Can (Pop Art: 1962): exactly what it says. Carlo Carra, Funeral of the Anarchist Galli (Futurist: 1911): vibrating red mob. ...
Funeral of the Anarchist Galli, I'll meet you at midnight at the nuisance ground. Yet another publically posted satire. Blaise Pascal, you will be the frist up against the wall when the revolution happens.

1812 -- England:


ABT ? Mar 1812 = # Records show that much of the rioting & committees were instigated by Home Office 'spies', such as Mr Bent, John Stones, et al.

? May 1812 = #General Maitland sent by the Government to command disturbed areas, shrewd & independent observer, potatoes were now 1d per lb rather than 3lbs, wages 10s rather than 30s/week.

ABT ? ? 1812 = # Riots in Cheshire, Lancs & Yorkshire; esp. Ashton-under-Line, Eccles & Middleton? Jan 1813 = #Gravener Henson, bobbin-net maker of Nottingham initiated a Society for obtaining Parliamentary Relief & The encouragement of Mechanics in the Improvement of Mechanisms.

? ? 1814 = Finish of war against French collapsed prices, ruined farmers showed up laborer's state of penury, who could not be absorbed by the parish.

? Jun 1814 = # Power-loom weavers struck for higher wages.

? ? 1815 = *Robert Owen induced Peel to present new Bill; in all mills, manufactories & buildings no child was to work under 10y old, factory hours limited to 12.5 with only 10.5 spent in labor.

? ? 1815 = *Seamen's strike in the north-eastern ports, Tyne & Wear region, suppressed by troops; ship owners undermanned their ships.

? ? 1815 > ? ? 1818 = *Expenditure went from £106m to £53m, a violent & permanent shrinking of the market, Cu went from £180 to £80/ton, Fe from £20 to £8/ton.

? ? 1815 > ? ? 1818 = *Expenditure went from £106m to £53m, in Shrops 24 out of 37 blast furnaces ceased, 7000 ironworkers unemployed, 8000 tons of coal lost & miners unemployed. ABT ? ? 1815 = #James Dean, land surveyor, Exeter, stated in Dec 1816 over 20 Devon woollen manufacturers had asked him to sell their mills. AFT ? ? 1815 = *Price of corn under the Corn Laws in the next 17 years formed an important element in the misery surrounding the laboring population. ? ? 1816 = *Geo Rose,MP, stated that there were 700,000 members of Friendly Societies in England. ? ? 1816 = *Bootle's Act to Limit Radius of Apprenticing to 40 miles from London workhouses, outside this zone children could be apprenticed to greater distances. ? ? 1816 = Game Act, poacher found at night with a net was liable to transportation for 7 years.

1877 -- BLEED WORK BLEEDWORK JANUARY england: Kropotkin (I don't have exact date -- ed.) having escaped to England from imprionment in Russia, Peter's first few month's in England were spent establishing contacts. His main objective was to let Guillaume know that he wanted to work for the Jura Federation again. Guillaume was delighted to hear this & asked Peter to begin writing articles for the Bulletin de la Federation Jurassienne. He also spent some time writing for the Imperial Geographic Society. However, his primary interests laid with the worker's movement. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1877: In January, Peter left England to live in the Neuchatel region, in Switzerland, so that he could devote all of his time to the Jura Federation. When he returned to the federation, he found that it had lost much of its energy that he had seen in 1872. Much of the problems stemmed from the lack of leadership in the federation. This seemed to cause a lack of direction, & Peter felt that they had very little effect on the worker's movement. One person in the group that Peter was attracted to was Paul Brousse. Peter & Brousse organized a demonstration in Bern on March 18 to commemorate the Paris Commune. Peter helped that this bit of unrest would help stir the workers. Some members of the Federation feared that there would be clashes with the polices at the demonstration. This is actually what Peter hoped for. He knew that police intervention would make great propaganda.

The clash with the police did occur. The group carried the red flag in honor of the commune. Switzerland law outlawed the public display of the flag. The police attempted to seize the flags from the protesters through force. Six or seven of the police officers were injured along with several protesters. The police failed, however, in seizing all of the flags. The flags were carried to a hall where speeches were given. Overall the day was a huge success. The police brutality had a tremendous effect on the workers. The size of the federation nearly doubled after the demonstration. Guillaume disagreed with Peter's assessment that the demonstration had been a success. Guillaume disapproved of the violent tactics that had been used which caused a division to begin between Peter & him. CHECK ANARCHIST PRINCE, OTHER BOOKS FOR DATES

1902 -- MOVING DATES ? ?

1920 -- Le 31 août 1920, à Milan, Turin, et dans le nord de l'Italie, débute un vaste mouvement d'occupation des usines. L'Union Anarchiste Italienne "U.A.I" (forte d'un demi million d'adhérents) lors de son congrès de Bologne (1er au 4 juillet 1920), préconisait la création de "Conseils d'usine". C'est chose faite deux mois plus tard. Les anarchistes et Malatesta en particulier prennent la parole dans les usines occupées et gardées par des piquets de grève pour s'opposer à tous coups de force de la police où des faisceaux de Mussolini. Le mouvement prend de l'ampleur début septembre, les patrons sont chassés, l'autogestion se généralise dans les ateliers, mais ne s'étend pas à tout le corps social. Les syndicats réformistes, effrayés par l'ampleur révolutionnaire du mouvement (notamment dans la métallurgie et l'automobile), s'empresseront de signer un accord avec le patronat pour mettre fin au mouvement.

1921 -- Lenin's New Economic Policy begins, a pragmatic retreat from communist economic principles in favor of market mechanisms. During this year 1921 Peasant unrest sweeps Russia. These risings are suppressed but the New Economic Policy is proclaimed that gives the peasants the right to sell their grain surpluses

1921 -- archive —


Paint Creek-Cabin Creek miners strike to gain recognition of the United Mine Workers of America. the first major effort on the part of miners to bring unionism into the area, On three separate occasions, Governor Glasscock declares martial law & sends in troops. Martial law was imposed until January 1913. During the Paint Creek-Cabin Creek strike of 1912-1913, troopers arrested Mother Jones & illegally held her in this house for 85 days. She was still able to get messages concerning conditions of miners to a US Senate investigation committee. In 1992, received National Historic Landmark designation. Also see: Mother Jones & Miners' Monument (under Jones) & Mother Jones Historical Marker (under Jones) The Paint Creek strike saw a resurgence of this tradition with black, white, & immigrant miners fighting side by side. R.L. Lewis has show the prominent role played by black miners in the strike, including Dan Chain, a member of the notorious 'dirty eleven', famous for this ability at turning back strike breakers. The importance of the black strikers was revealed when the UMWA sent in their leading black field representative, George H. Edmunds, to aid in the prosecution of the strike. As Lewis suggest, 'at a time when the southern States were enshrining racial segregation, West Virginia miners were apparently marching to a different drumbeat." The Paint Creek strike also reinforce the importance of women in collective action. Throughout this period, and especially in the larger conflicts, women were integral to the prosecution of the strikes.

Sept. 21. Mary Harris "Mother" Jones leads a march of miners' children through the streets of Charleston.


Sept. Miners march on Logan county to unseat Sheriff Don Chafin whose deputies assaulted & evicted union organizers who entered the county. The march was ended after federal military forces were activated at the request of Governor John J. Cornwell. November. A nationwide coal strike occurs.


UMWA membership booms in Mingo County following the "Matewan Massacre."

Jan. UMW moves its unionization campaign from Logan to Mingo County. Mother Jones delivers a speech of support. August 28. Governor Cornwell requests federal troops to guard the mines of southern West Virginia. They arrive in Williamson the next day. Sept. Rioting in Williamson follows attempts of local coal operators to import strikebreakers into the area. Nov. 27. Following strike-related violence & the killing of a state trooper, Governor Cornwell proclaims martial law in Mingo County. (The state had no military force, the National Guard not having been reorganized after service in World War I.)


West Virginia miners fight with mine guards, police, & federal troops in a dispute over organizing unions. August 21. First unit of West Virginia National Guard--Company I, 150th Infantry--reactivated at Williamson. By the end of the year, 11 National Guard companies were organized--all but one situated in or near the nonunion coal fields. August 23. John H. Charnock appointed Adjutant General, replacing Major Davis. August 25. Governor Morgan asks President Harding for federal troops & military aircraft, saying miners have been inflamed & infuriated by radical officers & leaders. Sept. 3. A cease fire ends the Battle of Blair Mountain. Sept. 4. Federal troops march up Hewitt Creek in Logan County. Efforts to unionize the southern West Virginia coal fields are ended with the arrival of the 10th U. S. Infantry.


Sept. 22. Martial law rescinded in Mingo County.


1921 -- archive 1920 & 21 —


Paint Creek-Cabin Creek miners strike to gain recognition of the United Mine Workers of America. the first major effort on the part of miners to bring unionism into the area, On three separate occasions, Governor Glasscock declares martial law & sends in troops. Martial law was imposed until January 1913. State prohibition becomes effective.

Sept. 21. Mary Harris "Mother" Jones leads a march of miners' children through the streets of Charleston. On SEPTEMBER 21, 1912, she led a march of miners' children through the streets of Charleston, West Virginia; on February 12, 1913, she led a protest about conditions in the strike area & was arrested. She was convicted by a military court of conspiring to commit murder & was sentenced to twenty years in prison. Her trial, conviction, and imprisonment created such a furor that the U.S. Senate ordered a committee to investigate conditions in the West Virginia coal fields. However, on May 8, 1913, before the investigation got underway, newly elected governor Hatfield set Mother Jones free. She was 83 years old. Mary Harris "Mother" Jones, although not a West Virginian, had ties to the state. In her day she was labeled "the most dangerous woman in America" by the politicians. She became involved in the American labor movement during the 1870s and organized or attended every major U. S. labor strike from the 1870s until 1924. She was sent into West Virginia for the first time in 1897 to organize miners, & delivered speeches in Monongah & Flemington. In 1902, she campaigned to unionize 7,000 miners in the Kanawha Valley. She came to national attention in 1912-13, during the Paint Creek-Cabin Creek strike in West Virginia. This strike created a lot of publicity because of the frequent violence. On September 21, 1912, she led a march of miners' children through the streets of Charleston. On FEBRUARY 12, 1913, she led a protest of conditions in the West Virginia mines & was arrested. On May 8, 1913, newly-elected Governor Hatfield released her from jail. In 1920, the UMW moved its unionization campaign from Logan to Mingo county & Mother Jones delivered a speech of support. She was born in Ireland, went to school in Canada, but spent the majority of her 100 years in the United States. Her grave is in the Union Miners Cemetery at Mount Olive, Illinois. Mother Jones organized & helped the workers; at other times, she held educational meetings. In 1877, she helped in the Pittsburgh railway strike; during the 1880s she organized & ran educational meetings; in 1898 she helped found the Social Democratic Party; & in 1905 she was present at the founding of the Industrial Workers of the World. After 1890 she became involved in the struggles of coal miners & became an organizer for the United Mine Workers, attending her first UMWA convention on January 25, 1901. She had been on the union payroll for the past year. Her earlier work in miners' strikes & organizing had been as a volunteer, not as an employee. She resigned as a UMWA organizer in 1904 & became a lecturer for the Socialist Party of America for several years, traveling throughout the southwest. Although sometimes she participated in strikes & organized drives for various unions, her main interest was in raising funds for the defense of Mexican revolutionists in the United States who were being arrested or deported. Mother Jones was one of the founders of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). In 1905, she was the only woman among 27 persons who signed the manifesto that called for a convention to organize all industrial workers. She later left the organization, but she remained friendly with many of its leaders. Mother Jones left the Socialist Party in 1911 to return to the payroll of the United Mine Workers, as an organizer. The new president, John P. White, was an old friend who agreed that she would set her own agenda. She expected that her talents "would have full scope." In 1923, when she was 93 years old, she was still working among striking coal miners in West Virginia.


Sept. Miners march on Logan county to unseat Sheriff Don Chafin whose deputies assaulted & evicted union organizers who entered the county. The march was ended after federal military forces were activated at the request of Governor John J. Cornwell. November. A nationwide coal strike occurs.


UMWA membership booms in Mingo County following the "Matewan Massacre."

Jan. UMW moves its unionization campaign from Logan to Mingo County. Mother Jones delivers a speech of support. August 28. Governor Cornwell requests federal troops to guard the mines of southern West Virginia. They arrive in Williamson the next day. Sept. Rioting in Williamson follows attempts of local coal operators to import strikebreakers into the area. Nov. 27. Following strike-related violence & the killing of a state trooper, Governor Cornwell proclaims martial law in Mingo County. (The state had no military force, the National Guard not having been reorganized after service in World War I.)


West Virginia miners fight with mine guards, police, & federal troops in a dispute over organizing unions. August 21. First unit of West Virginia National Guard--Company I, 150th Infantry--reactivated at Williamson. By the end of the year, 11 National Guard companies were organized--all but one situated in or near the nonunion coal fields. August 23. John H. Charnock appointed Adjutant General, replacing Major Davis. August 25. Governor Morgan asks President Harding for federal troops & military aircraft, saying miners have been inflamed & infuriated by radical officers & leaders. Sept. 3. A cease fire ends the Battle of Blair Mountain. Sept. 4. Federal troops march up Hewitt Creek in Logan County. Efforts to unionize the southern West Virginia coal fields are ended with the arrival of the 10th U. S. Infantry.


Sept. 22. Martial law rescinded in Mingo County.


1926 -- MOVING DATES NEED TO CHECK BLEED FOR ENTRIES, &/OR FIND EXACT DATES1819 The Apprenticeship Law provided the first protection for minors in Illinois. 1861 The first meeting to form the first national miners' union in the U.S. took place in Belleville, when the American Miners' Association was formed. The Association became inactive after 1868. 1863 Strikes of coal miners led to passage of the La Salle Black Law, which "prohibited any person from preventing any other person from working at any lawful occupation on any terms he might see fit & from combining for the purpose of depriving the owner or possessor of property of its lawful use and management." 1865 The Iron Molder's International Union met in Chicago. It was described as the "largest convention of workingmen of one craft ever held on the continent" up to that time. Under the leadership of William Sylvis, the union was considered the most powerful in number, resources & completeness & the most ably led trade union in America in that period. 1867 March: an act making eight hours a legal day's work was passed. May 1: "Eight Hour Day Strike". Chicago workers led by the Molders Union tried to get employers to obey the law passed in March for eight hours to be the "legal work day in the State of Illinois." 1877 Local assemblies of the Knights of Labor chartered in Peoria, Chicago, & Springfield. Delegates from 17 trade unions met to form a Trade Council, which was the forerunner of the Chicago Federation of Labor. During railroad strike of 1877 militia detailed to Peoria, Chicago, Decatur, Galesburg, & East St. Louis. 1879 April: Illinois General Assembly passed Armed Workmen Law, requiring all military organizations other than the state militia to be licensed by the governor. Creation of the Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics. 1881 April: Strike at Carne factory. 1884 First convention of the Illinois State Federation of Labor met in Chicago & declared that May 1, 1886, would be the day for workers all over America to demand the eight-hour day. 1887 The Cole Anti- Boycott Law & the Merritt Conspiracy Law were passed as a reaction to the Haymarket affair. 1888 Burlington Strike of engineers & firemen was the most serious labor conflict ever experienced by that railroad & raised the issue of protection of interstate commerce against boycotts & the quasi-public nature of railroads. 1889 Jane Addams & Ellen Gates Starr open Hull House. Investigations undertaken by residents of Hull House led to the establishment of free employment offices, regulation of sweatshops, state factory inspection, & other progressive social legislation. 1895 Passage of first version of law providing for the investigation of labor disputes. 1897 Chicago teachers organize into the Chicago Teachers' Federation. In 1902, they affiliated wih the AFL. 1904 Meat packers strike. Union members return to work under the same conditions as prior to the strike. 1909 Ten hour day law for women passed. 1910 Strike of clothing workers against Hart, Shaffner & Marx in Chicago led by Sidney Hillman, which later led to the founding of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers. It was of outstanding importance for it marked the beginning of a most highly elaborated industrial government. 1914 Henrici strikes, Chicago. Use of excessive force by Chicago police. These strikes clarified the Illinois labor law concerning boycotts. 1922 Amalgamated Trust & Savings Bank of Chicago started. It was sponsored by the Amalgamated Clothing Workers & was the first bank ever sponsored by a union. 1932 Split in the United Mine Workers led to creation of the Progressive Miners of America. 1936 General Assembly enacted Workmen's Occupational Diseases Act & the Industrial Homework Law. Pekin became the smallest American community ever to experience a general strike, which was called to protest the unfair employment practices of the American Distilling Company. The strike left the town completely paralyzed for three days. 1941 Act passed making it illegal to discriminate on the basis of race, color, or creed in training or employment by firms operating under governmental defense contracts. 1946 The Institute of Labor & Industrial Relations opened at the University of Illinois. Its three-phase program included: extension services for civic, labor, & management groups, research & information, & professional instruction at the University. 1967 The Chicago Teachers' Union was recognized by the Chicago Board of Education. 1968 Representatives of four railway operating unions met in Chicago to form the United Transportation Union. 1972 Agreement, called the Chicago Plan, negotiated between U.S. Department of Labor, area building contractors, & nine Chicago-area building trades unions by which goals for hiring minority workers were established. 1974 Coalition of Labor Union Women was founded in Chicago. Governor Walker issues Executive Order Number 6, establishing the Office of Collective Bargaining extending bargaining rights to state employees employed in agencies under the Governor. 1995 Strike at Bridgestone/Firestone plant in Decatur 1996 Trailmobile locked out members of UPIU in Charleston. Return to Labor in Illinois page NEED TO MATCH EVENTS WITH ANY SPECIFIC DATES IN DATABASE; TRACK DOWN DATES FOR EVENTS NOT IN DATABASE

1937 -- Dallas Auto Plant In the late 1930s the Texas CIO made an effort to unionize the Ford assembly plant in Dallas, but "outside squads," employed to prevent unionism, roamed the local community, while "inside squads" ferreted out unionism in the factories.

In the summer & fall of 1937 the Dallas outside squad committed 18 documented assaults. One victim died & another was tarred and feathered. An AFL organizer lost an eye. Dallas police had tipped off the squad to his presence in town. None of the victims was trying to unionize the plant, & most were not union members.

The police, the Open Shop Association, & the Chamber of Commerce were determined to keep Dallas free of unions. NLRB hearings in Dallas in 1940 revealed the ties between the goon squads, the Ford company, & the city police.

The workers suffered line speed-up, lay-offs with no reemployment guarantees, a lack of seniority & grievance machinery, & restrictions on break periods.

1959 -- US: Second longest labor strike in Butte, Montana's history lasts 181 days (-February 15, 1960).

Ginsberg in America cover
1968 -- US: Chicago '68: A Chronology Links: Introduction Bibliography Related sites

All original material is written by Dean Blobaum & is copyright ©2000 by Dean Blobaum. This text may be quoted in accordance with the Fair Use provisions of the US Copyright Act. It may be archived & redistributed in electronic form, provided that no fee is charged for access & provided that this entire notice is carried & the author of the review is notified. Archiving, redistribution, or republication of this text on other terms, in any medium, requires the consent of the author. 1967 inserted HERE FOR MONTH OF AUGUST:

August 31: 1967 Five-day convention of the National Conference for a New Politics opens in Chicago. 3,000 delegates from some 200 left, community, & civil rights groups convene to discuss an electoral strategy for 1968. Some want a third-party slate with Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., running for President & Dr. Benjamin Spock for Vice-president. But the conference breaks up in rancor and division. Leftists who want to be active in a national race have nowhere to turn but the Democratic Party. 1968 RESUMES: Convention Week August 22, Thursday: Dean Johnson, a seventeen-year-old Sioux Indian from South Dakota, is shot dead by Chicago police on Wells Street. Police say he pulled a gun. A memorial march is held later in the day. August 23, Friday: At the Civic Center plaza (located in the Loop & now known as the Daley Center) the Yippies nominate their presidential contender—Pigasus the pig. Seven Yippies & the pig are arrested. Almost 6,000 National Guardsman are mobilized & practice riot-control drills. Special police platoons do the same. August 24, Saturday: MOBE's marshal training sessions continue in Lincoln Park. Karate, snake dancing, & crowd protection techniques are practiced. Women Strike for Peace holds a women-only picket at the Hilton Hotel, where many delegates are staying. At the 11 PM curfew, poet Allan Ginsberg, chanting, & musician Ed Sanders lead people out of the park. August 25, Sunday: MOBE's "Meet the Delegates" march gathers 800 protesters in Grant Park across from the Hilton Hotel. The Festival of Life, in Lincoln Park, opens with music. 5,000 hear the MC-5 & local bands play. Police refuse to allow a flatbed truck to be brought in as a stage. A fracas breaks out in which several are arrested & others are clubbed. Police reinforcements arrive. At the 11 PM curfew, most of the crowd, now numbering around 2,000, leave the park ahead of a police sweep & congregate between Stockton Drive & Clark Street. The police line then moves into the crowd, pushing it into the street. Many are clubbed, reporters and photographers included. The crowd disperses into the Old Town area, where the battles continue. August 26, Monday: In the early morning, Tom Hayden is among those arrested. 1,000 protesters march towards police headquarters at 11th & State. Dozens of officers surround the building. The march turns north to Grant Park, swarming the General Logan statue. Police react by clearing the hill & the statue. At the Amphitheatre, Mayor Daley formally opens the 1968 Democratic National Convention. As the curfew approaches, some in Lincoln Park build a barricade against the police line to the east. About 1,000 remain in the park after 11 PM. A police car noses into the barricade & is pelted by rocks. Police move in with tear gas. Like Sunday night, street violence ensues. But it is worse. Some area residents are pulled off their porches and clubbed. More reporters are attacked this night than at any other time during the week. August 27, Tuesday: At 1 PM 200 members of the American Friends Service Committee and other pacifist groups leave a near-northside church to march to the Amphitheatre. Joined by others along their route, the marchers eventually number about 1,000. The police stop the march at 39th & Halstead, about half-a-mile north of the Amphitheatre. The marchers set up a picket line & remain in place until 10 AM the next morning. They are then ordered to disperse & 30 resisters are arrested. This is the only march of Convention Week that gets anywhere near the Amphitheatre—it also gets virtually no publicity. About 7 PM Black Panther Party Chairman Bobby Seale speaks in Lincoln Park. He urges people to defend themselves by any means necessary if attacked by the police. An "Unbirthday Party for LBJ" convenes at the Chicago Coliseum. Performers & speakers include Ed Sanders, Abbie Hoffman, David Dellinger, Terry Southern, Jean Genet, William Burroughs, Dick Gregory, Allen Ginsberg, Phil Ochs, & Rennie Davis. 2,000 later march from the Coliseum to Grant Park. In Lincoln Park, 200 clergy & lay church people, toting a 12-foot cross, join 2,000 protestors to remain in the park past curfew. Again, tear gas & club-swinging police clear the park. Many head south to the Loop and Grant Park. At Grant Park, in front of the Hilton, where the television cameras are, 4,000 demonstrators rally to speeches by Julian Bond, Davis, and Hayden. Mary Traverse & Peter Yarrow sing. The rally is peaceful. At 3 AM the National Guard relieve the police. The crowd is allowed to stay in Grant Park all night. August 28, Wednesday: 10-15,000 gather at the old Grant Park bandshell for the MOBE's antiwar rally. Dellinger, Gregory, Ginsberg, Norman Mailer, Jerry Rubin, Carl Oglesby, Hayden, & many others speak. 600 police surround the rally on all sides. National Guardsmen are posted on the roof of the nearby Field Museum. In the Convention at the Amphitheatre, the peace plank proposed for the Democratic party platform is voted down. At the bandshell rally, news of the defeat of the peace plank is heard on radios. A young man begins to lower the American flag flying near the bandshell. Police push through the crowd to arrest him. Then a group, including at least one undercover police officer, completes the flag lowering & raises a red or blood-splattered shirt. Police move in again. A line of MOBE marshals is formed between the police & the crowd. Police charge the marshal line. Rennie Davis is beaten unconscious. At rally's end Dellinger announces a march to the Amphitheatre, while Hayden urges the crowd to move in small groups to the Loop. 6,000 join the march line, but, since it has no permit & the police refuse to allow it to use the sidewalks, the march does not move. After an hour of negotiation, the march line begins to break up. Protestors try to cross over to Michigan Avenue, but the Balbo & Congress bridges have been sealed off by National Guardsmen armed with .30 caliber machine guns & grenade launchers. The crowd moves north & finds that the Jackson Street bridge is unguarded. Thousands surge onto Michigan Avenue. Coincidentally, the mule train of Ralph Abernathy's Poor People's Campaign, which has a permit to go to the Amphitheatre, is passing south on Michigan. The crowd joins it. At Michigan & Balbo the crowd is halted again. Only the mule train is allowed to continue. Deputy Police Superintendent James Rochford orders the police to clear the streets. Demonstrators & bystanders are clubbed, beaten, Maced, & arrested. Some fight back & the attack escalates. The melee last about seventeen minutes & is filmed by the TV crews positioned at the Hilton. While this was probably not the most violent episode of Convention Week—the Lincoln Park & Old Town brawls were more vicious—it drew the most attention from the mass media. Inside the Amphitheatre, presidential nominations are underway. Senator Abraham Ribicoff, in his speech nominating George McGovern, denounces the "Gestapo tactics on the streets of Chicago." Mayor Daley's shouted reaction was on-camera, but off-mike. Lip-readers later decoded a vulgar rage. Hubert H. Humphrey wins the party's nomination on the first ballot. 500 antiwar delegates march from the Amphitheatre to the Hilton; many join the 4,000 protestors in Grant park. Again, protestors are allowed to stay in the park all night. August 29, Thursday: Senator Eugene McCarthy addresses about 5,000 gathered in Grant Park. Several attempts are made to march to the Amphitheatre. A group of delegates try to lead a march but are turned back with tear gas. Dick Gregory invites all the demonstrators to his house, which happens to be in the direction of the Amphitheatre. This too is turned back, at 18th Street. Near midnight, the 1968 Democratic National Convention is adjourned. The arrest count for Convention Week disturbances stands at 668. An undetermined number of demonstrators sustained injuries, with hospitals reporting that they treated 111 demonstrators. The on-the-street medical teams from the Medical Committee for Human Rights estimated that their medics treated over 1,000 demonstrators at the scene. The police department reported that 192 officers were injured, with 49 officers seeking hospital treatment. August 30, Friday: During Convention Week, 308 Americans were killed & 1,144 more were injured in the war in Vietnam. SEPTEMBER 9: In a press conference, Mayor Daley makes a now-famous slip of the tongue: "The policeman isn't there to create disorder, the policeman is there to preserve disorder." 1969 August 15-17: The Woodstock music festival—the "Festival of Life" a year late—convenes & communes in upstate New York. 1970 April 30: American troops cross over the border into Cambodia to destroy enemy camps & supplies. Student strikes shut down hundreds of college campuses over the next few days. May 4: Four students are killed & nine injured by National Guard troops during protests at Kent State University in Ohio. In the aftermath, demonstrations spread to more than a thousand campuses & 100,000 rally in Washington, D.C. August 24: A homemade bomb explodes in a stolen van parked at the loading dock outside the Army Math Research Center on the campus of the University of Wisconsin at Madison. A graduate student is killed & five are injured. The Army Math bombing is the first loss of innocent life caused by antiwar activists & divides the Left into those who condemn it and those who justify it. 1974 July 27-30: The House Judiciary Committee votes three articles of impeachment against President Nixon in connection with the Watergate burglary. August 9: Facing possible impeachment & eroding public support, Nixon resigns. 1975 April 30: The last American personnel in Vietnam leave via helicopter from the roof of the U.S. Embassy as Saigon becomes Ho Chi Minh City.
[Source: Chicago '68: A Chronology]


1971 -- England: 1977 -- Iris Mills & Ronan Bennett are held under the Prevention of Terrorism Act in Huddersfield, & exclusion order signed against Bennett (born in England). Order revoked on appeal.

The "Lewisham Three", who had been active in aid for international prisoners & solidarity with Spanish resistance, are charged with holding up a betting shop in October, & receive seven years each on a first offence.


In August of the same year, Anna Mendelson, Jim Greenfield, John Barker & Hillary Creek are arrested at Stoke Newington. Next dayStuart Christie& Christopher Bott are arrested separately. Next month 100 Tupamaro prisoners, including Raul Sendic & Julio Marenales Sanz, specially asked for, escape from Punta Carrera prison, & three days later Geoffrey Jackson is set free after eight months which he could have been spared. Either this is a record mass escape from a heavily guarded jail, or the British government, while rejecting the proposed intermediaries, put pressure on Montevideo.

The bombing of the Post Office Tower October is attributed to people under arrest at the time.

1972 -- Last American combat ground troops leave Vietnam. DON'T BELIEVE THIS IS CORRECT

1990 -- PLACEHOLDER DAILYDOO, CLEAN UP & ADD TO BLEED The PeaceWorks Park vigil was an anti-war protest action that occurred in Gas Works Park beginning Sunday, August 26, 1990 & carrying on through the end of the [Gulf War]. Throughout this period of over six months, including the cold of winter, there was a continuous 24-hour-a-day vigil in the park in opposition to the military buildup & the war itself. Although the core of the vigil was a group of 25-50 dedicated, mostly young, activists, among the people who would participate in the vigil at one point or another were former congressman & future governor Mike Lowry, then-city-councilperson Sue Donaldson, sixties icon Timothy Leary, & beat poet Allen Ginsberg.

1991 -- DAILYDOO PLACEHOLDER La central sindical única de Uruguay (PIT-CNT) convocó el 7 de agosto una huelga general de 14 horas, en rechazo de la ley aplicada por el Gobierno para superar la crisis bancaria y que incluía una congelación parcial (corralito) de hasta tres años de los depósitos en dólares a plazo fijo de los bancos estata General strike /// The main union of Uruguay (PIT-CNT) calls a general strike of 14 hours, in opposition of the law applied by the Government to circumvent the banking crisis which includes a partial freezing (corralito), of up to three years, of the deposits in dollars on credit fixed of the banks estata 1991??? NOT SURE, NEED TO CHECK

1994 -- first week of august This article recently appeared in FREEDOM (anarchist fortnightly) FREEDOM carries at least a page in every issue of international news of interest to the anarchist movement around the world. anarchist activity in Brazil Antimilitarists from eight countries in Latin America came together for the Latin American Conference of Conscientious Objectors from the 8th to 14th May in Paraguay. Brazil was represented by SERPAJ. The meeting allowed participants to exchange information & share experiences of the realities in each country. It also allowed for the planning of joint activities & concrete actions relating to the two major themes of antimilitarism & conscientious objection. During the five days various themes related to that of conscientious objection were also discussed including freedom, civil disobedience, social justice & solidarity. Since June 94 the Brazilian Anarchist Movement has organised a national campaign for the liberation & against the execution of the anarchist Katsuhisa Omori who has been condemned to death by the Japanese state. Omori has been in jail for 18 years now for a crime he did not commit. During the first week of August letters, telegrams & a petition with more than 4,000 signatures calling for Omori's liberation were sent to the Japanese embassy in Brazil. In addition some cities saw public demonstrations against Japanese state terrorism. As the Brazilian elections came up various parts of the country saw activities against politicians & the elections in general. In Campinas (central Sao Paulo) some anarchists burnt their ballot forms on the public square protesting against the electoral farce & the system of compulsory voting. To mark the 49th anniversary of the American bombing of Hiroshima anarchist groups in Sao Paulo, Curitiba, Londrina & Salvador came out onto the streets to protest against military expenditure, war & the militarization of society. The historian, film director & anarchist Valencio Xavier recently produced his latest short film: Pao Negro - Um Episodio da Colonia Cecilia. It was 40 minutes of emotion, passion & anarchy. The film deals with the testimony of descendants of the colony & the story of Rossi & two colonies that were bought as pieces of land in Palmeira. A book will soon also be published about Valencio & the history of this anarchist experiment in Brazil. At the university of Campinas - UNICAMP organised from 24th to 26th August a seminar: 20 years of the Archives of Edgar Edgard Leuenroth - one of the best libertarian archives in Latin America. Workshops were organised on the history of the left, the workers movement, industrialisation, human rights, culture & politics. There was also an international workshop discussing archives & social history. This was accompanied by a photographic exhibition. The conference closed with a talk by Professor Rudolf de Jong of the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam with the title: The Spanish Civil War & the Anarchist Revolution. Professor Martha Ackelsberg also gave a talk on the women's liberation movement & the anarchist movement in Spain. 'The Adventures of Joao Pao an Abandoned Youth' is the title of the latest book by the anarchist writer Roberto Freire, published on 25th August by Casa da Soma in Sao Paulo. The book is a fictional account for young people about the adventures of street children in Brazil. It is all written from an anarchist perspective.

1999 -- Zambia. Wilstar Choongo dies, age 35. Founder of the Anarchist & Workers' Solidarity Movement (AWSM) of self-taught anarchist activist, Wilstar first came to the attention of the movement in 1996 through his lone battle to improve the salaries of employees at the University of Zambia (UNZA) where he worked as a librarian -- & where he built up a formidable collection of anarchist works for the use of students. It was against this background that Wilstar alone took on the entire varsity administration in an attempt to get a pay rise for the staff. Wilstar was taken to court, but he was unbowed, & he won the pay rise, which encouraged the starving workers to fight for more. That fight brought him onto the "organise" anarchist e-mail discussion list & established links with us at the Workers' Solidarity Federation (WSF) of South Africa. Wilstar was born at Kalomo, a town in Southern Province, the son of small-scale farmers. Shortly after my visit, he & most of the youths of the Socialist Caucus' UNZA-Cuba Friendship Association, who had converted to anarchism, set up the AWSM (sometimes referred to as the Anarchist Workers' Group - Zambia), the first known anarchist organisation in Central Africa, & one which linked students, staff & workers. Wilstar decided against the AWSM becoming a WSF section because of the great distances involved, but hoped to maintain regular contact & material & ideological support. In early 1999, WSF proposed that the AWSM become a WSF section, the South African & Zambian sections to be federated horizontally.As things turned out, the WSF dissolved in September 1999 because of the ineffectiveness of its organisational method, & the far more productive Bikisha Media Collective, Zabalaza Books & Anarchist Union sprang up in its stead. But we last had contact with Wilstar on July 15, 1999. Unknown to us, he died shortly afterwards, aged 35, following a bout with malaria that brought on meningitis. Uncomplaining to the end, he had not even mentioned his illness to his comrades. He left a wife & three young children. But although death cut short efforts to build a Central African anarchist movement, Wilstar's direct-actionist example of anarchism in practice is still remembered as a great contribution to the ethics of the emergent Left in the region. A Socialist Caucus activist described him so: "He wasn't prepared to make things convenient for himself. His death is an extremely big loss to the whole fragile Left & UNZA is still reeling from it." As we say in South Africa when a militant dies: "Hamba kahle (go well) Comrade Wilstar!" — Michael Schmidt (Bikisha Media Collective, South Africa) —

2002 -- yahoo Encyclopédie l'anarchisme

YahooAccueil - Yahoo! - Aide 
Encyclopédie Hachette


2002 -- Stan Iverson/Ora Elwell boat — Date: Thu, 7 Mar 2002 18:02:32 EST From: To: My grandfather owned the riverboat Ora & hauled log tows on the skagit river with it. It was built in Sedro Woolley WA in the year 1925.I have the complete history on this & any other Parker tugs(dba:Skagit TowingCompany) if anyone is interested.Also have photos in family albums of the boats. My email is Greg P.

2002 -- 27.04.2002. Famous poet & anarchist with exceptional social sensitiveness, father of so-called Beat generation Kenneth Rexroth has been added to the Art & Artists section. Movement for Anarchy Team

2002 -- ra -> wav software Date: Tue, 10 Dec 2002 18:37:30 +0200 From: hello, i've seen your email on a infos looking for a prog that converts ra -> wav (so that you can record it on audio cd). it can be downloaded at . but it does converting in real time :\ so you have to wait a lot.. i found no software that does this except this one. hope it'll work, in solidarity (A)lper

2003 --

I just wanted to say that I think the daily bleeds are great. I look forward to reading them whenever I ge around to checking my email. One thing that I was wondering, seeing as you utilize all manner of different prose, poetry & song in the bleeds, have you ever come across a song called "FLOWERS FOR THE REBELS WHO FAILED"? I have read reference to it a few times in various books (primarily by George Woodcock), & have been trying desperately to find it, or at the very least, the words to it.

do you have any ideas where to look, I've pretty much exhausted myself on the net to no avail, & am working on alternate sources now. So if you don't mind, if you know of where to look, or have the information yourself, could you let me know please.

I thank you for your time, cheers

J Fowler Good essays on the Spanish Revolution may be found in "Flowers for the Rebels who Failed", Part 5 of "The Anarchist Reader".

2003 -- Dernière mise à jour : 28 mai 2003 Ephéméride anarchiste

La dernière semaine d'août en cours de réalisation. AUGUST IS DONE, COMPLETED SEE THE LAST WEEK FOR SURE, BUT CHECK EARLIER DATES TOO

2003 -- Gordon Lightfoot - Wreck Of The Edmund Fitzgerald Harry Chapin - Taxi Tom Russell & Dolores Keane - Mary Clare Malloy David Olney - 1917 Leonard Cohen - Joan Of Arc Eric Bogle - Now I'm Easy Townes Van Zandt - Tecumseh Valley Marianne Faithfull - The Ballad Of Lucy Jordan Randy Newman - In Germany Before The War Bruce Springsteen - Sinaloa Cowboys Michelle Shocked - Anchorage John Prine - Angel From Montgomery Dar Williams - The Pointless Yet Poignant Crisis Of A Co-ed Si Kahn - Lady Of The Harbor Phranc - Mary Hooley Peter Sarstedt - Where Do You Go To (My Lovely) Bobbie Womack - Across 110th Street Bobbie Gentry - Ode To Billy Joe Wreck Of The Edmund Fitzgerald Gordon Lightfoot from "Summertime Dream" © 1976 An account of the giant ore carrier Edmund Fitzgerald which sank in Lake Superior in November 1975 The legend lives on from the Chippewa on down Of the big lake they call Gitche Gumee


El moviment anarquista desesperat pels intents frustrats per aconseguir les seves reivindicacions (jornada de 8 hores,..), i convençut que la propaganda pacífica no seria capaç d'arrossegar a les masses cap a la revolució social, va adoptar l'anomenada "Propaganda pel Fet". Aquesta activitat va tenir el seu punt àlgid a les darreries del segle XIX, quan es portaren a terme nombrosos atemptats en represàlia per les condemnes dictades contra obrers anarquistes. Això va portar a l'Estat a exercir una crua repressió contra el moviment obrer. La crisi en que va caure l'obrerisme anarquista en l'etapa terrorista fou superada a principis del segle XX, quan va divulgar-se l'anarco-sindicalisme francès. L'activisme dels grups anarquistes no aconseguia els fruits que esperaven; calia canviar d'aptitud. Tot i que les diferències ideològiques entre sindicalisme i anarquisme eren considerables, a l'anarquisme li calia sostenir i recolzar al sindicalisme, ja que d'altra manera la seva influència i vitalitat es diluïen.

Així naixeria en 1911 la , que fou el producte final del nou sindicalisme encetat per Solidaritat Obrera en 1907. S'assenyalà que el sindicalisme tenia que ser un mitjà de lluita amb l'objectiu clar de fer possible un canvi revolucionari. La vaga tenia que ser revolucionària.

En el Congrés de 1911, la , va acordar la vaga general. La , va quedar aïllada i el govern de Canalejas va poder declarar il·legal la nova organització. Aquesta il·legalització de la va produir que aquesta encetes un període fosc. La seva reorganització no s'encetà amb una certa continuïtat, fins el 1915, tot i que a partir de 1914 a Catalunya es va tornar a autoritzar la .

Davant l'esclat de la Primera Guerra Mundial, les posicions anarquistes es van dividir en dues; fou la de refusar la Guerra l'opció que més acceptació tingué a Espanya i la que quedà reflectida en el Congrés del Ferrol del 1915.

La neutralitat espanyola en la Primera Guerra Mundial, va produir un considerable desenvolupament econòmic i l'inici d'un període de prosperitat. Va suposar un enriquiment per alguns sectors industrials i comercials, però els salaris i les condicions laborals no milloraven paral·lelament. Això produiria una reacció en cadena de protestes i agitacions en els mitjans obrers que augmentarà el potencial de les organitzacions sindicals amb el conseqüent plantejament de continues demandes i reivindicacions.

Per primera vegada les dues grans centrals sindicals (UGT i ) establiren un pacte d'aliança contra l'encariment de la vida. En el període 1916 - 1917 s'havien fet les primeres vagues generals i s'ensumava un ambient prerrevolucionari, amb influència de la Revolució Russa, i de la inestabilitat política. La va celebrar el seu congrés en Sants entre el 28 de juny i l'1 de juliol del 1918, on es va aprovar la formació de Sindicats Únics (intentaven que si en una empresa feien una vaga enquadrar tots els obrers en un ram que tenia que anar tot sencer a la vaga per guanyar-la), substituts dels Sindicats d'Ofici, i exercir l'acció directa. A més a més, s'afirmà el caràcter anarco-sindicalista de la . El Congrés anava a significar l'inici d'un moviment obrer ofensiu dirigit per la . Entre els seus dirigents destacaven Àngel Pestaña i Salvador Seguí. Es va preparar una campanya de propaganda per tota Espanya de la que sorgiria la veritable organització de la en 1919, quan té més afiliació i força que fins i tot durant la Segona República. Els grups anarquistes decidiren l'ingrés massiu en la . La campanya tingué un gran èxit. En Catalunya en 1919, l'acomiadament de uns treballadors de les oficines de La Canadenca, es va convertir en una vaga general. Els obrers es declararen en vaga, i la resta d'empreses també foren aturades. Les autoritats van declarar l'estat de guerra. Al final s'arribà a un acord i l'empresa va acceptar les reivindicacions dels obrers, que tornaren al treball. El conflicte va finalitzar amb un cert triomf obrer, per primera vegada s'aconseguí la jornada de vuit hores i es va demostrar la força de la . Però tots els detinguts no foren alliberats i es va tornar a la vaga. La dimissió del govern de Romanones va portar al nomenament d'un nou govern, el qual va mantenir l'estat de guerra i va encetar una primera repressió generalitzada contra la . Els principals dirigents obrers acceptaren la constitució, l'octubre del 1919, d'una Comissió Mixta per la resolució dels conflictes laborals. Tot i això, la patronal va decretar el lock-out. En aquesta situació, es va celebrar el Segon Congrés de la , on es donava un termini de tres mesos a la UGT pel seu ingrés dins de la . Els Sindicats Únics van ser acceptats. S'afirmava que la finalitat de la era la realització de un comunisme llibertari i la condemna a qualsevol organisme mixt de negociació amb la patronal. Es va decidir l'adhesió provisional a la Tercera Internacional, però finalment la va refusar la possibilitat al considerar que la revolució soviètica tenia un caràcter estatalista i autoritari. Això va produir l'escissió de grups pro-marxistes. A aquesta situació cal afegir la generalització dels atemptats socials contra la patronal. Aquesta va respondre impulsant la creació d'una banda de pistolers que assassinaven a destacats dirigents obrers. Junt a la repressió governamental, l'escala de terrorisme fou imposant-se en el període 1920 - 1921. Davant la creixent força de la un sector de la patronal va afavorir la creació d'un sindicalisme alternatiu. La seva finalitat era dividir i afeblir el moviment obrer i actuar com sindicat groc. Així, va néixer el 1919 el Sindicat Lliure. Defenia el corporativisme i actuava com a grup d'acció contra la . El seu màxim dirigent fou Ramón Sales. Els pistolers a sou de la patronal, dels anomenats Sindicats Lliures, actuant a l'empara de les autoritats, desencadenaren una lluita a trets pels carrers de Barcelona. Amb l'arribada de Martínez Anido al govern civil de Barcelona, la va quedar decapitada. Els seus principals dirigents foren engarjolats i deportats fins 1922. La va patir una repressió molt cruenta, més que amb Primo de Rivera quan estava molt afeblida. L'arribada de la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera no va significar una declaració explícita de il·legalitat per la . La política repressiva no fou tant de clausura dels sindicats com la de fer impossible la vida als mateixos. La pressió policial va conduir a la decisió de portar la a la clandestinitat. Així doncs, al final del període 1917 - 1923 es manifesta en les fileres anarquistes una certa reducció de força numèrica i esperit combatiu. La aconsegueix la major afiliació, superior a la de la Segona República, i fou la principal força anarquista del món. HOME ÍNDEX DOWNLOADS IDEES PRINCIPALS CRONOLOGIA DELS FETS PRINCIPALS ANTECEDENTS CREACIÓ - DICTADURA PRIMO RIVERA DICTADURA PRIMO RIVERA - SEGONA REPUBLICA ANNEXOS 1 ANNEXOS 2 ANNEXOS 3 BIBLIOGRAFA I FONTS SUGGERIMENTS LINKS CURRICULUM ESPAÑOL ©Eduard Galindo i Jara


(Plumber, Orleans, France)

"Anarchy for me, it's a way of living. I don't ask myself what it is — it's a part of me."

2006 -- PART 1 OF 2 ENTRIES, SEE NEXT ENTRY ALSO História do movimento Anarquista em PORTUGAL; referenced for names & dates to incorporate into Daily Bleed & Anarchist Encyclopedia Sacado del ARQUIVO DE HISTÓRIA SOCIAL de Edgar Rodrigues

PAGES SAVED AS HistóriaAnarquistaPORTUGAL.htm in archive mirror/archivoEdgarRodrigues História do Movimento Anarquista em Portugal/Anarquismo en Portugal

História do movimento Anarquista em PORTUGAL

Sacado del ARQUIVO DE HISTóRIA SOCIAL  de Edgar Rodrigues

  Forma a Península Ibérica com a Espanha. Tem 89.000 km² e uma população de cerca de 10 milhões de habitantes.

Alguns "carregam sangue nômade", estão sempre dispostos a correr mundo para "descobrir e aprender coisas novas". Cerca de 5 milhões estão espalhadas por dezenas de países do nosso planeta.

A trajetória social e a formação política deste povo teve a influência comunitarista agropastoril e artesanal, o municipalismo primitivo dos movimentos liberais, mutualistas e das lutas de classes européias.

Não há como negar o contágio municipalista introduzido pela Lei Goda e o aparecimento dos Curiais ou de "os mais velhos habitantes do burgo" também chamados "Assembléias públicas de vizinhos", encarregadas de traçar as diretrizes praticadas em várias regiões de Portugal, onde os sinais de Comunalismo são visíveis até hoje.

Começaram bem antes da separação de Espanha as partilhas em público do produto do trabalho em algumas localidades e o uso coletivo das terras cultiváveis e de pastoreio. Os Conselhos portugueses, anteriores à Monarquia, foram fundados nos séculos 12 e 13.

As próprias cartas das instituições municipais indicam que nem sempre foram concedidas espontaneamente. é o caso da de Coimbra, que acredita-se tenha sido fruto de motins populares, tornando-se essa "legislação revolucionária" impossível de anular.

Para atestar a seriedade destes atos, elegiam-se "magistrados municipais", que, no caso de julgar alguma desavença autoritariamente, respondiam pelos prejuízos causados com seus bens, derrubavam-lhes as casas e eram destituídos antes do fim do mandato, ganhavam a denominação de falsários.

Para Alexandre Herculano: "Nesses Conselhos primitivos, estava o gérmen ou desenvolvidas até certo ponto, mas efetivas e aplicadas na praxe, boa parte das instituições modernamente obtidas à custa de torrentes de sangue e de sacrifícios custosos. Ainda que freqüentemente tais conquistas não passem de uma ilusão seguida de cruéis desenganos." Tinha razão Herculano! Tais meios usados há milênios pelo homem, puderam perfeitamente abrir novos caminhos para a autogovernação e a administração da sua própria produção e consumo.

"Longe de professarem o desprezo pela vida humana - escreveu o anarquista Pedro Kropotkine -, os povos primitivos tinham horror ao homicídio, ao suicídio e ao sangue."

é por isso que, no seio das tribos, o homicídio era (e é ainda hoje, afirmamos nós) coisa completamente desconhecida.

A antropologia tem demonstrado que o início da humanidade foi o clã, a tribo. Há milhares e milhares de anos o homem viveu na fase clã e desenvolveu já toda uma série de instituições, de usos e costumes muito anteriores às instituições da família paternal."

Apontando na mesma direção, "o regime agrário dos latinos primitivos era igual ao dos germanos no tempo do César".

"Era a mais rasgada fórmula de comunismo, possuindo a terra em comum, assim a lavrando, trabalhando e agricultando para, afinal nas colheitas, dividirem o seu produto conforme as necessidades dos membros desse agregado."

Vilarinho da Furna, Rio Onor, Castro Laboreiro, Serra Amarela e do Gerês, no Barroso e Miranda são exemplos do emprego desse sistema comunista primitivo. Outro exemplo de Comunalismo são as Misericórdias, as Fraternidades, as Associações de Socorro Mútuo, as Mutualidades que Proudhon divulgou com a designação de Mutualidade de Serviços. Tude de Sousa, Jorge Dias, Melo Júnior, Amílcar Paulo, Orlando Ribeiro e o poveiro Rocha Peixoto, na monumental obra Notas Sobre Portugal, volume 1, registra o respeito pelas águas de rega distribuídas por acordos locais, sem interferência de nenhum tipo da autoridade; o uso dos pastos comuns, dos fornos coletivos de cozer pão e da troca de produtos agrícolas em lugar do dinheiro. Ajuda mútua nos serviços do campo, na construção de moradias, quando da morte de um vizinho, durante os temporais, nos acidentes ou incêndios, bem como nas época das semeaduras, colheitas e malhadas; na troca de mão-de-obra e de produtos. Em muitos lugares de Portugal ainda hoje se realizam trabalhos em comum, hábitos populares que temos que concluir tornaram os portugueses receptíveis às Associações de Socorros Mútuos, de classes profissionais, ao sindicalismo revolucionário e ao anarquismo.

Em 1856-1857, o que valeu aos portugueses para não serem dizimados pela febre amarela foram as 85 Mutualidades Autônomas de Assistência Social, que haviam de crescer para 586 até 1903.

Neste mesmo período morriam de tuberculose 371 por 100 mil habitantes; imigravam 38.223 e 39.515 respectivamente e o número de analfabetos em 1890 beirava a 75,05%, aumentando em 1900 para 78,04% e retornando em 1910 aos 75,05%.

Entre 1800 e 1910 os trabalhadores do campo recebiam uns míseros tostões e os das fábricas trabalhavam de sol a sol para ganhar 10 réis. As crianças entre seis e sete anos faziam um aprendizado de graça.

Em 1818, começa a fase "liberal", a instituição de ensino primário e explodem as revoluções de 1834-1850, dando origem aos discursos de Passos Manuel em defesa da criação das Conservatórias de Artes e Ofícios em Lisboa e Porto.

O Monopólio dos Tabacos e Fósforos, garantidos aos amigos pelo governo, transformados em polvos de imensos tentáculos, exploração que a República de 1910 não ousou corrigir, não obstante ser uma indústria de alto risco para os trabalhadores, intoxicante, entorpecente, provocando lutas homéricas.

Na mesma data, a Fábrica de Fósforos de Beato produz a sua própria crise para reduzir os salários que eram em 1893 de 60 a 140 réis os das crianças de sete a 14 anos e os das mulheres de 160 a 200 réis, sujeitos a multas, quando "estragassem selos".

Outra profissão de salários baixos, gerador de grandes conflitos e greves, era a dos Corticeiros nos distantes anos de 1893.

Tinha muita razão o escritor Almeida Garret quando escreveu: "Eu pergunto aos economicistas políticos, aos moralistas, se já calcularam o número de indivíduos que é forçoso condenar à miséria, ao trabalho desproporcionado, à desmoralização, à infância, à ignorância crapulosa, à desgraça invencível, à penúria absoluta para se Produzir um Rico?"

Aos poucos, a indústria agrupa trabalhadores em torno das "máquinas" para ampliar a produção, vender e lucrar mais, independente de o proletariado aceitar ou não os longos horários de trabalho. Para opor-se à ganância patronal, Alexandre Fernandes da Fonseca teve a boa idéia de formar a Associação dos Artistas Lisbonenses. Elaborou seus estatutos com ajuda de 19 companheiros recebendo aprovação do governo em 17 de janeiro de 1838 e em 3 de fevereiro de 1839 deu por fundada o que viria a ser a primeira Associação Operária Mutualista Portuguesa, de aspirações mais amplas do que as Irmandades. No começo a marcha foi lenta, mas com o surgimento do jornal O Eco Operário, por iniciativa de Lopes de Mendonça e Sousa Brandão, influenciados pelas idéias libertárias de Proudhon, as associações operárias foram-se ajustando à realidade portuguesa.

O Eco Operário produziu grande impacto nos meios operários e cresce o número de simpatizantes.

Em 1866 nasce resolutamente a Associação Internacional dos Trabalhadores, na Europa. Em seguida explode a Comuna de Paris.

Daí por diante o Movimento Operário cresce implementado pelas reivindicações econômicas. A imprensa socialista e anarquista apoia sua luta e registra greves desse período, inclusive das mulheres corticeiras, destacando as operárias Theodoran Valentin, Maria das Dores e Iria Marques.

Os anarquistas em Portugal deram sinais de vida antes do "nascimento do primeiro" grupo ácrata na capital portuguesa, em 1887.

Nas antigas comunidades, durante as reivindicações sociais, dentro das associações de classes, na imprensa e na palavra de alguns intelectuais aparece o anarquismo.

Os ataques ao Estado, as proposições de uma grande sociedade nacional, formada pelas classes trabalhadoras para produzir riquezas de forma tal que o crescimento da produção se transformasse numa realidade de todos. A emancipação econômica do proletariado, as sociedades cooperativas (hoje seriam autogestionárias) de produção, consumo e distribuição, organizadas para pôr fim à exploração do homem pelo homem. "Sol do conhecimento ilustrando todas as inteligências", de modo que nenhum homem deixasse de conhecer seus direitos e seus deveres, assumindo individual e coletivamente a responsabilidade dos atos de cada um e de todos. E mais: que ninguém mais seria pobre, e que todos teriam direitos à força produtiva e natural da terra, isto é, que a terra seria um bem social.

Não há dúvida são princípios libertários publicados em O Eco Operário, 1850, da autoria de Sousa Brandão.

O professor Rodrigues de Brito adotou a Mutualidade de Serviços com o título A Philosofia do Direito, na sua cadeira, durante os anos de 1858 a 1873.

Os jornais que cobrem o período de 1834 a 1887 transpiram acratismo! E o médico Eduardo Maia, depois de ter lido obras de Pedro Kropotkine, declara-se anarquista em 1879, em discursos e num opúsculo publicado mais tarde.

Antes e depois de Eduardo Maia, a influência libertária aparece clara aqui e ali em grupos de operários e intelectuais dentro das associações de classe. é verdade que o POSP (Partido Operário Socialista Português) conseguiu - por força do autoritarismo de Azedo Gneco - tomar-lhe a frente, ganhando tempo e terreno. A filosofia anarquista começava então a escrever a sua pré-história.

O anarquismo possui todo um corpo de doutrina que requeria estudo, discernimento, poder independente de decisão e não oferecia nada material imediatamente ao proletariado, além de sacrifícios, prisões, torturas e desemprego. O próprio Reclus havia de notar isso quando esteve em Lisboa e escreveu: "A ignorância em que viviam os portugueses em meados do século 19 assemelhava-se à de seus vizinhos marroquinos, ao sul do Algarve. Nos distritos do Norte, Viana do Castelo, Braga e Bragança, uma rapariga que soubesse ler constituía um verdadeiro fenômeno."

E que, "os analfabetos portugueses eram tão diferentes desses camponeses quase instruídos mas grosseiros da Europa do Norte, sabem discutir com moderação, falar com elegância e improvisar em versos onde não faltam a métrica, o ritmo, nem a verdadeira poesia".

Transparece também a busca de conhecimentos revolucionários no exterior, principalmente junto do grupo que publicava Revolta na França. Este mesmo jornal anarquista francês registrou manifestações em Bragança, Portoalegre, Braga, Viana e no Porto; pediu que fosse enviada imprensa libertária e comunicações para João A. Cardoso, Lisboa, ao mesmo tempo que anunciava o aparecimento do órgão libertário A Centelha.

A influência evidente dos anarquistas nas associações e na imprensa conquistava espaço aos socialistas, permitindo debates libertários de Gonçalves Viana e João A. Cardoso nas páginas do jornal A Voz do Operário. Segundo Revolta, A. J. Guedes Quinhones lançou A Garlopa, periódico libertário, que mais tarde se transformaria no Revoltado, enquanto O Protesto Operário acolhia bem polêmica do "companheiro Cardoso, expondo os princípios do socialismo anarquista".

Levantamentos provisórios, permitem acreditar que de 1886 a 1900 existiam em Lisboa 12 grupos anarquistas, quatro no Porto, dois em Coimbra e 2 noutros locais, em torno de oito, seis, quatro e seis jornais publicados nas respectivas localidades.

é preciso reconhecer o esforço heróico dos militantes dos anos 1886-1897 que souberam aproveitar fundando grupos, discursando, escrevendo na imprensa ou distribuindo panfletos, formando "editoras" e publicando brochuras. São dessa época: Biblioteca do Revoltado (2 brochuras); Biblioteca do Grupo Anarquista Revolução Social (7 brochuras); O Novo Mundo (4 brochuras); Biblioteca dos Trabalhadores (2 brochuras); Biblioteca Anarquista (3 brochuras); Biblioteca dos Grupos Anarquistas do Porto (1 brochura); Biblioteca do Grupo Anarquista Os Vingadores (2 brochuras); Biblioteca Primeiro de Maio (1 brochura); Biblioteca Comunista Anarquista do Grupo A Propaganda (1 brochura); Biblioteca de Estudos Sociais (1 brochura); Boa Nova (1 brochura); Biblioteca Emancipadora de Estudos Sociológicos (2 brochuras) e outras publicações avulsas como as de Eduardo Maia sobre o Processo dos Anarquista de Lisboa, editado em 1888.

Eliseu Reclus encontrou-se em Lisboa e conviveu intimamente com anarquistas da época como: João António Cardoso, António José de ávila, Vagueiro, o espanhol Miguel Córdoba e outros. Comeu com eles, passou noites num acanhado quarto de um 4º andar na rua dos Corrieiros, contrariando intelectuais que o convidaram para banquetes e lhe ofereciam outras mordomias.

E foi desse convívio estreito entre o "modesto" homem de ciência francês com os jovens militantes lusitanos que se formaram vários grupos anarquistas. A presença de Reclus em Portugal valeu como "injeção ideológica". Daí a rapidez com que as idéias de Bakunin, Pedro Kropotkine, Cafiero, A. Hamon, Malatesta, Merlino, Pietro Gori, James Guillaume, Jean Grave e tantos pensadores anarquistas ganharam leitores, seguidores e suas obras foram traduzidas e publicadas em Portugal, num desabrochar de sentimentos e de convicções libertárias. E não foram só os grupos formados durante este fluxo contagiante que se devotaram ao estudo ou a publicar obras da anarquista filosofia. Editoras comerciais lançaram coleções sociológicas começando pela A Conquista do Pão, de Pedro Kropotkine; A Psicologia do Militar Profissional, de A. Hamon; Aos Jovens, de Pedro Kropotkine; A Utopia Governamental, de Pedro Kropotkine; A Anarquia, de Malatesta; O Socialismo e o Congresso de Londres, de A. Hamon; O Sentido em que Somos Anarquistas, de Miguel Bakunin; Palavras de um Revoltado, de Pedro Kropotkin; Eduardo Maia, A Autoridade e Anarquia, de Eduardo Maia; O Primeiro de Maio, de Bel Adam; A Evolução Anarquista em Portugal (2 volumes), de J. M. Gonçalves Viana; O Anátema, Filosofia e Crítica Social; A Derrocada; O Sufrágio Universal; O 10 de Fevereiro, os dois últimos de Bel Adam, e Aos Garrotados do Gerez, são algumas das publicações, demonstrando que o anarquismo era uma filosofia estudada em Portugal, nesses anos distantes.

A Evolução, Revolução e o Ideal Anarquista; A Meu Irmão Camponês e Anarquia e a Igreja, de Eliseu Reclus, também ajudavam na sementeira ideológica em solo português.

Em 1886, Protesto Operário publicou trechos de um longo manifesto da Federação das seções anarquistas coletivistas de Barcelona, aconselhando a abstenção, acompanhado de reparos e contestações.

Em seguida, Cardoso aparece colaborando na Voz Operária e seu assunto preferido é a conceituação dos anarquistas referentes às eleições que os socialistas e alguns trabalhadores se propunham participar em votar.

A divergência anarquista-socialista despertou adeptos como todo o tipo de debates e o anarquismo saiu fortalecido.

No Sul formou-se logo o Grupo Social Neo-bakuninista, e no Porto a União Democrática Social.

Os elementos mais atuantes dessa época, do Norte, eram Ermelindo António Martins e J. M. Gonçalves Viana, e no Sul, João António Cardoso, José Bacelar e Tiago Ferreira.

As duas agrupações anarquistas mantinham um elo de ligação e seu farol parece ter sido Le Revolté, jornal publicado em França com a colaboração de Pedro Kropotkine, recebido pelo jovem João António Cardoso.

Em Lisboa, no ano de 1887, aparece o Grupo Comunista-Anarquista e no Porto, em 1888, o jornal anarquista Revolução Social, dirigido por Gonçalves Viana, com a seguinte apresentação: "No futuro queremos o agrupamento livre dos indivíduos por afinidades, simpatias e tendências, aspirações e vontades; só assim será respeitada a liberdade e a vontade de cada indivíduo dentro do grupo, dos grupos dentro da Federação Universal dos grupos produtores e consumidores. Transformada a propriedade individual em comum, os produtores trabalharão naquele trabalho ou ramo de ciência para o que mostrarem mais aptidões, cada um segundo suas forças e consumindo de acordo com suas necessidades."

Em 1887, Lisboa tinha uma população de cerca de 300 mil habitantes (em números redondos) e contava com "12 grupos anarquistas"; Coimbra, 17 mil e "dois grupos anarquistas"; o Porto 150 mil habitantes e "quatro grupos anarquistas" e o apoio de uma dúzia de jornais periódicos e semanários de pequeno formato para a sua propaganda.

Apesar da precariedade dos meios de divulgação, os anarquistas iam atraindo simpatizantes e novos aderentes.

Nos meios socialistas as disputas pessoais acentuavam-se e as cisões beneficiaram os libertários.

Telegramas chegados da Europa noticiavam um atentado contra a vida da anarquista francesa Louise Michel.

O autor, de nome Lucas, "embriagado" na ocasião em que desfechou os tiros quando a libertária discursava no Havre, errara o alvo, terminando em ferimentos leves o "premeditado e sugerido" atentado.

Para não repetir o que já escrevi sobre o anarco-sindicalismo e o anarquismo em Portugal, em mais de 4 mil páginas, vou ater-me ao texto enviado pela União Anarquista Portuguesa ao Congresso Anarquista Internacional, acrescentando-lhe notas esclarecedoras, e continuar a partir de 1923, até aos nossos dias, com minha pesquisa.

"No seu início, o movimento revolucionário, em Portugal, limitava-se às idealizações generosas e humanas ou à aspiração, ao estabelecimento de uma democracia ideal que, violentamente, resolvesse o problema das instituições políticas. Entre estes idealistas fervorosos estavam o poeta Antero de Quental e o historiador Oliveira Martins.

O movimento revolucionário só tomou um caminho mais firme depois da proclamação da Comuna de Paris e influenciado pelas lutas travadas entre as tendências marxista e bakuninista, na 1ª Internacional. Em Portugal, desencadeou-se uma luta semelhante, porém, de proporções mínimas, em conseqüência de ser quase nula a ação revolucionária.

No ano de 1871, três enviados da Internacional vieram a Lisboa; eram de nacionalidade espanhola e conseguiram reunir os melhores elementos socialistas para a organização de um grupo, cuja estrutura fosse moldada nos estatutos da Aliança da Democracia Socialista, fundada por Bakunin. Apareceu o primeiro opúsculo, redigido por Antero de Quental, intitulado O Que é a Internacional? E fundou-se o primeiro jornal socialista, que tomou o nome de O Pensamento Social. Ao mesmo tempo formou-se a primeira organização de trabalhadores de caráter profundamente coletivista, que se denominou Fraternidade Operária. No ano imediato, já se reuniam nesta organização, dividida em seções de resistência por ofícios, 10 mil operários de Lisboa, cerca de 8 mil no Porto, além de muitos milhares nas outras terras.

Alguns anarquistas, porém, seguindo as doutrinas de Bakunin, travaram luta contra esta forma de organização; imediatamente se afastaram para se reunirem num grupo antipolítico. Outros anarquistas permaneceram, tornando-se conhecidos por aliancistas. Os dissidentes não puderam aceitar ou impôr uma luta decisiva, por serem muito poucos, apesar de serem os de maior cultura, e tornar-se a sua ação bem depressa estéril em face das forças organizadas, que os socialistas reuniram em grande número.

No dia 10 de janeiro de 1875, fundou-se o partido socialista, que apresenta um programa de realizações com caráter proletário; os seus organizadores eram os mesmos que haviam formado a Fraternidade Operária. Os anarquistas fizeram logo uma tenaz oposição, que chegou a atingir um aspecto violento mas nunca decisivo.

Em 1886, Eliseu Reclus chega a Lisboa, avistando-se com os anarquistas portugueses, com os quais se reuniu na casa de um dos mais novos e dos mais cultos, e que era então o único estrangeiro que colaborava no jornal Le Revolté. Travou uma controvérsia tenacíssima com o anarquista espanhol Albanan, que era anarquista coletivista, em desacordo com a doutrina anarquista comunista, que Reclus propugnava. O sábio geógrafo partiu para a áfrica, com o objetivo de realizar estudos seus, e as discussões continuaram.

O grupo editava então a Revolução Social, o primeiro periódico anarquista que se publicou em Portugal. Convidado a manifestar-se, Reclus enviou àquele jornal uma carta declarando peremtoriamente que atas e regulamentos, como pretendia Albanan, eram a completa negação do anarquismo, e que a organização de grupos deveria fazer-se por afinidades. Esta carta foi o golpe decisivo nas doutrinas que defendia Albanan; e desde então o movimento anarquista, entre nós, começou acentuando a tendência libertária, que ainda hoje perdura.

Em 1887, o mesmo grupo, denominado então Grupo Anarquista Comunista de Lisboa, publica uma declaração de princípios, que concluía assim;

"O grupo comunista anarquista de Lisboa constituiu-se independente dos partidos políticos, para difundir e agitar todas as suas teorias preconizando a Liquidação Social, a Revolução Social, como meios imprescindíveis para conseguir a emancipação das classes trabalhadoras. Portanto, rejeita: 1º - A legalidade dos meios de ação quer das agitações eleitorais quer das mistificações parlamentares. 2º - A legalidade imposta pelo Estado ou pela religião à constituição da família. 3º - A submissão à autoridade pessoal ou legislativa, absoluta, mandatária ou patronal. 4º - Sentimento patriótico ou nacional, o egoísmo de raças, de religiões e línguas, como meios de ação aceitando as reivindicações de personalidade individual e as condições viciosas da sociedade prescrevem: a) A prática da solidariedade com todos os grupos que, como nós, pretendem eliminar o sistema social contemporâneo, com todos os indivíduos antiestatais. b) Acelerar a decomposição política e econômica dos estados, preconizando a abstenção à urna, a deserção da caserna, a greve violenta e a propaganda ilegal no terreno dos fatos; c) Aproveitar a desorganização a que estes meios conduzem os poderes públicos para proceder à liquidação social. E como corolário da organização futura, inscreve na sua bandeira as palavras Comunismo e Anarquia."

A visita de Eliseu Reclus havia impulsionado a propaganda anarquista. Começou surgindo mais numerosa a imprensa ácrata, quase toda ela defendendo a doutrina comunista.

Mas a ação dos anarquistas que foi brilhante, não se particularizou por qualquer acontecimento extraordinário. No capítulo sobre o movimento revolucionário descreveremos essa ação.

Em 1904, na cidade do Porto, constituiu-se o Grupo de Propaganda Libertária, que ainda hoje existe, sendo o mais antigo e o que maior e mais profícuo esforço tem empregado na propaganda anarquista. Por ele passaram as maiores figuras do movimento, a par das mais modestas. Impulsionou ou iniciou a organização de numerosos centros de caráter social no norte de Portugal; tomou a iniciativa da formação do Comitê Sindicalista do Norte, do qual surgiu a organização operária naquela região; fomentou a agitação em Portugal contra o fuzilamento de Ferrer.

Fundiu-se com o grupo Aurora Social, passou a editar o semanário anarquista A Aurora, que pertencia àquele grupo e que sucedera ao semanário A Vida. O semanário A Comuna sucedeu depois àquele, mas um grupo editor foi especialmente constituído para manter a sua publicação.

Se este grupo nos merece referência especial, deve-se à ação que ele dispendia na sua larga existência. Outros grupos se formaram, desenvolvendo com maior ou menor eficácia a sua ação; mas a sua existência dependia, como é natural, das condições de vida de seus componentes.

A propaganda anarquista prosseguiu sempre, embora poucas vezes com a continuidade e com a intensidade desejada, havendo mesmo períodos de estagnação.

Mas nunca os anarquistas deixaram de pugnar pelas íntegras concepções do ideal. Durante a guerra mundial, a maior parte dos anarquistas portugueses combateram energicamente os que preconizavam a participação de todas as forças revolucionárias no combate ao militarismo alemão. O lugar primacial na crítica antiintervencionista foi ocupado por Neno Vasco, muito conhecido em vários meios anarquistas do estrangeiro, e que sustentou uma animada controvérsia com elementos anarquistas espanhóis que se manifestavam intervencionistas.

Toda a imprensa anarquista combateu o intervencionismo, não querendo diferenciar o militarismo alemão do militarismo de qualquer outra nação. A campanha antiguerrista foi intensificada tanto na imprensa como na tribuna aproveitando-se admiravelmente da impopularidade que tinha a chamada política de guerra.

Distinguiram-se nesta campanha A Aurora, do Porto, em que Neno Vasco colaborava, e a revista A Sementeira. Em público, onde aparecessem políticos pregando a guerra, surgiam anarquistas a defrontá-los, combatendo-os vigorosamente face a face, e esta agitação se prolongou até 1917, data em que se suspendeu o envio de tropas para a guerra; nunca foi isenta de conflitos graves.

Em Portugal nunca se formou verdadeiramente um movimento intelectual com caráter anarquista bem-definido. A imprensa foi sempre o reflexo, o fio condutor da atividade anarquista na propaganda. São em número diminuto as obras de fundo redigidas por anarquistas portugueses sobre sociologia, economia ou filosofia; e desta falta resulta buscar-se os livros anarquistas publicados nos outros países para as bibliotecas dos estudiosos. Além disso, os anarquistas portugueses apenas têm exposto os seus estudos, breves. Efêmeros, em pequenos folhetos, em raras conferências ou nas colunas dos jornais.

Em 1886 aparece o primeiro periódico anarquista, Revolução Social, que publicou até o ano imediato 48 números. Foi dos jornais de maior duração. Depois deste, não há notícia de mais nenhum, sendo pouco provável que se tenha publicado. Mas em 1894, surge novo jornal intitulado A Propaganda, e que foi um dos mais célebres jornais anarquistas, pela sua combatividade e pela sua crítica. Em 1892, porém, publicara-se um outro jornal, A Revolta, que teve curta existência. Diversas tentativas de publicação se fariam, algumas sem resultado. O Agitador, que se publicou em 1895, foi um dos melhores jornais de propaganda e de combate. Em 1905, alguns anarquistas, influenciados pelo seu prestígio anterior, fazem-no reaparecer, mas a sua publicação torna-se clandestina por causa da repressão que as autoridades desenvolviam contra os elementos avançados, republicanos, socialistas, anarquistas.

Além destes e doutros jornais, nenhumas outras publicações periódicas se faziam. A mais importante revista publicada em Portugal foi A Sementeira, cuja publicação decorreu desde 1908.

Só depois de 1911, num período mais intenso de propaganda anarquista, se publicaram outras revistas, porém, todas elas foram de curta duração. O semanário Terra Livre, publicado em 1913, tinha todo o caráter de revista. Nele colaboraram quase unicamente figuras intelectuais do movimento anarquista, entre eles o falecido Neno Vasco. A ação deste semanário foi de tamanho êxito, pela sua orientação admirável e pela sua colaboração escolhida, que o governo republicano notou a sua influência no povo; então, suprimiu-o, apesar da lei de imprensa não o permitir. Os redatores empreenderam a publicação de um novo jornal, O Protesto, que seguia a carreira do seu antecessor; mas as perseguições prosseguiram tão violentas, que poucos números foram publicados. O seu redator principal, Pinto Quartin, por ser natural do Brasil, mas vivendo e tendo sido educado em Portugal, foi metido a bordo de um navio que o conduziu àquele país.

No Porto, também a imprensa anarquista tomou uma parte brilhante na propaganda. O grupo Aurora Social veio publicando sucessivamente, após

O Despertar (1908, 89 números), A Vida (1909, 286 números), A Aurora (que durou até 1919, tendo passado para o grupo Propaganda Libertária, que continuou a sua publicação e fez suceder

A Comuna, em 1º de maio de 1920, prosseguindo a sua publicação atualmente a cargo de um grupo editor.

Numerosos jornais se têm publicado e desempenhando quase todos, durante a sua existência, tantas vezes efêmera, um papel admirável na propaganda. Enumeramos alguns, cuja recordação perdurou: Porto, 1887 - Revolução Social (48 números); 1892 - A Revolta; 1894 - A Propaganda; 1895 - O Agitador,

O Lutador, Grito de Revolta e O Trabalhador; 1898 - A Idea; 1900 - A Aurora (6 números); 1901 - O Proletário (2 números); 1903 - A Obra, A Verdade (3 números) 1905 - O Agitador (clandestino), A Vida; 1909 - O Libertário,

Ação (2 números), Paz e Liberdade (29 números); 1910 - O Rebelde (2 números, Funchal), A Conquista do Bem (2 números); 1911 - Vida Livre (3 números),

Tempos Novos (4 números), Avante (5 números): 1913 - O Anarquista (1 número), Terra Livre, O Protesto, etc. SOURCE:
3/2006 added link to the source link page at Portuguese wiki:

2006 --

(pt) Artigo da Wikipédia: Anarquismo no Brasil

Date Mon, 27 Feb 2006 11:21:07 +0100 (CET)
Talvez uma das primeiras experiências anarquistas do mundo, antes mesmo de
ter sido criado o termo, tenha ocorrido às margens da Baía de Babitonga,
próximo à cidade histórica de São Francisco do Sul. Em 1842 o Dr. Benoit
Jules Mure, inspirado na teorias de Fourier, instala o Falanstério do Saí
ou Colônia Industrial do Saí, com os colonos chegados da França ao Rio de
Janeiro em 1841. Houve dissidências e um grupo dissidente, à frente do
qual estava Michel Derrion, constituiu outra colônia a algumas léguas do
Saí, num lugar chamado Palmital: a Colônia do Palmital. Mure conseguiu
apoio do Coronel Oliveira Camacho e do presidente da Província de Santa
Catarina, Antero Ferreira de Brito. Este apoio foi-lhe fundamental para
posteriormente conseguir a ajuda financeira do Governo Imperial do Brasil
para seu projeto.

O anarquismo no Brasil ganhou força com a grande imigração de
trabalhadores europeus entre fins do século XIX e início do XX. Em 1889
Giovani Rossi tentou fundar em Palmeira, no interior do Paraná, uma
comunidade baseada no trabalho, na vida e na negação do reconhecimento
civil e religioso do matrimônio, o que não significa, necessariamente,
"amor livre", a Colônia Cecília. A experiência teve curta duração.

No início do século XX, o anarquismo e o anarcossindicalismo eram
tendências majoritárias entre o operariado, culminando com as grandes
greves de 1917, em São Paulo, e 1918-1919, no Rio de Janeiro. Alguns
acreditam que a decadência do movimento anarquista se deveu ao
fortalecimento das correntes do socialismo autoritário, ou estatal, i.e.,
marxista-leninista, com a criação do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) em
1922 feita, inclusive, por ex-integrantes do movimento anarquista que
influenciados pelo sucesso da revolução Russa, decidem fundar um partido,
aos moldes do partido bolchevique russo. Porém, esta posição, sustentada
por muitos historiadores, foi contestada pelos recentes estudos do
historiador Alexandre Samis, que afirma que a influência anarquista no
movimento operário cresceu mais durante este período do que o já fundado
(PCB) e só a repressão do governo Artur Bernardes, viria diminuir a
influência das idéias anarquistas no seio do movimento grevista.
Interessante afirmar que, devido aos problemas de comunicação resultantes
da tecnologia da época, os anarquistas só foram compreender a revolução
russa de uma maneira ideológica mais clara, a partir das notícias de
célebres anarquistas, como a estadunidense Emma Goldman, que denunciara as
atrocidades cometidas na Rússia em nome da ditadura do proletariado. Foi a
partir deste momento histórico que se definiu a posição tática do
anarquismo perante os socialistas autoritários no Brasil, separando a
confusão ideológica que reinava em torno da revolução russa. Identificada
pelos anarquistas inicialmente como uma revolução libertária (devido aos
problemas de comunicação da época), fora desmistificada pelos anarquistas,
que acreditam no socialismo sem ditadura, defendendo a liberdade e a
abolição do Estado.

A-infos-pt mailing list

2006 -- TO DO, MANY ITALIAN NAMES & DATES & EVENTS (in database in two parts because of size part one) I ALSO HAVE COPIES OF THIS IN GMAIL, ARCHIVE & TO DO FOLDERS



Questo lavoro di ricerca nasce dall'esigenza di ripercorrere le tappe del sindacalismo anarchico a Modena, protagonista attivo delle lotte dei lavoratori della città, fino al fascismo. "Selezionando" minuziosamente tra le carte e i documenti disponibili nei vari archivi e biblioteche di Modena, siamo riusciti a ricostruire gli eventi e la storia di personaggi che hanno contribuito a realizzare, attraverso lo strumento del sindacalismo, una trasformazione della società in senso libertario: un tentativo di cambiamento che si evidenzia nei passaggi che abbiamo scelto di ripercorrere in questo testo. Avremmo potuto condire il tutto maggiormente, magari dedicando qualche pagina in più anche al contesto nazionale che si stava sviluppando in quell'epoca in Italia, ma ci siamo volutamente limitati a risaltare la situazione locale dai primi anni del '900 fino al fascismo, per la volontà nostra di ricostituire la sezione U.S.I modenese.
La finalità di questo opuscolo è quella di portare alla luce fatti e personaggi anarchici e libertari, sindacalisti e lavoratori che costituirono una buona parte del tessuto sociale modenese. Non è una semplice cronologia, ma vuole essere una dimostrazione effettiva che Modena e la sua gente vivevano all'interno di un contesto sociale e culturale rivoluzionario, con sentimenti rivolti alla solidarietà tra gli individui e con valori come l'emancipazione e la libertà.
Considerando questi aspetti, crediamo che la politica di partito e dei suoi sindacati maggiori abbiano strategicamente impegnato una buona parte delle loro forze per far si che ogni impronta rivoluzionaria venisse rimossa, infatti "Dove le correnti sindacaliste non furono liquidate dal fascismo e dal bolscevismo, provvidero le democrazie occidentali mediante un mix di repressione e integrazione.
L'azione diretta è tornata all'ordine del giorno negli ultimi decenni del XX secolo e con essa l'interesse per il sindacalismo rivoluzionario. Con la fine dell'età dell'oro del capitalismo, i decenni seguenti, la seconda guerra mondiale, con lo sviluppo di lotte di massa radicali, con il diffondersi di una critica diffusa alle burocrazie partitiche e sindacali e allo stesso parlamentarismo, con l'esaurirsi del mito sovietico, alcune questioni radicali sono tornate all'ordine del giorno."
(tratto da: Il sindacalismo rivoluzionario in Italia, Alibrando Giovannetti, ed. ZiC)
Condividiamo anche l'analisi di Cosimo Scarinzi che ritiene che "non vi è alcuna significativa continuità organizzativa tra sindacalismo dei primi decenni del '900 e autonomia operaia della fine dello stesso secolo. La stessa ripresa dell'interesse storico per queste vicende si è data a partire dalle questioni d'oggi. Un nuovo movimento d'opposizione sociale ha suscitato l'energie intellettuali che hanno portato diversi gruppi di compagni a cercare le radici della propria prassi."

U.S.I. Unione Sindacale Italiana
Il sindacalismo anarchico prima della nascita dell'U.S.I

Alla fine dell'800 un clima politico rivoluzionario caratterizzava l'Italia, scioperi a causa del caro viveri e della disoccupazione, repressione dura nei confronti della popolazione che non accettava le condizioni di vita a cui era sottoposta. Protagonisti di queste lotte erano i lavoratori, molti dei quali riuniti in leghe di resistenza e società operaie di mutuo soccorso (SOMS). A Modena ricordiamo la lega dei muratori (che aderirà poi all'U.S.I), quella dei fornai, braccianti ecc.
Dopo il grande sciopero del 1904 la presenza sindacalista in Italia inizia a declinare e nel 1906 viene costituita la Confederazione generale del lavoro (CGdL) da parte dei riformisti.
Nel 1907 è costituito il Comitato nazionale della resistenza, che trova il più solido punto di riferimento nella Camera del lavoro di Parma. E proprio a Parma nel 1908 i lavoratori sono protagonisti di un durissimo sciopero agrario, dopo il quale numerose organizzazioni sindacaliste rivoluzionarie decidono di rientrare nella CGdL, ma inizia anche un lavoro di penetrazione nel settore meccanico e in altre categorie industriali.
Per coordinare le organizzazioni che si riconoscono nel sindacalismo rivoluzionario nasce nel 1910 il Comitato dell' azione diretta. I temi dello scontro con la CGdL sono il rifiuto del burocratismo confederale e della mediazione parlamentare, la pratica dell'azione diretta, la concezione dello sciopero generale come strumento di rottura, la centralità delle Camere del lavoro rispetto alle federazioni nazionali, l'autonomia organizzativa e finanziaria delle leghe e delle Camere del lavoro.
I sindacalisti rivoluzionari trovano spazi d'azione anche per la situazione di crisi economica e per l'offensiva delle organizzazioni padronali. I punti di forza sono le leghe dell' Emilia e della Toscana, i metallurgici di Torino, Milano e Piombino, i braccianti pugliesi. Non aderiscono, ma si riconoscono nell' indirizzo sindacalista, la Camera del lavoro di Ferrara e il potente sindacato dei ferrovieri ( 90.000 iscritti ).

Questa era la situazione nella Provincia di Modena nel 1911:
"Delle tendenze che dividono e suddividono il partito socialista, prevale in questa città e nel primo circondario della Provincia la tendenza riformista, alla quale appartengono i dirigenti della locale Camera del lavoro (CGdL) e delle maggiori organizzazioni economiche e politiche del partito.
La fazione sindacalista o intransigente (che costituirà l'U.S.I) ha però larghe aderenze specialmente tra alcune classi operaie, come muratori e braccianti, le cui leghe sono generalmente dirette da propagandisti che, per la loro combattività, esercitano grande influenza sulle direttive del partito, i quali si servono anche del periodico "La Bandiera del Popolo" che si pubblica a Mirandola e va assumendo larga diffusione anche negli altri circondari della Provincia. Questi propagandisti, quali De Pietri Tonelli Germano di Carpi, che ha funzionato in questi ultimi mesi da segretario della Camera del lavoro di Mirandola (che aderirà all'U.S.I), Vecchi Nicola, Bertani Mario, Vincenzi Zelindo, i fratelli Chiossi, tutti muratori di Modena, progettarono senza riunirsi, di istituire in Modena una Camera del lavoro Sindacalista (U.S.I) in contrapposizione a quella riformista già esistente(…)In occasione di agitazioni economiche e politiche prevale sempre la tendenza rivoluzionaria".
(tratto da un documento della prefettura di Modena del 9 ottobre 1911)
La lega dei muratori a Modena era quella più attiva, vi facevano parte molti lavoratori edili e aveva sede in Via S.Agata 14, ora Piazza Matteotti; la sua esistenza è documentata nei giornali "Bandiera del popolo" dal 1910. L' Adunanza del comitato del sindacato decise "…di portare dal 1 GENNAIO / JANUARY (1912) la sede a Modena presso la casa dei muratori in via S.Agata 14…"
( Tratto da: La bandiera del popolo, 6 GENNAIO / JANUARY 1912 Pag 3).
Il 20 GENNAIO / JANUARY 1912 viene pubblicato sullo stesso giornale l'annuncio del congresso provinciale edile tenuto il giorno seguente presso la casa dei muratori di via S.Agata 14 a Modena.
La casa dei muratori era stata comprata dai lavoratori aderenti alla lega, alcuni dei quali vivevano all'interno dello stesso stabile, di questo troviamo testimonianza in un articolo del 1922 "…considerato che la casa sociale posta in via S.Agata 14 è di legittima proprietà della Lega muratori manovali e fumisti del comune di Modena (…) e che nessuno all'infuori di questi può vantare diritti di sorta…"
(Tratto da: articolo della Gazzetta dell'Emilia 22/11/22)

La nascita dell'U.S.I.

Il 23-24-25 novembre / NOVEMBER 1912 si tenne a Modena il Congresso nazionale dell'Azione Diretta, inizialmente fissato per i giorni 19-20-21 ottobre /OCTOBER e successivamente rinviato a causa dei lavori di mietitura e trebbiatura, poiché molte delle località coinvolte, a prevalenza contadina, avrebbero ostacolato la convocazione delle adunanze delle leghe per deliberare l'adesione al comitato dell'Azione Diretta, e in questo modo si permise ai relatori di avere il tempo di terminare le rispettive relazioni per poterle pubblicare ed inviare alle organizzazioni aderenti.
Nell' USI confluiscono due tradizioni sindacali: quella anarchica e quella sindacalista rivoluzionaria; quest'ultima si era affermata all'inizio del secolo all'interno del PSI, sotto la spinta dell' esempio francese.
Nel dibattito all'interno del congresso emergono le critiche al sindacalismo riformista caratterizzato da politicantismo, accentramento, autoritarismo, burocratismo, corporativismo e idolatria contrapposto al sindacalismo rivoluzionario che si fonda su principi quali il decentramento e autonomia, neutralità partitica, libertarismo, antiburocrazia, combattività e solidarietà di classe.

Tramite l'autogestione delle lotte maturava la sensibilità politica dei lavoratori e si elaboravano nuove tecniche di scontro. Il sindacato in un' ottica libertaria diventa uno strumento di diffusione dei principi anarchici tra i lavoratori, e lo sciopero, che diventa più esteso, acquista un nuovo significato, come collante tra i lavoratori e, integrato con altri metodi, l'arma principale della lotta.

23-24-25 novembre / NOVEMBER 1912 congresso, tenutosi a Modena, dal quale nasce l'U.S.I
(tratto da: Bandiera del Popolo 23 e 30 novembre 1912)
"Della prima giornata è bene accennare, in questi giorni in cui molti uomini di allora invocano la reazione, questo importante ordine del giorno(o.d.g) per le vittime politiche e per l'Amnistia. Si chiedeva:
a) -Amnistia per tutti I reati di carattere politico, sindacale e militare.
b) -Abrogazione della legge eccezionale Crispi e dell'Art 247 del Codice Penale riguardante l'eccitamento all'odio fra le classi sociali.
c) -La migliore precisazione degli articoli 151-246, 248 252 del CP riguardanti - la violenza private - l'istigazione a delinquere , l'associazione a delinquere e l'eccitamento alla Guerra civile, in modo che non possano più essere usati a scopo di persecuzione politica come lo sono stati fin qui.
d) - La modifica degli articoli 393,394 del CP riguardanti la diffamazione almeno nel senso indicato dal progetto di legge del ministro Orlando.
Tale o.d.g fu, come il corollario, la base per la vasta e vivacissima battaglia per le vittime politiche che per I presunti reati commessi durante la Guerra di Libia ve ne furono una fioritura veramente enorme. La conclusione della intensa battaglia per le vittime politiche fu l'amnistia parziale del dicembre 1912.
La seconda giornata del congresso fu quasi completamente esaurita dalla discussione sui rapporti con la Confederazione del Lavoro (CGdL). La discussione si svolgeva serrata, appassionata e la granparte dei militanti vi partecipa: Ines e Giovanni Bitelli, Furio pace, Barani, Paolo Campi da un lato: dall'altro Amilcare De Ambris, Corridoni, Nencini, Pagani, Sassi, Meschi, Gregori, Guberti il sottoscritto (Alibrando Giovanetti, ndr) ecc…
Ecco l'o.d.g votato:
"Il congresso nazionale dell' azione diretta, riafferma anzitutto il principio dell'Unità operaia necessaria al proletariato per completare le sue conquiste e conseguire i suoi destini;
"rileva che la, come non ha saputo fin qui realizzare l'unità, si dimostra evidentemente incapace a realizzarla nel futuro per la sua tendenza sempre più spiccata a diventare un vero e proprio partito parlamentare,chiuso ed esclusivista, tanto da negare l'accesso alle organizzazioni che non vogliono accettare senza discussione i dogmi politici e sindacali imposti da quella minoranza che per fortuito caso e non senza taccia di frode si è impossessata di essa;
"ritiene superfluo e improduttivamente dilatorio -in base all'esperienza degli ultimi anni- insistere ancora nella risoluzione adottata dal convegno sindacale tenuto a Bologna il 12 dicembre 1910, risoluzione resa frustranca dal contegno della CGdL che ha rifiutato- con settario abuso mal mascherato di cavilli procedurali- l'adesione delle più notevoli e meglio organizzate forze sindacaliste; riconosce che un vero organismo di unità operaia non può esistere in Italia se non si ispira ai principi dell'indifferenza di fronte a tutte le confessioni religiose, della neutralità di fronte a tutti i partiti politici e dell'autonomia sindacale;
delibera quindi:
in omaggio a questi criteri di dar vita a un nuovo organismo nel quale d'accordo con tutte le forze operaie organizzate- estranee alla CGdL- sia possibile attuare seriamente la realizzazione della Unità Proletaria Italiana, sulle indicate basi dell' aconfessionalismo, dell'apoliticismo di partito e dell'autonomismo sindacale.
Il congresso fa perciò invito alle organizzazioni che accettano quest'ordine di idee di aderire senz'altro al nuovo istituto unitario lasciandole libere di tenere verso gli organismi nazionali esistenti quell'atteggiamento che crederanno più conveniente ai fini della conservazione dell'Unità locale".

Nel novembre 1912 aderivano all'U.S.I 87.710 lavoratori di cui 18.000 solo a Parma e 17.000 alla Camera del Lavoro della bassa modenese; si manifesta da subito l'importanza dell'Emilia Romagna come culla del sindacato libertario.
Il 21 dicembre 1912 si tenne il congresso edile provinciale alla casa dei muratori in via S.Agata 14.
(Tratto da: articolo della Gazzetta dell'Emilia 22/11/22)

Nel 1913 l' USI organizza 101.129 lavoratori, di cui 14.000 a Modena, contro i 300.000 della CGdL, ma l' organizzazione deve subire una grave spaccatura a seguito dello scoppio della prima guerra mondiale. Mentre le leghe dirette dagli anarchici rimangono coerentemente neutraliste, la maggioranza dei sindacalisti rivoluzionari si dichiara favorevole all' intervento in guerra dell' Italia.
Gli aderenti diminuiscono notevolmente durante gli anni di guerra ( circa 50.000 ), ma poi nel dopoguerra l' USI conosce un notevole sviluppo, arrivando ad organizzare mezzo milione di lavoratori.
Il 2 febbraio / FEBRUARY 2 1913 si tenne il convegno delle leghe di Modena e Carpi, da cui nasce la Camera del Lavoro Sindacalista a Modena che aderisce all'U.S.I. Lo stesso giorno anche a Mirandola, le leghe della bassa partecipano in maggioranza al congresso costitutivo della locale Camera del lavoro sindacalista, aderendo anche loro all'U.S.I.
La Camera del lavoro sindacalista stabilisce la propria sede a Modena in via S. Agata 14, con una succursale a Mirandola.
Con la costituzione della Camera del Lavoro sindacalista l' unificazione sindacale non è dunque raggiunta, ma si chiariscono definitivamente le posizioni all' interno del movimento sindacale, che si divide verticalmente: da una parte i sindacalisti rivoluzionari e gli anarchici (nell'U.S.I), dall' altra i socialisti intransigenti (CGdL).

L'U.S.I nel primo semestre del 1914 poteva contare su 123.556 associati con massima concentrazione a Parma dove si contavano 271 leghe con 39.041 aderenti. La Camera del Lavoro Sindacalista (U.S.I) di Modena si rivela anch'essa tra le organizzazioni aderenti all' USI, seconda solo a Parma per numero di iscritti.

Luglio 1914: scoppio della prima guerra mondiale
Con lo scoppio della guerra l'Italia si divide tra interventisti e non interventisti. Anche all'interno dei sindacati si verificano scontri e spaccature; all'interno dell'U.S.I, la cui anima libertaria rimane coerente con i principi antimilitaristi, avviene la prima spaccatura con le Camere del lavoro di Parma e Milano che seguono la linea interventista. A Modena nel maggio del 1915 l'U.S.I si riunì a Consiglio Generale per discutere il doloroso e difficile tema dell'interventismo.
A Modena la Camera del lavoro sindacalista (U.S.I), diretta prevalentemente da anarchici, non solo si schiera decisamente contro l' intervento, ma diventa un punto di riferimento per il fronte neutralista dell' USI, che fa da contraltare a quello interventista della Camera del lavoro di Parma (aderente all'U.S.I).
Manifestazioni di protesta nelle piazze e incidenti con i nazionalisti e con la polizia non mancano in tutta Modena e provincia: molto importante è il ruolo delle donne che si organizzano in massa per protestare: nel dicembre 1916 gruppi di donne provenienti dalle campagne tentano di coinvolgere nella protesta contro la guerra le operaie della Manifattura tabacchi.
Un esempio significativo lo dimostra uno dei tanti scioperi che hanno caratterizzato quel periodo di grandi proteste; a Mirandola uno sciopero si conclude con 150 arresti, tra i quali solo 10 maschi, 38 manifestanti inviati al fronte e 11 lavoratori licenziati. Questo sciopero è stato considerato il più importante di quel periodo su scala nazionale per la sua ampiezza e violenza, purtroppo terminato con una durissima repressione.

Nell'aprile 1916 l'esponente più importante dell'U.S.I nel modenese è Alibrando Giovanetti, che si era trasferito a Modena dove venne nominato segretario della Cooperativa braccianti.
La guerra finisce e nel 1919 l'U.S.I conta 180.000 aderenti a livello nazionale e arriva nel 1921 a contare mezzo milione di lavoratori che aderiscono alla sua lotta.
Nel 1919 la Camera del Lavoro Sindacalista di Modena (U.S.I) è diretta da Nicola Vecchi e conta 10.000 lavoratori tra agricoli ed edili.
Il dopoguerra si apre con un' importante iniziativa unitaria: nel marzo 1919 il partito socialista, il gruppo libertario e le due Camere del Lavoro firmano un accordo per "l' unità proletaria".
In questi giorni a Modena viene indetto un comizio, inizialmente tenutosi nel salone di via S.Vincenzo, ma portato a grande richiesta in Piazza Grande, a cui partecipano come oratori, per la CdLS, Armando Borghi, e per la Federazione Anarchica Emiliana, Mancinelli.
Il 20 e il 21 luglio, sempre nella nostra città, viene indetto invece un grande sciopero generale dalla camera del lavoro Unitaria (CGdL), da quella Sindacalista (U.S.I), del Gruppo Libertario e della Federazione Provinciale Socialista.

In questi anni le due organizzazioni sindacali conoscono un forte sviluppo: nel 1920 la Camera del Lavoro Unitaria raccoglie 40.000 iscritti, che saliranno a 65.000 con l'adesione dei contadini, mentre quella Sindacalista (U.S.I) inquadra 17.000 lavoratori.
Cercando documentazione negli archici modenesi abbiamo trovato un volantino che era stato diffuso davanti ad alcune fabbriche il 3 luglio del 1919 e sequestrato dalla polizia. Questo il testo:

Ancora una volta le preoccupazioni vostre di fronte al continuo rincarare dei generi alimentari, l'istinto di vivere, il voler vivere nel miglior modo possibile, v'inducono a discutere tra di voi vi costringono a comiziare a protestare contro chi è la causa di questo stato di cose, contro chi è colpevole dei vostri triboli, delle vostre miserie.
Ad agitarvi, a far sentire la vostra protesta, a dimostrare che siete tutt'altro che contenti dell'attuale disordine sociale, fate bene, compiteun po' del vostro dovere e noi, lavoratori come voi, saremo al vostro fianco sempre e dovunque; però come vi abbiamo sempre detto per il passato, e cioè fintantoché darete nelle mani dei vostri padroni il prodotto del vostro lavoro a nulla varrà il farvi aumentare la mercede di qualche centesimo perché il padrone ve li riprenderà subito facendovi pagare a maggior prezzo la merce che vi abbisogna, così ora, di fronte al caro-viveri, vi ripetiamo: che coi vostri comizi colle vostre manifestazioni a carattere quietista non ne potrete ottenere che vantaggi insignificanti, irrisori e momentanei, che quindi noi lavoratori abbiamo il diritto e siamoin dovere mercè la nostra azione, la nostra forza, di trasformare, di rivoluzionare quest'iniqua società borghese, capitalistica, che è causa, per noi, di tante miserie, di tanti dolori, di tanti lutti.
Come in Russia, come in Ungheria ed in altri paesi, noi dobbiamo far si che dei prodotti della terra e delle officine ne abbia a godere soltanto che ha lavorato chi ha prodotto. E' ora di finirla che chi non lavora, chi non fatica gode tutti i piaceri della vita, mentre a voi è imposto il lavoro, l'ignoranza, la miseria, la fame ed anche la morte; è ora di finirla di pretendere da noi soltanto dei doveri, il dovere di lavorare, di morire nell'officina, nella miniera e sui campi della strage, della guerra, il dovere di servire sempre; soltanto chi lavora chi produce ha il diritto di mangiare, di comandare.
Non è l'aumento del salario o la diminuzione di cinque centesimi al chilo sul prezzo delle patate che noi dobbiamo reclamare, ma è la Rivoluzione Sociale che dobbiamo fare, è l'abolizione dello sfruttamento dell'oppressione capitalistica che dobbiamo volere, è il Comunismo Anarchico che dobbiamo instaurare. All'opra dunque con fede, con entusiasmo, con coraggio, con spirito di sacrificio e la vittoria sarà nostra…
Abbasso il regime capitalista!W la Rivoluzione Sociale!
W il comunismo anarchico!
Gli Anarchici"

Da alcuni documenti della questura e della prefettura di Modena apprendiamo azioni e relazioni delle due Camere del Lavoro, quella Unitaria e quella Sindacalista. In uno di questi documenti il prefetto comunica che il 31/1/1920 si tenne un congresso a Mirandola, il VII congresso camerale della Camera del Lavoro Sindacalista, "nel quale vennero trattati tutti gli argomenti di attualità, politici ed economici, come le elezioni politiche a riguardo delle quali confermò i propositi di astensionismo, gli scioperi generali dei postelegrafonici, e dei ferrovieri a cui si sarebbe voluto dare carattere prettamente rivoluzionario; le agitazioni per il caro viveri e per la disoccupazione...".
Un documento della prefettura riporta alcune delle decisioni prese nel congresso della Camera del Lavoro Sindacalista (U.S.I); sul problema della disoccupazione riporta: "…il fenomeno della disoccupazione frutto dell'attuale ordinamento borghese, non può essere risolto che transitoriamente mediante l'azione di piazza dell'operaio, imponendo l'esecuzione dei lavori pubblici e occupando, da parte dei contadini, le terre incolte". Sulla cooperazione "…riconosce che essa è favorita dagli elementi riformisti a scopo di interessi individualistici e politici ed aiutata dallo Stato, perché vede in essa un mezzo conservatore dei propri privilegi", ma nel frattempo "ammette che essa possa essere tollerata, solo quando sia di sussidio alla lotta di classe esplicata dal Sindacato Rivoluzionario".
Nel congresso inoltre, continua a riferire il Prefetto, " si deliberò che in ogni comune si passi immediatamente alla formazione dei consigli operai e contadini come completamento dei Comitati Locali…".
Al congresso si decise inoltre la pubblicazione del giornale "Bandiera Operaia".
In un telegramma della prefettura troviamo invece considerazioni sulla CdLS (U.S.I): "Nel febbraio / FEBRUARY del 1920 la posizione della CdLS (U.S.I) è intesa a dare un senso rivoluzionario agli scioperi in corso (dei ferrovieri e dei postelegrafonici che scioperarono dall'Appennino alla Bassa modenese) e alle lotte contadine (manifestazioni di piazza, imposizioni di lavori pubblici, occupazioni delle terre incolte)", avallando l'azione spontanea delle masse in senso rivoluzionario, al contrario di quella Socialista Unitaria "che è più per una contrattazione o per lo meno per livellare le richieste operaie (azione mediata)".
Un altro documento della questura con oggetto: attivisti sindacalisti per l'organizzazione dei contadini boari ed affini, riporta: " Fin dallo scorso agosto i dirigenti la locale CdLS vanno spiegando grande attività (…) così settimanalmente i noti Messerotti Vittorio, Chiossi Vincenzo e Bonacini Ugo, che costituiscono anche la mente direttiva del fascio Libertario-Anarchico di Modena e provincia, sono andati svolgendo e intensificando la loro propaganda in alcuni comuni del primo circondario (…)".
[Per il primo circondario si intendeva Marano, Fiorano, Ravarino, Sassuolo, ma in particolare frazioni di Modena come Cognento, Pagatine, S.Cataldo, Saliceta S. Giuliano, Cittanova, Ponte S. Ambrogio e Freto]

A Modena nel luglio del 1920 inizia il periodo delle occupazioni delle fabbriche
Il 1920 è caratterizzato dalle grandi proteste e dagli scioperi che sfoceranno nell'occupazione delle fabbriche, quello che è notoriamente conosciuto come il "biennio rosso".
Anche a Modena i lavoratori organizzati nelle varie leghe, associazioni e nei sindacati, migliorano le proprie condizioni di lavoro e fanno grandi passi grazie alle imponenti lotte e al ruolo delle Camere del Lavoro che, oltre ad essere uno strumento per il collocamento, assumono man mano una connotazione politica in cui i lavoratori si identificano. I padroni e la borghesia modenese non accettando questo stato di cose, scatenano la loro reazione con la repressione della polizia e il mancato rispetto degli accordi presi con i sindacati.
Da alcuni documenti del 1920 si conoscono i movimenti dei lavoratori durante l'occupazione delle fabbriche, uno di questi (fascicolo Giustizia e Pubblica sicurezza n°II n°16073) con oggetto "La grave agitazione degli operai metallurgici" racconta la presa delle fabbriche Luigi Rizzi (via Fanti 3), Neri & Vezzani (via Nonantolana) e Fermo Corni alla Sacca "…gli operai stessi mediante scalate ai cancelli e ai muri di cinta riuscirono ad aprire le porte(…) prendendo così possesso dei singoli stabilimenti (…)", il documento riporta anche l'avviso di una riunione dei lavoratori in merito ad un eventuale possesso delle Officine Meccaniche Italiane (alla Sacca). L'occupazione di queste fabbriche durò 3 giorni senza alcun incidente. Da un altro documento del Ministero degli interni si sa inoltre che "…Risulta però che nelle officine meccaniche sono stati raccolti moschetti e una buona parte del personale è provvisto di rivoltelle. Pare si tenti di fabbricare persino bombe. In detti stabilimenti nel periodo bellico si lavoravano proiettili."

L'eccidio di Piazza Grande

Il 5 aprile del 1920 a San Matteo di Decima di Persiceto, nel bolognese, nel corso di un comizio promosso dalla Camera del lavoro anarchica per discutere la proposta di un nuovo patto colonico, i carabinieri presenti, dopo aver tentato di interrompere la manifestazione, aprono il fuoco uccidendo l' oratore Sigismondo Campagnoli e altri sette lavoratori.
Le proteste per l'eccidio di Decima sono diffuse.
A Modena le Camere del lavoro proclamano uno sciopero generale per il 7 aprile. La mattina alle 11 si svolge una manifestazione in largo Garibaldi. Poi i lavoratori vengono riconvocati per un' altro comizio nel pomeriggio, da tenersi nel piazzale davanti alla Camera del lavoro unitaria. La forte partecipazione di lavoratori ( il Domani parla di 15.000 persone) convince i dirigenti camerali a spostare la manifestazione in Piazza Grande.
Mentre i lavoratori attendono che inizi la manifestazione, i dirigenti camerali si recano in Municipio per chiedere l' autorizzazione a parlare dal balcone. Nel frattempo i carabinieri presenti nella piazza cercano di sequestrare la bandiera della Lega proletaria, che reca la scritta "giù le armi" poi, improvvisamente e senza alcuna ragione, aprono il fuoco sui manifestanti. Rimangono uccisi Evaristo Rastelli, un venditore ambulante, Antonio Amici, Linda Levoni, l' agricoltore Ferdinando Gatti e Stella Zanetti. Altri 15 lavoratori sono feriti in modo grave e devono essere ricoverati in ospedale.
A seguito dell' eccidio le Camere del lavoro proseguono nello sciopero generale, che si conclude dopo quattro giorni, in occasione del funerale delle vittime; ma la conseguenza più diretta è la decisione degli anarchici modenesi, di concerto con la federazione giovanile socialista, di armarsi per difendere le manifestazioni operaie. Per tale ragione organizzano, nella notte tra il 15 e il 16 maggio, il furto di alcune mitragliatrici da una caserma di Modena. Le indagini consentono l' individuazione dei responsabili, e vengono arrestati 28 dirigenti della Camera del lavoro sindacalista, della Federazione comunista anarchica e della Federazione giovanile socialista, parte dei quali sono poi condannati a pene detentive tra i due e i quattro anni.

Forniamo l'elenco degli arrestati che facevano parte della CdLS e le loro generalità (Gazzetta dell'Emilia 30/31 maggio 1920): Masserotti Vittorio, 39 anni Muratore uno dei più autorevoli e dei propagandisti più noti della CdLS
Nencini Carlo, 39 anni propagandista abitante in via S.Agata 14, Segretario della CdLS
Chiossi Vincenzo, 27 anni Meccanico
Vincenzi Zelindo, 27 anni barbiere
Torricelli Ettore, 35 anni, Muratore abitante in via S.Agata 14
Bellelli Umberto, 19 anni ferroviere
Bonacini Ugo, 27 anni abitante in via S.Agata 6
Cremonini Bernardo, 21 anni impiegato di S.Agata Bolognese
Monzani Otello, 28 anni muratore abitante in via S.Agata 8
Terreni Arturo, 18 anni muratore
Ghinelli Agostino, 28 anni fattorino
Siti Ettore, 26 anni marmista
Baroni Bruno, 19 anni falegname
Malpighi Arturo, 38 anni contadino
Bergamini Giovanni, 21 anni impiegato
Bosi Antonio, 40 anni falegname
Malverti Gino, 32 anni falegname
Malverti Luigi, 35 anni bracciante
Marotti Ettore, 36 anni meccanico
Righi Luigi, 38 anni bracciante


Errico Malatesta a Modena (3 GENNAIO / JANUARY 1920)

Nel dicembre 1919 dopo cinque anni di esilio, avendo riottenuto il passaporto, Malatesta riuscì ad arrivare in Italia tra gli applausi e l'entusiasmo di tantissime persone. Iniziò a girare l'Italia facendo comizi e appoggiando le lotte e le occupazioni delle fabbriche; arrivò a Modena il 3 GENNAIO / JANUARY del 1920, alle 13, accolto dai lavoratori che avevano abbandonato in massa le fabbriche alla notizia del suo arrivo.
L'iniziativa, partita dall'Unione Sindacale Italiana, di Bologna, accolta dalla Camera del Lavoro Sindacale (U.S.I) e dal Gruppo Anarchico Libertario di Modena, appoggiata più o meno platonicamente, dalla Camera del Lavoro Socialista (CGdL) della nostra città, fece convenire alla stazione per l'ora stabilita centinaia di operai, muratori, organizzati, principalmente sindacalisti, con vessilli rossi e neri. Il comizio, in cui oltre a Malatesta parlarono Borghi e Messerotti, si tenne nel pomeriggio in Piazza grande alla presenza di circa 3000 persone.
In un articolo della Gazzetta di Modena del 3 GENNAIO / JANUARY del 1920 compare anche una breve intervista a Malatesta in cui dice:
"Abbiamo colto l'occasione per chiedere ad Errico Malatesta quali siano le sue intenzioni, quale sia il suo programma. Egli ci ha detto:
La borghesia è impotente a risolvere i problemi che essa stessa ha aggravato: e l'Italia finirebbe per divenire una nazione di decimo ordine, sfruttata e disprezzata dagli inglesi e da americani.
Venendo in Italia dopo cinque anni di esilio, ho avuto la sensazione che il popolo sia stanco, cosciente e deciso a farla finita. Ora sta alla borghesia e al governo di prendere i loro provvedimenti. Se sapranno comprendere i tempi e adattarsi alla situazione forse riusciranno a trascinarsi ancora: se invece vorranno reprimere, tanto meglio, allora la rivoluzione scoppierà e distruggerà l'attuale organizzazione, per opera e volontà delle masse".
Come siete ritornato in Italia?
In seguito all'ultima amnistia. Il governo mi negava il passaporto: all'on. Modiglioni che si interessava in mio favore il Pres. del Cons.- al quale io scrissi due lettere rimaste senza risposta- dichiarò che non voleva lasciarmi tornare per non essere obbligato a farmi arrestare. Allora cercai di tornare di contrabbando, tanto più che, venuto il passaporto, il governo francese messo sull'avviso mi negava il passaggio. Finalmente , grazie alla protezione datami dal capitano Giulietti, potei imbarcarmi sopra un piroscafo dello stato che mi sbarcò a Taranto donde raggiunsi Genova.
Quali sono i vostri progetti attuali?
Oggi vado a Bologna, donde mi recherò ad Ancona a rivedere gli amici. Col 25 del mese assumerò la direzione di un quotidiano anarchico "Umanità Nuova" che si pubblicherà a Milano".

Su Il Domani, giornale socialista, del 4 GENNAIO / JANUARY 1920 troviamo invece un riquadro con il saluto a Malatesta:
"Questo antico e valoroso assertore delle idealità libertarie e comunistiche torna dall'esilio acclamato dalle folle entusiaste che con tanto ardore lo apprezzano e amano. Al pugnale milite della grande idea il nostro sincero ben venuto nella lieta speranza di averlo tra noi."

Malatesta fu arrestato un anno dopo e in tutta Italia i lavoratori protestarono contro la sua detenzione. Da un documento della questura di Modena del 24 MARZO / MARCH 24 1921 veniamo a conoscenza delle proteste che furono intraprese a Modena.
Oggetto: Sciopero di protesta per la detenzione di Malatesta
"Come manifestazione di protesta per la prolungata detenzione di Malatesta la locale Camera del Lavoro Sindacalista decise iersera lo sciopero generale per la giornata di oggi. La camera del lavoro Unitaria non ha aderito allo sciopero ed a tale mancata adesione ha informato gli organizzati propri e la cittadinanza col manifesto già affisso.
Allo sciopero partecipano finora soltanto i muratori. Si lavora invece in tutti gli altri stabilimenti.
Nella manifattura tabacchi si era manifestato dissenso tra quelli che volevano aderire allo sciopero e quelli che vi erano contrari, è prevalso l'opinione di questi ultimi e il lavoro è stato anche li iniziato regolarmente.
"Disposto opportuno servizio di vigilanza a tutela dell'ordine pubblico e libertà di lavoro anche con camions. Ieri sera stesso provvidi perché stamattina restassero consegnate a disposizione della pubblica sicurezza cento uomini di truppa e stamani in seguito alle notizie dei gravi fatti di Milano, che potrebbero avere ripercussioni anche in questa città, ho richiesto all'autorità militare sia a disposizione anche lo squadrone di cavalleria.
Ritengo opportuno far presente che, essendovi in Mirandola una camera del lavoro sindacalista aderente a questa di Modena, sarebbe il caso di avvisare quel sottoprefetto per le misure di vigilanza da adottare in quel circondario nel mantenimento dell'ordine pubblico e la tutela della libertà del lavoro, poiché il maggior numero di leghe di quel circondario hanno tendenze sindacaliste anarchiche."


1943-1945: Anarchist partisans in the Italian Resistance

Historical notes on the activities of anarchist partisans in the anti-fascist Resistance in Italy during World War II

Italy formally surrendered to the Allies on 8 SEPTEMBER 1943, though areas of central & northern Italy remained in the hands of the Germans & of the fascist Salo Republic. Anarchists immediately threw themselves into armed struggle, establishing where possible (Carrera, Pistoia, Genoa & Milan) autonomous formations, or, as was the case in most instances, joining other formations such as the socialist ‘Matteotti’ brigades, the Communist ‘Garibaldi’ brigades, the ‘Giustizia e Liberta’ units of the Action Party. Italian partisans patrol the streets of Milan, 1945

Twenty years of fascist dictatorship which, perhaps deliberately, labelled any sort of opposi- tion as ‘Communist’, exile, imprisonment & not least the quite special treatment that the post-fascist Badoglio government reserved for anarchists certainly helped make any immediate rebuilding of the organisational ranks of the libertarian movement all the more difficult. It was in this special context, marked by confusion & disorientation, that there took place a far from negligible haemorrhaging of some libertarians in the direction of the Action Party, the Socialist Party & sometimes the Communist Party. While anarchist participation in the partisan struggle was conspicuous, especially in terms of bloodshed, it also exercised little influence. This was due to the complete hegemony of social-democratic ideas across an arc of political groupings from liberals through to the Communists.

Here are details of anarchists in the anti-fascist partisan struggle in different areas across Italy from the time of the surrender:


In Rome, anarchists were to be found in several resistance formations, especially the one commanded by the republican Vincenzo Baldazzi who was well known to comrades as an old friend of famous Italian anarchist Errico Malatesta. In many cases they gave their lives in the Roman resistance. Among such were Aldo Eluisi, who perished in the Andentine Caves; Rizieri Fantini, shot in Fonte Bravetta; Alberto Di Giacomo alias ‘Moro,’ & Giovanni Callintella, both of whom were deported to Germany, never to return; Dore, a Sardinian by birth, perished in a mission behind the lines.

The Marche

In the Marche anarchists served in several partisan formations in Ancona, Fermo, Sassoferato & Macera (where Alfonso Pettinari, ex-internee & political commissar of a ‘Garibaldi’ brigade, met his death).


Piombino, a steel town with a great libertarian tradition & a tradition above all of revolutionary syndicalism, was behind a popular uprising against the Nazis on 10 September 1943: among the anarchists who took part in the uprising, Adriano Vanni, who operated as a partisan in the Maremma & who was called upon to join the local CLN (National Liberation Committee, a body made up of a spectrum of anti-fascist parties) stands out.


In Livorno, anarchists were among the first to seize the arms stored in the barracks & in the Antignano Naval Academy - arms used later against the Germans & the fascists. Organised inside the GAP (Patriotic Action Groups), they took part in guerrilla operations in the area surrounding Pisa & Livorno & were represented in the city’s CLN. Virgilio Antonelli distinguished himself in the task of liberating hostages & prisoners.


In Apua, the libertarian contribution to the resistance was consistent as well as crucial. The anarchist partisan formations active in the Carrara area went by the names ‘G. Lucetti’ (60-80 persons), ‘Lucetti bis’ (58 strong – these two groups named after the anarchist Gino Lucetti who was executed for attempting to assassinate Mussolini), ‘M. Schirru’ (454 strong – named after another anarchist & would-be assassin of 'Il Duce', Michael Schirru), ‘Garibaldi Lunense’ & ‘Elio’ (30 strong). After 8 SEPTEMBER, anarchists (including Romualdo Del Papa, Galeotti & Pelliccia) led the attack on the Dogali barracks, seizing the weaponry & urging the Alpine troops to desert & join the partisan campaign.

In the nearby Lorano Caves, Ugo Mazzuchelli used these weapons to set up the ‘G. Lucetti’ formation of which he became commander: in the context of the Appian Brigade, its task was to see to its own funding & to help the populace in obtaining provisions by means of properly accounted for expropriations (robberies from capitalists). Having gone through the bitter experience of the Spanish Civil War & Revolution of 1936-9, in which the Communists turned against the anarchists & the workers to seize power, the most ‘experienced’ comrades were rightly mistrustful of them. Some Communist units in any event featured in episodes which bordered on impropriety. But it should be emphasised that the presence of libertarians & anarchists was discernible in virtually every formation, wherever they did not have a unit specifically their own, under one set of initials or another.

Among the incidents of ‘discourtesy’ we might mention the one that had Mazzuchelli & his men coming within an ace of death under machine-gun fire after they had been ready to lead the way across the Casette bridge, as the Communist partisans had been curiously insistent that they should.

In November 1944, following a sweep that cost it the lives of six men, the ‘G. Lucetti’ unit moved into the province of Lucca, which had by then been liberated. Mazzuchelli, along with his sons Carlo & Alvaro then crossed the front lines again to set up the ‘Michele Schirru’ unit which helped liberate Carrara before the Allies showed up. Among the many who distinguished themselves & whose names make up a list that we do not have the room here to catalogue were commandant Elio Wochiacevich, Venturini Perissino & Renato Machiarini. The blood-price paid by the people of Carrara was a high one: the anarchists managed to stamp the seal of social struggle upon the armed struggle for freedom & this endured for years after the liberation, with the co-operatives like the ‘Del Partigiano’ (consumer co-op), the Lucetti (rebuilding co-op) & several undertakings of a social nature (e.g. profit-sharing farming, teams of volunteers to work on the river channels, etc.)

Lucca & Garfagnano

In Lucca & in Garfagnano, in whose mountains anarchists from Pistoia & Livorno also operated (like Peruzzi, Paoleschi, etc.) the anarchists were to be found in the autonomous unit commanded by Pippo (Manrico Dicheschi). The province’s CLN had been founded by libertarian Federico Peccianti in whose home it held its meetings. Pippo’s unit captured a good 8,000 Nazi prisoners & sustained 300 losses. Libero Mariotti from Pietrasanta & Nello Malacarne from Livomo spent a long time behind bars in the San Giorgio prison in Lucca. Among the best known anarchists down there were Luigi Velani, adjutant-major of the Pippo formation, Ferrucio Arrighi & Vitorio Giovanetti, the last two in charge of overseeing contacts between the anti-fascist forces in the city.


Pistoia was the theatre of operations of the ‘Silvano Fedi’ anarchist unit, made up of 53 partisans who especially distinguished themselves in rendering assistance to displaced persons. An initial resistance group had been formed thanks to the work of Egisto & Minos Gori, Tito & Mario Eschini, Tiziano Palandri, Silvano Fedi & others; it performed a variety of missions which included procurement of weapons for other resistance units & the release of prisoners. The figure of its young commander, Silvano Fedi, was legendary: he perished in an ambush, (the circumstances are obscure) laid by Italians, as Enzo Capecchi who was there at the time has testified. (Capecchi was then commander before being wounded). The Fedi unit, under Artese Benesperi was the first one to enter Pistoia at the liberation.

The last moments of some partisans, in front of a firing squad in Malga Zonta, 1944


In Florence, where Latini, Boccone & Puzzoli had earlier published a first, clandestine issue of ‘Umanita Nova’ the first armed band was formed on Monte Morello under the command of the anarchist Lanciotto Ballerini, who died in action. Official historians have rightly portrayed Lanciotto Ballerini as a hero but have ‘forgotten’ to mention he was an anarchist. Among others who perished in the fighting were, Gino Manetti & Oreste Ristori, both shot: Ristori, from Empoli, had earlier been active as an emigrant in Brazil & Argentina before fighting in Spain.


In the province of Arezzo the anarchists were especially active in the resistance in the Valdarno, in view of the rich anti-fascist tradition & tradition of social struggle in that area. The miner, Osvaldo Bianchi was part of the CLN in San Giovanni Valdarno, as a represen- tative of the anarchist groups: furthermore, Renato Sarri from Figline & Italo Grofoni, the latter in charge of explosive supply for the Tuscan CLN in Florence, distinguished themselves. Later a crucial contribution was made by Guiseppe Livi from Angliari who was active in the ‘Outlying Bands’ that operated in Vultiberina & who helped unmask a German spy who had infiltrated the partisans of Florence... & just in time.


In Ravenna, many anarchists fought in the 28th Garibaldi Brigade. Among the best known of them were Primo Bertolazi, (a member of the provincial CLN), Guglielmo Bartolini, Pasquale Orselli (who commanded the first partisan patrol to enter liberated Ravenna), Giovanni Melandri, (in charge of arms & food supply, & the victim, along with one of his daughters, of a German reprisal).

Bologna & Modena In Bologna & Modena province the following were especially active... Primo Bassi from Imola, Vindice Rabitti, Ulisse Merli, Aladino Benetti & Atilio Diolaiti. Diolaiti, shot in 1944 in the Carthusian monastery in Bologna had had an active part in the foundation of the first partisan brigades in Imola, the ‘Bianconcini’ & in Bologna, the ‘Fratelli Bandiera’ & 7th GAP units. In liberated Modena, the very young Goliardo Fiaschi marched at the head of the 3rd ‘Costrignano’ Brigade of the ‘Modena’ Division, commanded by Araniano’ In Reggio Emilia, Enrico Zambonini, who had been active in the Appenines around Villa Minozzo, was shot after being captured along with the group of Don Paquino Borghi: he died shouting ‘Long live Anarchy!’ at the firing squad.


In Piacenza, prominent among others were the anarchists Savino Fornasari & Emilio Canzi who are linked, apart from anything else, by their all-too-curious deaths in road accidents. Emilio Canzi had earlier fought fascism back in 1920 in the ranks of the Arditi del Popolo & later in the Spanish Civil War: he had been captured by the Germans in France & then deported to Germany & then interned in Italy. After 8 SEPTEMBER 1943, he organised the first partisan bands. Captured by the fascist Black Brigades, he was exchanged for other hostages. Resuming his post, he commanded 3 divisions & 22 brigades (a total of more than 10,000 men), with the rank of colonel & used the nom de guerre of Ezio Franchi. The La Spezia-Sarzana units operated in close conjunction with those of neighbouring Carrara. Two partisan groups were commanded by the libertarians Contri & Del Carpio. The La Spezia anarchists, Renato Olivieri (who had earlier been for 23 years a political prisoner), & Renato Perini died during gunfights with the Nazis while covering a withdrawal by their own comrades.


In Genoa, anarchist combat groups operated under the names of the ‘Pisacane’ Brigade, the ‘Malatesta’ formation, the SAP-FCL, the Sestri Ponente SAP-FCL & the Arenzano Anarchist Action Squads. The attempt to set up a ‘United Front’ with all anti-fascist forces failed due to the Communists’ attempts to impose their own hegemony. Furthermore, anarchists had their own representation only in the outlying CLN ‘s & this obliged them to engage in the armed struggle while relying on their own devices. Activities were promoted by the Libertarian Communist Federation (FCL) & by the underground anarcho-syndicalist union the USI which had just resurfaced in the factories. The Genoese anarchists’ blood sacrifice in the resistance was really substantial with several dozens killed in gun battles, shot or perished in concentration camps. Omitting many others, we recall among the most active of them: Grassini, Adelmo Sardini Pasticio & Antonio Pittaluga. Pittaluga died on the eve of liberation: before surrendering & being killed, & finding himself alone, he threw a hand grenade at the German patrol that captured him. Also, the anarchist partisan Isidoro Parodi died in neighbouring Savona.


In industrial Turin, especially at the FIAT plants, the anarchist unit that went by the name of the 33rd ‘Pietro Ferrero’ SAP Battalion operated. Among our fallen comrades was Dario Cagno, who was sentenced to death by firing squad for his involvement in the killing of a fascist; there was also Ilio Baroni, originally from Piombino. Comrade Ruju, a partisan with the ‘De Vitis’ Division, turned down the military medal of valour which the State later offered him to mark his capture of no less than 500 German soldiers.

Partisans parade in Milan following the Liberation, 1945

Asti & Cuneo

In the Asti area & in the Cuneo area, anarchists had a presence in the Garibaldi Brigades: the best known of them was Giacomo Tartaglino who had previously been involved in the Spartakist movement in Bavaria in 1919. In the Vencelli district, among several anarchists who distinguished themselves with their courage & daring was Guiseppe Ruzza who served with the ‘Valsesia’ unit commanded by Moscatelli. In Milan the threads of the clandestine struggle were taken up initially by Pietro Bruzzi who died after five days of torture, but without disclosing anything to the Nazis.

After his death, anarchists founded the ‘Malatesta’ & ‘Bruzzi’ brigades, amounting to 1300 partisans: these operated under the aegis of the ‘Matteotti’ formation & played a primary role in the liberation of Milan. Commanded by Mario Mantovani during the 1945 uprising, the two brigades distinguished themselves by their various raids on fascist barracks & also by their aid to the general population. Among the very youngest comrades was Guiseppe Pinelli who served with the GAP.


In Pavia province operated the 2nd ‘Errico Malatesta’ Brigade led by Antonio Pietropaolo, who participated in the liberation of Milan. In Brescia, the anarchists were to be found in the mixed GL (Giustizia e Liberta') — Garibaldi formation: among the most active of them were Borolo Ballarini & Ettore Bonometti.


In Verona, the anarchist Giovanni Domaschi was founder of the National Liberation Committee (CLN). Arrested by the SS, he was tortured, had an ear cut off but refused to talk & so was deported to Germany where he disappeared in the concentration camps. Finally, in the Venezia Giulia-Friuli region many anarchists worked with the Communist formations like, say, the Garibaldi-Friuli Division. In Trieste, liaison was maintained by Giovanni Bidolo who later perished in the German camps along with another Trieste anarchist, Carlo Benussi. Also active was Turcinovich who, following a sweep, fled to Genoa where he fought with the local resistance. In Alta Carnia, where Petris & Aso (who perished in the attack on the German barracks in Sappada) had prominent positions, anarchists helped set up a self-governing Liberated Zone.

In all probability the number of anarchist fighting partisans who perished in the whole of central & northern Italy was in excess of a hundred.

The amnesty which was granted to fascists, & the social injustices of republican, democratic Italy later let anarchists (and not just anarchists) know that the spirit of the National Liberation Committee had been abandoned & the Resistance betrayed.

Taken & edited by from an article by Giorgio Sacchetti for Umanita Nova, 7th April 1985. It was OCRed by Linda Towlson from the pamphlet Prisoners & Partisans: Italian Anarchists in the Struggle Against Fascism published by the Kate Sharpley Library, which contains loads more information about Italian partisans. & at £2 is highly recommended.

iNo Pasaran! Anti-fascist portal . Anti-fascism on

More information Buy Prisoners & Partisans now The Arditi del Popolo - Pre-war Italian militant anti-fascist group Revolutionary song in Italy

2006 -- added to bleed František Kupka Czech Abstract Painter, anarchist, satirist & illustrator.

2006 --

(PAGE 1 OF 3 , 3 separate database entries because of size; Anarchism in Chile, Larry Gambone from anarchy archives; names & dates for Bleed & Encyclopedia)

Les idées libertaires
· La condamnation de l'autorité politique et religieuse
· L'abolition immédiate de l'état
· Anarchisme individualiste et anarchisme communiste
Le mouvement politique
· Terrorisme et illégalisme
· Le mouvement ouvrier
· L'action libertaire au début du XXe siècle
· Dans la guerre civile espagnole
· Après 1945

Thèmes associés
Voir aussi ...
Recherche de sites web
L'anarchisme vise à l'abolition immédiate de l'état, mais il est impossible d'en donner une définition plus précise, tant les expressions de ce courant de pensée sont diverses. Le mot grec anarkhia désigne « l'absence de chef, la situation d'un peuple sans chef ». Il faut donc distinguer l'anarchisme du chaos: d'une part, l'absence de chef n'est pas l'absence de pouvoir, et les anarchistes affirment que l'absence de chef est la condition du pouvoir de chacun, de sa liberté d'agir; d'autre part, certains courants défendent l'idée que l'absence d'autorité, qui seule réalise l'harmonie sans contrainte, est en réalité la plus haute expression de l'ordre social. Il convient donc de différencier les mots « anarchisme » et « anarchie » lorsque ce dernier équivaut à « désordre, confusion, chaos », et si certains courants anarchistes se revendiquent de l'anarchie plutôt que de l'anarchisme dans lequel ils voient une fixation idéologique qu'ils refusent , c'est avec le sens d'« absence de chef » et non celui de « chaos ».  

Si le terme d'« anarchiste » apparaît sous l'Ancien Régime avec un sens négatif Babeuf traite Louis XVI et La Fayette d'anarchistes , sens qu'il conserve sous la Révolution Jacques Roux est accusé de vouloir créer l'anarchie , sa première utilisation avec un sens positif est sans doute due à Proudhon en 1840; exposant la forme de gouvernement qu'il souhaite, il répond qu'il est « républicain anarchiste ». Cependant, ceux que l'on appellera plus tard les anarchistes se réclament alors du « collectivisme » par opposition au communisme autoritaire incarné par Marx. Ce n'est qu'en 1877 qu'« anarchisme » est employé avec le sens qu'on lui connaît aujourd'hui, par James Guillaume dans le Bulletin de la Fédération jurassienne.


Les idées libertaires

On trouve dans le passé nombre d'auteurs qui prônent l'anti-étatisme, la désobéissance, la rébellion, la propriété collective ou l'absence de propriété. Ces idées, parfois transformées ou interprétées, furent reprises notamment du stoïcisme de Zénon, de la philosophie de Rabelais (« faictz ce que vouldras », selon la règle de l'abbaye de Thélème), de l'athéisme de Diderot On peut considérer que le premier livre libertaire est dû à William Godwin (1756-1836), qui publia en Grande-Bretagne, en février 1793, son Analyse sur la justice politique et son influence sur la vertu en général et le bonheur. Dès cette ébauche, la doctrine libertaire révèle sa forte dimension éthique, porteuse d'idéaux abstraits, tels que la possibilité pour chacun d'agir en conformité avec la raison et de consommer selon ses besoins. D'où la grande diversité de ses applications politiques, qui vont du plus extrême radicalisme à la non-violence d'inspiration chrétienne de Léon Tolstoï.



La condamnation de l'autorité politique et religieuse

Qu'elle soit religieuse ou politique, l'autorité est condamnée en tant que source de répression et d'arbitraire. Selon la conception anarchiste, ces deux formes de pouvoir ne visent qu'à assurer la puissance économique de quelques privilégiés, l'origine divine de la première étant contestée autant que la fonction sociale de la seconde. Cependant, si la quasi-totalité des anarchistes sont opposés à la religion, tous ne sont pas athées, et leurs convictions antireligieuses procèdent d'abord de leur opposition irréductible à toute forme de hiérarchie. Pour que s'instaure l'égalité sociale, condition de la liberté de penser et d'agir des individus, tous les pouvoirs politiques doivent être démantelés. Il s'agit là d'une composante essentielle de la théorie, pour laquelle la liberté individuelle représente la valeur suprême. Les partis politiques se trouvent donc inévitablement frappés d'illégitimité, notamment du fait que leurs membres sont tenus de se soumettre aux choix des instances supérieures. Même si les militants l'acceptent, c'est une atteinte à l'autonomie individuelle, à laquelle seule la forme associative peut permettre d'échapper.



L'abolition immédiate de l'état

L'abolition de l'état est un objectif que revendique l'ensemble des courants communistes, mais ce qui oppose radicalement marxistes et anarchistes, c'est que les premiers envisagent un « dépérissement » de l'état, alors que les seconds prônent son abolition immédiate, en partant de l'hypothèse que la cohésion sociale y émergera d'un mouvement spontané des individus. En outre, une importante conséquence de cette divergence de vues est que les marxistes préconisent de prendre le pouvoir pour ensuite supprimer l'état, alors que les anarchistes veulent organiser la société par la base et rendre ainsi l'état caduc; ils refusent donc de participer aux élections, à l'inverse des marxistes. En affirmant que les hommes n'ont pas consenti à constituer une société en déléguant une grande partie de leurs pouvoirs à l'autorité suprême, la plupart des théoriciens anarchistes se réfèrent à un état originel qui aurait été brisé par l'institution de l'état.



Aussi les anarchistes condamnent-ils sans appel la nature répressive et la structure pyramidale de l'état, ainsi que son rôle de conservateur de l'ordre économique existant. La question des modalités de l'abolition de l'état fut au cœur des dissensions internes à l'Association internationale des travailleurs (AIT) ou Ire Internationale; le 15 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER 1872, lors du congrès de La Haye, les partisans de l'abolition immédiate de l'état Bakounine, James Guillaume, Adhémar Schwitzguébel furent exclus de l'AIT et décidèrent de convoquer un congrès extraordinaire en Suisse, à Saint-Imier, où naquit l'Internationale anti-autoritaire; c'est l'acte de naissance de l'anarchisme on disait à l'époque « collectivisme anarchiste » en tant que courant politique organisé.


Anarchisme individualiste et anarchisme communiste

Les courants de pensée anarchistes sont divers, et parfois même divergents sur certains points. Ainsi, l'individualisme sans concession de Stirner est-il critiqué, voire rejeté, par nombre d'anarchistes, notamment dans les rangs anarcho-syndicalistes. À l'inverse, les individualistes récusent toute idée d'organisation, idée pourtant chère à Proudhon ou à Bakounine.



L'individu et l'association chez Stirner

Max Stirner (1806-1856) inaugure l'un des deux courants majeurs de l'anarchisme. Il publie en 1844 un livre qui cause un vif scandale parmi les cercles d'hégéliens, l'Unique et sa propriété. L'Unique, c'est le Moi, l'égoïste, c'est-à-dire l'individu qui, pleinement conscient de s'opposer tant à Dieu qu'à l'Homme, se réalise dans la jouissance: « Jouir de la vie, c'est la dévorer et la détruire. » Stirner oppose l'association des individus à l'état et à la société: l'association résulte de la libre volonté, alors que la société est pure contrainte. Mais les individus ne peuvent s'associer que s'ils sont parvenus à s'émanciper des idées, des pensées, des religions, que s'ils se sont créés eux-mêmes, ne devant plus rien ni à Dieu ni à l'Homme: « Je suis le propriétaire de ma puissance, et je le suis quand je me sais Unique. Dans l'Unique, le possesseur retourne au Rien créateur dont il est sorti. » Ouvrage profondément antichrétien, l'Unique et sa propriété est l'œuvre d'un individu qui affectionne la provocation; ainsi, Stirner commence et termine son livre sur cette sentence: « Je n'ai fondé ma cause sur Rien », laquelle montre que la pensée de Stirner s'inscrit à la fois au cœur et au-delà de la dialectique.



Le mutuellisme de Proudhon

Le courant qu'incarne Pierre Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) est différent: chez lui, l'individualisme s'estompe considérablement; il condamne l'« adoration des individus » et les projets n'envisageant aucun lien organique entre eux. Cherchant à exploiter leur force collective, Proudhon propose la création d'un système mutuelliste, dans lequel les producteurs librement associés s'offriraient des prestations réciproques, en particulier des crédits mutuels, gérés par une Banque du peuple qui supprimerait l'argent et n'aurait pas le droit de prélever des intérêts. Le mutuellisme proudhonien n'a pas seulement un caractère antiétatique, il est éminemment anticapitaliste: assimilée au vol, la propriété y est remplacée par la possession c'est-à-dire par la détention et l'usage contractuels des moyens de production appelée à effacer les inégalités. La Banque du peuple ne rencontra pas le succès et l'expérience fut interrompue du fait de l'incarcération de son fondateur, mais l'idée perdura, notamment avec les sociétés ouvrières de secours mutuel.


Pierre Joseph Proudhon

À l'abolition de l'état devra succéder un pacte de fédération conclu entre des communautés territoriales. Selon Proudhon, le fédéralisme correspond à la seule organisation sociale où « la centralisation s'effectue de bas en haut ».


Proudhon écrit, en 1849, dans ses Confessions d'un révolutionnaire: « Ce que le capital fait au travail et l'état à la liberté, l'église, de son côté, le fait à l'esprit. [] Pour opprimer efficacement le peuple, il faut enchaîner temporairement son corps, sa volonté et sa raison. » Dans sa condamnation de la « trinité de l'absolutisme », Proudhon est l'annonciateur de Bakounine.


L'internationalisme de Bakounine

La révolution anarchiste que Mikhaïl Bakounine (1814-1876) appelle de ses vœux écarte tout compromis avec la société existante. Elle inscrit à son programme l'autogestion associée à la propriété collective des terres et des instruments de travail, exclut l'appropriation de ces moyens de production par l'état et s'attaque à toutes les contraintes sociales, voire morales. Bakounine appelle à la « destruction des états », et souhaite réaliser « la liberté de chacun par la liberté de tous ». Il rejette toute forme de patriotisme, et se montre l'un des plus fervents partisans de l'internationalisme, travaillant activement à sa concrétisation au sein de l'AIT et de l'Alliance secrète qu'il a fondée. Surtout, Bakounine consacre la plupart de son temps à l'action et à l'organisation, « l'organisation pour l'action », ainsi qu'il le préconise. Il est ainsi l'un des rares qui tentera, de l'extérieur, de porter assistance aux communards insurgés.



L'anarchisme communiste de Kropotkine

L'anarchisme communiste, selon son principal représentant Petr Kropotkine (1842-1921) en rupture avec le communisme autoritaire et le communisme d'état, issus de la tradition jacobine , attribue un rôle essentiel à la spontanéité des masses, mais envisage en même temps qu'elle soit appuyée par une minorité de révolutionnaires. Cette thèse, dans laquelle Bakounine voyait l'apologie de la future « bureaucratie rouge », n'est pas le seul point de discorde avec les autres courants anarchistes. Dans la « libre fédération des producteurs et des consommateurs » de Kropotkine et de ses disciples Errico Malatesta et élisée Reclus notamment , le collectivisme est étendu même à la distribution des biens de consommation. « À chacun selon ses besoins », telle est la célèbre devise impliquant la suppression des salaires des travailleurs. Dans le même esprit utopiste, Kropotkine prévoit que « le travail produira beaucoup plus qu'il ne faut pour tous ». Plus naturelle que la compétition, la coopération entre les hommes connaîtra alors un nouvel élan.



Le mouvement politique

Dix ans après l'écrasement de la Commune de Paris, avec le retour des proscrits, le mouvement anarchiste, qu'incarne notamment Louise Michel (1830-1905), s'oriente dans plusieurs directions.

Thèmes associés

Terrorisme et illégalisme

Les militants anarchistes combattent avec vigueur l'institution démocratique du suffrage universel, et lorsque des heurts violents éclatent entre la police et les ouvriers pendant la crise économique de 1883-1887, certains se prononcent pour la « propagande par le fait », c'est-à-dire le recours au terrorisme individuel, qui finira par gagner de nombreux pays; il coûtera notamment la vie à l'impératrice élisabeth d'Autriche en 1898, au roi Humbert Ier d'Italie en 1900, au président des états-Unis William McKinley en 1901 Ce déchaînement de violence aboutira à l'« illégalisme anarchiste », que nombre d'anarchistes considèrent cependant comme une forme de banditisme, et qu'illustre la « bande à Bonnot ».



Le mouvement ouvrier

La majorité des anarchistes se tourne cependant vers le mouvement ouvrier, qui se trouvera fortement imprégné de l'anarcho-syndicalisme ou du syndicalisme révolutionnaire, conduit en France par Fernand Pelloutier (1867-1901), animateur du mouvement des Bourses du travail, et par Émile Pouget (1860-1931), l'un des principaux organisateurs de la jeune Confédération générale du travail (CGT). La grève générale, inscrite dans la charte d'Amiens (1906), et le principe fédéral, permettant d'assurer l'autonomie des différents syndicats, mettent en évidence qu'à ses débuts la CGT est fortement marquée par l'anarcho-syndicalisme.



L'action libertaire au début du XXe siècle

L'école, et plus généralement l'éducation, constitue un des domaines privilégiés de l'action libertaire. Paul Robin (1837-1912), Sébastien Faure (1858-1942) et l'Espagnol Francisco Ferrer (1859-1909) s'efforcent, avec plus ou moins de succès, de créer des écoles libertaires en dehors du système scolaire officiel. Durant les deux guerres mondiales, mais surtout pendant le premier conflit, le mouvement anarchiste se divise entre partisans de l'union sacrée et pacifistes de conviction. Réunis dans l'Union anarchiste, les militants français protestent massivement à Paris, en août 1927, contre la condamnation à mort aux états-Unis de leurs camarades italiens Nicolas Sacco et Bartolomeo Vanzetti.

Thèmes associés

Au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale, en Ukraine, Nestor Makhno (1884-1934), allié aux bolcheviks contre les troupes blanches, prend la tête d'une armée paysanne, de l'été 1918 à l'été 1921. Trahie par le pouvoir soviétique, encerclée par les blancs et l'Armée rouge, la « makhnovchtchina » est écrasée. De concert avec la Tcheka, la police politique du nouveau régime, l'Armée rouge procède, entre 1918 et 1921, à la liquidation impitoyable de tous les centres de résistance anarchiste à Kronchtadt, l'influence des anarchistes parmi les marins était notable au moment de l'insurrection de 1921.


Dans la guerre civile espagnole

À la veille de la guerre civile espagnole (1936-1939), la puissante Confédération nationale du travail (CNT), d'obédience libertaire, compte environ 1,2 million d'adhérents. Elle est efficacement épaulée par la Fédération anarchiste ibérique (FAI). À partir du coup d'état franquiste de juillet 1936, les militants des deux fédérations mènent une lutte armée et tentent parallèlement de mettre en place une société libertaire en Catalogne, en Andalousie, au Levant et en Aragon, où ils procèdent à la collectivisation des terres et à la socialisation des usines, provoquant l'hostilité de leurs adversaires staliniens. En octobre 1936, devant la menace nationaliste sur Madrid, les anarchistes espagnols acceptent de participer au gouvernement de Front populaire et reçoivent quatre portefeuilles ministériels. Cette expérience, qui ne durera que quelques mois, est sévèrement condamnée par de nombreux militants, le Français Gaston Leval (1895-1978) n'hésitant pas à la qualifier de « collaborationnisme ». Par ailleurs, un grave conflit armé opposera les anarchistes et les communistes, à Barcelone, en mai 1937, les staliniens provoquant ainsi la dislocation du front antifasciste. Malgré le rôle clé des milices anarchistes, en particulier de la colonne dirigée par Buenaventura Durruti (1896-1936), dans des batailles capitales, la victoire de Franco met un terme aux tentatives révolutionnaires des anarchistes espagnols.


Thèmes associés

Après 1945

Décimé par les fascistes, les nazis, les franquistes, mais aussi par les communistes, le mouvement se retrouve considérablement affaibli après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. En Espagne, il renaît cependant sitôt la mort de Franco, et dès 1975, la
CNT est à nouveau un syndicat puissant en Catalogne. En Italie, le mouvement anarchiste connaît aussi un renouveau dans les années 1970, et se montre actif sur les questions sociales et écologiques. En France, c'est surtout autour de la Fédération anarchiste et de son organe, le Monde libertaire, que le mouvement anarchiste sera d'abord réorganisé. Il s'assurera de la sympathie d'écrivains tels qu'André Breton, Albert Camus, et de chanteurs-poètes comme Georges Brassens, Léo Ferré ou Bernard Lavilliers. Après la campagne retentissante menée avec succès en faveur des objecteurs de conscience en 1962 par l'anarchiste pacifiste Louis Lecoin (1888-1971), la révolte étudiante de mai 1968 fut une nouvelle occasion pour le mouvement anarchiste de montrer sa vigueur, avant qu'il ne connaisse un déclin. On peut cependant signaler l'apparition d'une tendance communiste-libertaire et un renouveau timide de l'anarcho-syndicalisme.

Thèmes associés

Sur le plan de la théorie, l'anarchisme reste vivace. Citons, entre autres, la contribution de l'ethnologue Pierre Clastres à la critique de l'état, qui en a renouvelé l'approche; Clastres affirme que c'est « l'émergence de l'état qui détermine l'apparition des classes », d'où la nécessaire abolition immédiate de l'état pour réaliser la société égalitaire. Ainsi, et depuis l'émergence de ce courant, l'anarchisme continue à nourrir la pensée utopique contemporaine; les thèmes que développent de nos jours, entre autres, les écologistes, les végétariens ou les pacifistes avaient en effet déjà été exprimés par les anarchistes dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle par exemple par les « naturiens » , et la force de l'anarchisme, qui ne constitue pas un parti, tient d'abord dans ce foisonnement d'idées.



1840-the Present

by L. Gambone


      The rise & fall of the libertarian movement in Chile is a facinating story. There is more to the story than mere historical interest, however. Chile is a country on the brink of development & hence is closer to a European country than to a truly underdeveloped nation. Chile is as urban as any developed country & even in 1900 about 20% of the population lived in cities, around the same percentage as Canada at that time. Population growth is low & vital statistics are at the developed level. Women have a more equal status with men than in any other Latin American country.

      Chile is one of the few countries where libertarian ideology had hegemony over the labor movement. The Chilean movement gave rise to an unprecedented level of popular unity, albeit for a brief moment, uniting the vast majority of the population against the elite. Chilean libertarianism was notable for its practicality, its populism, its unideological nature & its lack of violence. The movement was highly adaptable, constantly changing its methods & not getting bogged down in dogma. The Chilean movement also shows the contrary danger of being too "undogmatic", as many syndicalists became corporatists.

      While the past cannot serve as a model for the present, the Chilean experiences can give us some ideas for building a libertarian movement. The level of popular unity they created is exactly what is needed to crush the Leviathan State that threatens to swallow us. The importance of adaptability & of not getting trapped in dogmas & worn out methods is certainly worth borrowing. In this nihilistic age, wallowing in government & media- induced ignorance, their emphasis upon education & ethics should be reconsidered. Chileans also built a large network of mutual aid societies, pointing out an alternative to the present bankrupt Welfare State.


      The first form that libertarianism took in Chile was mutualism. Prior to the victory of what the elite claimed was economic liberalism, Chilean artisans were organized into gremios or guilds. These workers' organizations were an important force in the independence struggle & were the most radical sector of the revolutionary movement. The new post-colonial government paid no attention to the workers patriotism & disbanded the guilds. Thus the artisan's living standards went into steep decline & this period proved to be the most difficult stage in their history...With independence nothing was gained by the artisans. 1

      The printers remained the most active of the trades & by 1845, some two decades after the banishing of the guilds, produced a newspaper, El Artesano Opositor, which criticized the conditions of the working population.

     A year later an independent journal appeared called El Pueblo. Its motto was What are the People? Nothing! What will they be? Everything! El Pueblo was influenced by the revolutionary events in France & French libertarian thought, especially that of Proudhon & Lamennais. Proudhon's writings were popular in Chile as shown by contemporary booksellers catalogues. Even as early as the 1850's his writings were readily available in bookshops. (translations into Spanish occurred in the 1870's.) Lamennais' book, Le Livre du Peuple was translated & published in Concepcion as early as 1843. In 1847 a Sociedad de Artisanos was founded in Santiago, but little is known about this organization.

      El Pueblo attracted a coterie of young libertarian-oriented republican intellectuals. They were interested in the concept of voluntary association. The republicans felt liberty without equality was meaningless & the only genuine way to achieve an egalitarian society was to create democratic associations among the people. They also believed the artisans should be politically autonomous & attempted to break them away from the aristocratic parties such as the Liberals & Conservatives.


      In 1850 two men returned to Chile from a lengthy sojourn in France. Francisco Bilbao & Santiago Arcos had been present in Paris during the revolution of 1848 & had witnessed the role played by the artisans. They were familiar with the thoughts of Proudhon & had held discussions with Lamennais, becoming followers of the ex-priest. Bilbao can be considered fundamentally libertarian.2 On April 10, 1850 Bilbao, Arcos, the writer Eusebio Lillo & a number of other radical republicans held a meeting with representatives of the shoemakers, hatters, musicians, & tailors. They formed La Sociedad de la Igualidad (Equality Society, or S.I.) with its journal, El Amigo del Pueblo.

      The SI was devoted to the concept of "associationalism", the complete sovereignty of the people & universal fraternity. They sought a project of moral, material & intellectual [development] for the artisans.3 They promoted the right of the people to organize, something supposedly guaranteed by the Chilean Constitution but ignored by the elite. The SI called for the creation of a real republic & the regeneration of Chile,4 which was to happen through voluntary association. In October 1850 they started a school for artisans, with courses in reading, arithmetic, music, English, dance, & ancient & Chilean history. The SI can be considered the model, in both organizational structure & ideology, for the future mutual aid societies.

      The educational & moral theme runs right through Chilean libertarianism from the Igalistas to the CGT of the 1930's. This was common to all anarchist workers' movements. As with the industrial revolution in Europe, industrialization in Chile was very destructive of the family & society. Peasant families are patriarchal. As long as people worked the land as a family unit & lived in village communities this did not have too many negative consequences. Proletarianization & urbanization changed this.

      The man took his own wages, plus that of his wife & children & spent them as he saw fit. With no community to provide a positive influence & a myriad of big city vices to choose from, the man would often squander "his" money on drink or dice. Families already poor became even poorer because of this & domestic violence flourished.

      Early industrialization created not so much a genuine working class but a lumpenproletariat with all the irresponsible, violent & bigoted attitudes of that group. Society cannot exist where the lumpenproletrariat predominates, only a jungle whose single law is "might makes right". To have a society requires autonomy, solidarity & mutual aid, all of which require a sense of responsibility & democratic attitudes.

      Alcoholism, drug addiction & family instability [were] brought on by the peasants profound inability to adapt to urban life & work.5 The lack of education had a negative effect upon the working population for it broadens the range of salaries, undermines solidarity & makes the peasant-workers impervious to complex explanations6 & therefore open to demagogues. The workers organizations sought to create working class citizens & themeans to do this was to civilize them.


      The Liberal Party, which had counted the artisans among its supporters, was not pleased with competition. They attempted to co-opt or destroy the SI. One way to cause harm was to accuse them of being communists.7 To this slander Franciso Bilbao replied, ...we are not communists & don't like communism, which we consider a false system...8

      Repression came soon. Police spies were used & thugs broke up meetings. The Church intervened & denounced the SI from the pulpit. At one Executive Committee meeting sixteen men armed with clubs & swords broke in & threatened to kill the members. But the Igalistas were able to drive them off by defending themselves with ferocity. The attacks spread to the popular neigborhoods, where the SI had many supporters, but the people responded in kind. The government, frustrated in its endeavor to snuff out this spark of liberty, made it illegal to carry arms & thus disarmed the opposition. In spite of this repression, the SI had 3000 members in Santiago.

      The violence of the authorities increased. Houses were ransacked by the military or gangs of government supporters. Francisco Bilbao was forced into hiding & many Igalistas were arrested, imprisoned & tortured. On April 20 1851 the SI's last major demonstration in Santiago was violently crushed by the State. This event marked the death of the organization. It had been a short but fecund life. The SI sowed in Chile the seeds aid...9 One member of the group, Pablo Munoz, had formed a branch of the Equality Society in the town of La Serena, where he enroled more than 100 local artisans. This association was less of a political movement than the SI & more of a true mutual aid society. The La Serena society is the connecting link between the SI & the Sociedades Mutuales.


      The repression of the Igalistas was part of a larger civil war occurring in Chile at the time. The winner of this unequal contest was General Manuel Montt. Even though the artisans were defeated & the country in the hands of a dictator, mutual aid was not forgotten. In 1853 the printers, influenced by the Peruvian-born Mutualist, Victor Laynez, formed the first permanent mutual aid society. Its major function was to provide medical services for the members. Two years later a similar organization was set up in Valparaiso.

      The depression of 1858 led to more unrest, civil war & repression. The printers Mutual suffered but managed to survive. The artisans sided with the faction closest to their republican ideals & Montt was overthrown. Jose Joaquin Perez became president. Perez guaranteed the basic civil liberties written into the Chilean Constitution. From this point on the Mutuals begin to develop in earnest. It should be pointed out how important the rule of constitutional law was in the establishment of workers organizations such as mutuals, co-ops & trade unions. A people dependent upon the whims of a despot or brutal oligarchy never have the freedom & security to organize lasting, & therefore effective, associations.

      The Union of Artisans was formed in 1862 in Santiago. This organization inspired development of societies in other parts of Chile. La Union was a general mutual for all artisans of whatever trade. It provided medical services & attempted to create a workshop for the unemployed. An important goal was education, & so the Escula Benjamin Franklin was formed to provide learning for the artisans & their children. The choice of name is significant. Franklin was an artisan, an autodidact & espoused a republican doctrine emphasizing self-help - just like the Mutualistas.

      By the early 1860's some 70 co-operatives, both consumer & producer had been launched, but they were not very successful.10In 1863 the shoemakers & the tailors created their own mutuals. Valparieso was not far behind getting its Sociedad de Artesanos de Copiapo in 1864 & in 1866-67 Talco, Chillan & several other towns set up their own organizations. Tailors & shoemakers organized worker-co-ops & were inspired by the utopian socialist Ramon Picarte.

      Disputes involving politics & religion within the Talco Mutual gave rise to a statute that allowed any member to belong to any church or party & believe in whatever faith he wished, but the Society would not discuss or take sides on such matters. This concept was made universal among the mutuals. Dissention was avoided & the mutual could concentrate upon its true goal of aiding the membership.


      By 1870 there were 13 Mutuals11 but economic depression caused much suffering among the artisans. The Mutuals were important in alleviating misery - as much as they could within their limited means. In spite of misfortune, support for Mutualism grew & more societies were formed by individual trades. Branches of La Union also spread to more than a dozen cities. As well as the usual educational, health & welfare functions, La Union created the Workers Philharmonic Society in 1876.

      The Philharmonic held classes in music & dance, sponsored theatrical & musical events, recitals, poetry readings, chorals, & festivals for family members. Mutuals also formed societies against alcoholism & created their own pharmacies. Nor were mutual aid societies restricted to independent workers. Toward the end of the 19th Century mutuals of laborers & white collar workers were organized.

      The Mutuals created a kind of alternate culture or society. The workers & artisans created their own world, a micro-world...Inside these societies they created a parallel republic...12 The thinking behind this micro-world was the idea that society could be transformed peacefully through a civilizing process which involved the application of principals of liberty, mutuality, solidarity, education & self-help.

      In 1879 the Mutuals banded together & published El Taller (The Workshop) which became the voice of mutualism. By 1880 there were 39 mutual aid societies.13 Another paper, La Razon, (Reason) more educational in nature, appeared in 1884. Three years later, The Workers Society for Mutual Aid was formed in Valparieso. This group is significant as it was the first mutual developed specifically for women.

      Juana Roldan was the most influential of the women mutualist leaders. She was also director of the Filharmonica José Miguel Infanté. Out of this society in 1888, developed the first true women's political group, the Women's Emancipation Society. Two years later Roldan founded the Fraternidad de ambos sexos dedicated to improving the situation of Chilean women, the advancement of education & hygiene. Roldan was also a militant in the populist Partido Democratia.


      Mutualism had become an important force in Chile & the Radical Party, representing the "left wing" of the ruling elite, tried to seize the leadership of the movement. The Radicals had a number of working class supporters & used them to re-establish the Equality Society. It was a "front group" & nothing like the libertarian society of Bilbao & Arcos. The problem for the Radicals was their worker members were not keen on becoming stooges.

      The printers mutual became more militant during the 1880's, engaging in a kind of proto-anarcho-syndicalism. As a result, they had difficulty getting their journal, Al Gutenburg, published. The printers were forced to use the pseudo-SI as a publisher & encountered the working class Radicals. Cross-fertilization occurred, resulting in the Radicals leaving their party & uniting with the Mutualistas. This group was the core of the Partido Democratia (PD) formed in 1887. The party's first act was to organize support against the tariff on Argentinian beef which was hurting working people. The PD was the political voice of the workers' organizations & was more or less controlled by the Mutuals, in fact, one faction of the PD...was composed of anarchists...14 The PD was a forerunner of populist politics.15

      The PD Platform included; political, social & economic emancipation of the people, independence of the municipalities & protection of industry. One statute was a foretaste of State capitalism. It demanded the supremacy of the State over all associations, State assistance for health care & the aged... The author of this clause, Malaquia Concha, was enamoured of Bismarckian socialism, having visited Germany, he felt what Chile needed was German social democracy. The state supremacy clause enraged the Mutualists resulting in much dissention. After much pressure from then workers organizations, the statute was dropped. Authoritarian elements remained in the party, forming a social democratic current which split off to form the first effective State socialist party.


      Neither the PD nor the Mutualists were left in peace, for a civil war broke out in 1891, resulting in the deaths of 20,000 workers & repressive laws limiting the right to strike & to form associations. The dispute arose over a conflict between President Balmaceda, a progressive reformer, & the Chilean Congress dominated by reactionary landowners. Balmaceda had been a member of the radical Reform Club in 1868 & espoused many of the ideas dear to the hearts of the Mutualists. He believed that liberty (was) sacred & necessary for all moral & intellectual growth of the individual, was opposed to monopoly, in favor of freedom of work, self government & wanted to limit the authority of the state by decentralizing power & creating provincial autonomy.16

      That a member of the elite like Balmaceda should have such ideas & attempt to act upon them, shows the extent to which radicalism had permeated Chilean society. The fact that he was defeated, (committing suicide) also shows the limited extent to which these ideas were accepted by the ruling class. The defeat of Balmaceda guaranteed a bleak future for the workers & Chile missed an opportunity to become a modern society.

      The Mutuals managed to pull through this disaster & proved their worth, since they were the only force working to help the people in their plight.

      Once again, inspite of violence & oppression, the movement grew. But this time there arose a strong tendency toward federation of the multitude of societies.


      Already in 1888 mutuals began to federate at the city & provincial levels. The call for federation was not altogether ideological. Wretched living conditions & low wages put a strain on the resources of the local mutuals. They needed to band together for financial reasons. This illustrated the contradiction of Mutualism. Most workers were too poor to help themselves very much, let alone reach the long-term goal of a mutualist republic. One means to overcome this deficiency was to force a wage rise so workers could pay for adequate services. This was the anarcho-syndicalist solution. The method proposed by the PD was to make the employer pay the workers' mutual fees. The authoritarian socialists wanted to strip the mutuals of their rights & turn social services over to a State bureaucracy. Luis Recabarren, chief spokesman for the authoritarians ...urged absolute opposition to anarchist initiatives...17

      On SEPTEMBER 23, 1894 all the mutualist organizations in Chile sent delegates to Santiago where they formed the Workers Confederation which later became the Congresso Social Obrero, (CSO) Chile now had a national federation of mutual aid societies. By 1900 there were 240 Mutuals,18 the comparison with the 39 existing only 20 years previously, shows the spectacular growth of the movement. The Mutuals under the CSO did not organize just the usual activities of education & insurance but also fought for social laws & protested the cost of living. In 1925 the CSO & several smaller federations united to form the National Mutualist Confederation which had more than 100,000 members.

      We leave the Mutuals at this point, (returning to them later on) not because they were no longer important or had been superceded. A new libertarian force on the historical scene. This was revolutionary anarchism, a movement more ideological, more forceful, a movement which emphasized direct action & the long-term goal -abolition of the State & capitalism - to a greater degree than mutualism. One should not, however, make the error of treating the development of the labor & popular movements in thems of "social evolution". Such evolutionism is favored by marxist-oriented historians who claim a progressive development from anti-diluvian mutualism, to primitive anarcho- syndicalism to finally (fanfare please!) modern trade unionism & the socialist state. This schema is little more than rationalization for their own politics.

      Mutualism was not a "stage of history", but ideally suited the independent worker. Since artisans & tradesmen continued to be an important sector of Chilean population, mutualism persisted. & anarchism was not semi- proletarian primitivism, for Chilean anarchists were workers & not artisans or semi-proletarians...19 Syndicalism did not "evolve" out of existence, replaced by some "higher" form of trade union life. That the movement made errors goes without saying, but it was largely snuffed out by left & right- wing authoritarians.


The Beginning Of Industrialization

      The early period of industrialization in Chile (1890-1910) saw a 50% growth in the labor force. While wages rose, so did inflation at an even greater rate, causing a drop in real wages & hence impoverishment. In the period 1911-25 workers spent 97% of their income on basic necessities.20 Industrialization in Chile saw all the horrors associated with the Industrial Revolution in England such as slums, disease, a high mortality rate, prostitution, drunkenness & family break down.

      This misery was coupled by a level of brutality on the part of the elite the British or American worker never experienced.21 A thin band of capitalism was being imposed (mostly by foreigners) upon a society which was essentially feudal in its attitudes. Capitalism requires the concept of citizenship - the free individual, maximizing his advantage in a rational exchange. Someone who is guaranteed security, life & property under a system of laws. This existed only in a very rudimentary form, if at all, in Chile. The elite did not regard workers & peasants as citizens but as "human cattle" & if these "cattle" started demanding rights, well, mow them down with a Hotchkiss gun!

      At the very beginning of this era (1890) 100 nitrate workers in Iquique were shot by the army. Their "crime" was going on strike. The seamen's strike of 1903 saw at least 40 workers killed. During the "Red Week" of October 1905, a protest over inflation in Santiago, 200 people were shot by the troops. The worst example of this cruelty was the slaughter by machinegun of 2500 Iquique nitrate workers in 1907, known as the Santa Maria Massacre after the church yard where the butchery took place. Given this catalogue of horrors, it is no wonder that many Chilean workers were attracted to a more militant form of libertarianism.

      Earliest revolutionary anarchist influence came from Argentine radical literature. The first anarchist nucleus was organized by a Bakuninist Spaniard, Manuel Chinchilla. Carlos Jorquera, the first Chilean anarchist, was influenced by Chinchilla. These anarchists were associated with the Printers Union. In 1892 they formed the Centro de Estudios Sociales & a year later the first anarchist paper, El Oprimido. Jorquera formed the Maritime Union. The first attempted labor federation in Valparieso, FUPTS, was lead by anarchists. Other anarchists who were within the CSO produced El Grito del Pueblo in 1896. One year later, there were more than 100 organized anarchists in Santiago & Valparaiso. Kropotkin's & Bakunin's writings began appearing in pamphlet form about this time.

      While influences came from outside, Chilean anarchism was essentially indigenous & was not subject to the anti-immigrant hostility of the local population. Being indigenous it was pragmatic, not wasting energy in doctrinal disputes or suicidal adventures such as the soviets in Argentina or the Brazilian revolt of 1918. Chilean anarchists were therefore never as ideological as those in other Latin American countries & even though they suffered at the hand of the authorities, ...did not set themselves up for repression...22

      Most of these early anarchists were young skilled workers who were mutualistas. They favored an earthy & violent rhetoric in their attacks upon the corruption & iniquities of Chilean society. As the Santiago weekly, La Tromba stated in 1898, Nothing will be left of the political, economic & religious garbage of this sodomitic society...Everything will be destroyed. Or, the same year in El Rebelde, We wipe our arses on the paper with which you print your laws...23 For this last statement the authorities shut down the paper & jailed the editor. Two important anarchists of the formative period were Magno Espinoza of Rebelde & the trade unionist, Alejandro Escobar. In 1900 the theoretical journal, El Acrata appeared. (Acrata means "opposed to society".) The visit of Italian anarchist Pietro Gori in 1901 also contributed to the development of Chilean anarchism.

      From 1900 to 1910 the anarchists were the best organized of all the radical groups. They were strong in such trades as printing, baking, shoemaking, & the port workers of Valparaiso. There were anarchist coal miners at Concepcion. Escobar founded the first important Resistence Society, the Carpenters Union, which played a major role in the Santiago General Strike of 1907. Anarchists were instrumental informing the Printers Federation in Santiago in 1902 which had 7000 members.24 An early attempt at forming an anarcho-syndicalist federation occurred in 1906 with the formation of FTCh, the Workers Federation of Chile. Anarchists also led the Shoemakers Federation which helped organize FOCH, the first sucessful national federation.

      With the disintegration of the resistance societies after 1904 the anarchist movement went into temporary decline. The Mancommunal movement was not specifically anarchist but some anarchists held important positions in it. After 1905 the general strike was generally accepted by the anarchists. The most important anarchist newspaper of the later period was La Batalla founded in 1913 & running until repressed in 1925.

      Many young intellectuals became attracted to anarchism, especially after WW1. University & college students organized the Federation of Chilean Students (FECH) as an anarchist union. Some important anarchist leaders of the Post-War period were Manual Rojas, a novelist who was later in the IWW, the writer, Eugenio Gonzales-Rojas, Juan Chamorro, sailor & IWW leader, & Augusto Pinto, head of the Shoeworkers Union.


      * In 1904 Augusto D'Halmar formed Colonia Tolstoyana - a collective working of the land by peasants. The colony failed due to its impractical nature. A Tolstoyan colony existed in Santiago as well & published "La Protesta Humana."
* The only anarchist assassination attempt was by a Spaniard, not a Chilean, against General Renard, responsible for the Santa Maria massacre.
* Anarchist Communist publications included La Accion Obrera in 1915 & La Defensa in 1916. The Shoemakers Union & the IWW opted for anarcho-communism in the 1920's, as did the CGT in 1932
* Anarchists influenced the Union Feminina in 1922
* Anarchists formed cultural clubs in the 1920's called Centros Libertarios.


      The Resistance Societies (RS) were inspired by anarchists & influenced by the Argentine movement. A polemic ensued between the Mutualistas & Resistancias. Mutualists excluded the RS from their ranks in their 1901 conference, yet Mutuals acted as resistance societies as well. The first RS was formed in 1898 by railway workers. Soon after groups formed among shoemakers, coal miners, printers, bakers & carpenters. Escobar & Espinoza were important in the development of RS. Societies were concentrated in Central Chile & found chiefly among industrial workers. By 1900 there were 30 of them. This number mushroomed to 433 by 1910, with a total membership of 55,000.25 RS's were decentralized, rotated leadership & practiced autonomy. Out of the RS came a series of periodicals; El Alba (for coal miners), El Obrero Libre & La Agitacion. During this period, & up to the 1920's, the workers struggled to reduce the work day to eight hours & fought against such abuses as the "company store" & the use of script for pay. They wanted a real cash wage that they could spend anywhere.


2006 --

(PAGE 2 OF 3 Anarchism in Chile, Larry Gambone from anarchy archives; names & dates for Bleed & Encyclopedia)

      The first workers to win a strike were the printers. Strikes at this time were mini-civil wars since employers refused to bargain & could undermine strikes with strike-breakers & armed thugs. Workers broke machines & sometimes rioting & looting erupted. Labor laws had little effect & both workers & bosses preferred that the government keep out. Improvements in income or working conditions during this period tended to result from direct action at the workplace. Some strikes were successful & attempts to cut wages were beaten back.

      In 1890 sailors in Iquique went on strike, demanding payment of wages in silver, not worthless paper. The sailors strike sparked a wave of unrest involving the nitrate miners & workers further south. The sailors won the strike, but 100 nitrate workers were wounded by troops during a demonstration. Women in Valparaiso rioted over the high price of goods & 50 of them were killed by the military.26

      Labor unrest occurred throughout the next decade, reaching a peak in 1907, with a march of 30,000 workers & their families through the streets of Santiago. An attempted general strike was broken, putting a momentary stop to the revolt. The general strike failed because of a lack of co-ordination among the Resistance Societies. This error was rectified in the future. Compounding the difficulties for the strikers, was the depression of 1907 & the massacre in Iquique which, as one can well imagine, dampened any enthusiasm for militancy.

      The period 1909-1914 saw the rebuilding of the Resistance Societies & continued growth of the Mutuals. The latter were not effected by the repression of 1907-08. Many workers retreated back to the Mutuals after the break up of their unions. But this retreat did not last, as union membership grew from 65,000 in 1909 to 90,000 in 1913.27 Anarchist influence in Valparaiso & Santiago was greater than ever, & the Anarchists, through their Resistance societies...[kept] labor unionism alive in Chile in 1905-1916.28

      In spite of repression, by 1909 the workers were very active, with 29 strikes involving 200,000 workers.29 Once again, the wave of militancy was only temporary. The depression which occurred immediately at the outbreak of WWI, caused hardship for the workers & therefore a loss of union strength. The anarchists changed direction & formed tenant unions to reduce rents. They did not succeed in this endeavor, but did ...form the basis for future tenant unions in the 1920's.30


      The Mancomunales (Brotherhoods) came out of the mutualist movement & served both as mutual aid societies & trade unions. Their main function was defending the membership, but co-operatives were also launched. The Mancomunales were influenced by both the Resistancias & the Mutuales. Many of the latter became brotherhoods & the mancomunales always practiced mutual aid. They emphasized improvement in working conditions & safety standards, education of members & opposition to alcohol, gambling & prostitution. The funds for these organizations were ...never fraudulently misused but spent on schools, libraries, newspapers & mutual aid during sickness.31

      The Brotherhoods federated. In 1904 the Gran Mancomunal de Obreras with 20,000 members, sections in 16 cities & 11 publications was formed at a meeting in Santiago. While the Resistance Societies were local, the brotherhoods were organized on a territorial basis, uniting different trades, first on a citywide, then provincial & finally national level. They were the first true trade unions in Chile.32

      Mancomunales used direct action & allowed for a much greater level of organization & solidarity than the Resistance Societies. The first mancomunal was formed in 1900 at Iquique, through the efforts of anarchists, by port workers & soon had 6000 members - the majority of the nitrate & maritime workers in the North.33 Their journals included El Trabajo of Iquique & El Maritimo of Antofagasta. The Iquique Mancomunal organized the Mutualist Party in 1900 & produced a paper, El Obrero Mancomunal. A strike by the Iquique brotherhood in 1902 shut the port for 60 days. The strikers were supported by the PD as well as other worker groups. All the major strikes in the North (Nitrate area) were due to the mancomunales.34 Nevertheless, they almost died out after the 1907 depression & military repression. Political chicanery involving the Radical & Socialist Parties did not help. The brotherhoods revived in 1916-18 & were involved in creating the Chilean Workers Federation.


      FECh, led mainly by anarchists & IWW, fought for reform of the university system - proposing autonomy of university, a university extension system & a revision of teaching methodology. A student strike was called to push for these reforms. It had much support until the government succeeded in dividing the ranks. FECh was seized by Communists in 1932 & the libertarian influence waned. The Teachers Association formed in 1922 was strongly mutualist & had anarchist & IWW influence, as did the Primary School Teachers Society founded in 1915. Like the student union, the teachers organizations ended up in Communist hands.


      Anarcho-syndicalists proved to be the most dynamic & successful element in the working class from 1902 to 1927.35

      To divide the militant libertarians between "anarchists" & "anarcho- syndicalists" at this period is not particularly accurate. The early anarchist movement organized the first militant trade unions. Very few anarchists of the period prior to 1920 were anti-syndicalist, for hard-line anarcho-communists & individualists were few in number. However, prior to WWI the labor movement had been fragmented (in spite of anarchist attempts to the contrary) & only in 1919 do we see a mass syndicalist federation arising in Chile. Thus, we can characterize this latter period as a time of fully developed anarcho-syndicalism.

      As with the Mutuales & mancomunales, syndicalist unions were not just about wages & working conditions, but also emphasized leisure & cultural activities & perceived a glaring need for constructive entertainment.36 The anarcho-syndicalists put on a plethora of readings, concerts, dances, plays & sports events.

      During the general strike in Valparaiso in 1913 a central command of all the various unions was formed. This strike was the most significant of this period & with its sense of organization was a foretaste of future anarcho-syndicalist methods. The railway workers organized the Grand Workers Federation in 1909 as a Mutual. Five years later, the mancomunales & resistence societies were smashed by the government & these groups were allowed to join the "Grand", which changed its name to Chilean Workers Federation. (FOCh) The union was an umbrella group containing all tendencies - mutualist, populist, anarchist & socialist, thus becoming the first true national labor federation. As militancy increased, the FOCH radicalized.

      Luis Recabarren & other socialists in the PD hived off to form the Socialist Workers Party. From 1912 - on the anarchists found themselves having in dispute with a strong Marxist tendency which tried to seize control of the workers' movement & channel it in the direction of State Capitalism. The Socialist's main area of labor activity was organizing within FOCh. They attacked mutualism as yellow & counter-revolutionary, & as the monkey stage of workers organization.37 The Socialists succeeded in splitting FOCh into two factions, one devoted to direct action & the other to mutualism. There were at this time over 338 mutual societies with a total of 98,000 members. This was greater than the membership of the trade unions. Opposition to the mutualist movement divided the population & did much harm. A division tore apart the popular movement & disoriented the working class...The loss is the lack of communication between the "traditional" & "moderate" with the popular movement, giving rise to grave consequences from the point of view of class autonomy & unity.38

      The militant faction of FOCh, an alliance of anarcho-syndicalists & State socialists had the upper hand. In 1919 the union adopted anarcho-syndicalist principles & a regional federal structure. FOCh had about 60,000 members. But the syndicalist FOCH was short lived, for it was soon taken over by the Communists.

      Most trade unions outside of FOCh in the period 1917-1922 were also anarcho-syndicalist. However, ideology was not considered as important as practical syndicalism. Stability & success of the union were above ideological considerations.39 This practical syndicalism was also very militant. Between 1916 & 1921 there were 13 general strikes, 29 intersectoral strikes & 259 industry-wide strikes.40 During this period & for several years after, Anarchists enjoyed more prestige among workers in Santiago & Valparaiso than did the Marxists...41 Numerous periodicals were founded to expound the libertarian philosophy. To name but a few, Verba Roja, Numen, Accion Directa, (The IWW journal) & Mar y Tierra.

      The cost of living was a major issue. As a result, an unprecedented movement for popular unity arose, uniting anarchists, FOCh, Catholic unions, populists, socialists, the mutualist societies, professionals, students & the middle classes. Called the Asamblea Obrera de la Alimentacion (AOA) it marked the highest level of popular unity in Chilean history. The AOA demanded abolition of taxes & duties on food & formation of free farmers markets in the cities. Demonstrations attracted more than 100,000 in Santiago in 1918 & 50,000 in Valparaiso in 1919. The failed general strike by FOCh in Santiago undermined the AOA & the movement was unable to push through its reforms. The coalition rapidly fell apart. Chilean anarchists could never again organize such a vast coalition, for the Communist - induced sectarianism made such unity impossible.


      The Chilean IWW was first formed in Valparaiso in 1918 by dissatisfied anarchist dock workers. Members of the Marine Transport Workers Union of the American IWW encountered Chilean dock workers & sailors in the port city. Juan Chamorro was disappointed in FOCh, thought the IWW's unitary union superior to federalism & helped organize the new union centre. Branches were also developed in Iquique & Antofagasta. At a national convention in 1919, the Chilean IWW was officially launched & soon expanded to 19 cities. Total membership stood at about 10,000 at this period.42

      In 1920 the IWW led a three month long strike to protest the export of grain during a food shortage. The government repressed both the IWW & anarchists, going so far as to frame the Wobblies with a planted bomb. They failed to destroy the movement. The Chilean IWW joined the IWMA at its formation in 1922. Hot on the heels of the 1920 post-war depression the employers went on the offensive & from 1921 to 1923 were successful in beating back the unions. There was a massacre at San Gregorio in 4 Feb 1921 with 565 nitrate miners killed.43 IWW members were not involved, but this gives an idea of the situation in which workers lived at the time.

      Even though readily co-operating with the IWW, most anarchist unions did not join the organization out of fear of losing their autonomy. In 1924 the IWW adopted anarcho-communism & radically decentralized its structure. But this did not preserve the union. Stuck between the Communists & the anarchists, the IWW lost many members to the syndicalists except for those in San Antonio & Valparaiso. The Ibanez dictatorship helped destroy the IWW. The Wobblies revived briefly in 1942-45. One of the causes of the break up of the IWW was the dispute over regional (federal) vs. unitary union structure. The port workers, bakers & printers hived off forming a new organization called FORCh.


      In 1921 the Communists under Recabarren took over FOCh & a battle commenced between the libertarian & authoritarian wings of the labor movement. This struggle saw the Communist unions on one side, opposed to the IWW & Anarchists on the other. The Communists attacked & beat the anarchists at a rally in Valparaiso in 1923, an act typical of their methods. The CP press slandered anarchists & Wobblies as "police agents" & "fascists" - other normal tactic in their repertoire. This bullying was not an isolated incident, but part of a world-wide conspiracy to either seize or destroy democratic & libertarian trade unions. The FOCh became a tool of the CP & non-communist officials were purged. Many non-communist unions left & the federation was severely weakened.

      Recabarren & his supporters broke popular unity no less than three times - first by splitting the Socialists from the Populists, the second by fragmenting the workers movement into mutualists & syndicalist militants, & the third by turning FOCh into a Communist front.

      The CP forced "ideological fine tuning" upon the labor movement, which up to this time, had showed little inclination toward sectarian foolishness & inter-group violence. Thus by 1924 Communists, Wobblies, Anarcho- syndicalists, Democrats & Catholics...had defined themselves ideologically...and unification of the labor movement became impossible.44 Once again, CP manipulation was not just a Chilean phenomenon. Prior to Bolshevism, worker protest movements throughout the world, in spite of any differences they might have, saw themselves belonging to the same family. Workers would flow in & out of different organizations, or belong to several different ones. This pragmatism was replaced by abuse & hatred - the ultimate result of which, was the destruction of the labor movement.


      Alessandri gained the presidency in 1920 on a pseudo-populist reform platform, however, most of the desired changes did not materialize. The military revolted in January 1925, insisting the reforms take place. Its goal at this point, was co-opting rather than repressing labor. Alessandri resigned & fled the country. A junta of admirals & colonels ruled. A coup d'etat by Colonels Marmaduke Grove & "Paco" Ibanez resulted in Alessandri being invited to govern once more. The number of strikes increased, reaching a peak in May. Most of these strikes were by anarchist unions & not FOCh.

      Workers at the Marusia mine in March 1925, fearing slaughter by the army, defended themselves with rifles & dynamite, killing 36 soldiers.45 This was one of the few times workers went on the offensive & were not simply victims of the State. Alessandri decided to put a halt to the strikes & on June 4th, 6-800 nitrate miners were gunned down by troops at La Coruna. The anarchist press was closed & mass arrests occurred in Iquique & other cities. Government repression brought the 1925 strike wave to an abrupt end. In September Alessandri resigned once more, leaving power in the hands of Ibanez who became a dictator. His rule was "legitimized" in 1927 through a presidential election.

      The labor movement went into decline after the repression of 1925. But the government was not the sole cause of this. The economy was in depression & the unity of labor had been broken. Organized workers were split six ways - Communists vs. Anarchists, federalists vs. industrial unionists & mutualists vs. syndicalists. The Communists, for all their machinations, were in worse shape than the anarchists, as FOCh lost most of its support.

      The government passed a social security law demanding obligatory payments to the state. The Mutuals to became active, joining hands with the syndicalists in an attempt to defeat the legislation. The campaign failed since the CP-dominated FOCh refused to support the General Strike of February 20 1926 called against the institution of government social security.

      A new central, the Regional Workers Federation (FORCh), formed in 1926 composed of anarcho-syndicalist unions & IWW dissidents. The union united both the regional & industrial union concepts. FORCh didn't have long to organize. On Feb 23 1927 Colonel Ibanez formally abolished the labor movement & union offices were raided, anarchist groups disbanded & all their journals shut down.


      The generally accepted view is the decline of the anarchist movement was a result of the repression of the Ibanez regime. But labor had suffered far worse before & come out stronger than ever. The decentralized nature of Chilean labor made it difficult to destroy. It had been beaten down & revived again in 1907, 1914, 1920 & 1925. All-in-all, 978 people were arrested & interned by Ibanez & only 12% of these were anarchists, the largest group being Communists. Nor were there any massacres. During the dictatorship, the anarchist printers & stevedore unions functioned & anarchists marched openly during the Mayday demonstration of 1928. Strikes were organized & the periodical Rebelion appeared. Something else was responsible for the defeat, for the effects of the persecution were of secondary importance in comparison with the consequences of the government's social policies.46 Many anarchists were co-opted by corporatism & the movement divided & weakened.

      Ibanez was a "Paco", (a rude term for a member of the Carabineros or State Police) & since pacos came from humble backgrounds, he had some sympathy for the workers. But this sympathy took the form of corporatism rather than anarcho-syndicalism. Ibanez & his fellow officers were not conservatives who wished a return to feudal labor relations, but wanted a corporate state to provide improvements for the workers & also integrate the unions into the state structure. They, like Juan Peron, were fascists in the genuine sense of the word.

      As a first step toward creating a corporate state, Ibanez decreed a series of social laws, legislation which had been talked about for years, but never acted upon due to opposition by the oligarchy. He then called an election & the workers overwhelming supported him. (Winning 74% of the vote.) The landslide victory is understandable given this was the first time a government had ever done anything substantial to help the working class. The new state also created so-called legal unions. The laws under which these unions were to obliged to operate made many anarchist unions illegal. (One of the restrictions being that unions had to be strictly anti-ideological) This measure was to be the undoing of the anarcho-syndicalist movement.


      Two main tendencies existed within anarcho-syndicalism. One of these was revolutionary syndicalism, the other was "sindicalismo puro" or the gremialista (guild) tendency. However, the distinctions were not cut & dried. Sindicalismo puro sought immediate improvements in wages & working conditions & was not concerned with revolution or final goals. This group maximized the anti-ideological & anti-political attitudes found generally within Chilean syndicalism, rejecting ideology & politics largely out of fear of breaking workers' unity. Ibanez was well aware of the differences between the puros & the revolutionaries & took advantage of these differences.

      However, syndicalist activities, regardless of stated ideology, involved immediate improvements of the workers' situation & did not justify the existence of a revolutionary principle within the unions.47 The revolution was therefore something for the future, not now, & this resulted in an apolitical attitude & a concentration on the day-to-day. The revolutionary & non- revolutionary anarchists often ended up sounding & acting exactly the same. Furthermore, ideologically well-versed revolutionary anarchists were few in number & a general vagueness of principles existed within the labor movement. Thus, anarchist unions were reduced to organizations fighting for better conditions & for many militants the "final goal" was reduced to the formation of a pure, powerful, democratic & unified trade union movement, or the revolution was reduced to internal life of the union itself.48

      Before Ibanez, all improvements in working conditions came through strikes. Anarchists were opposed to the legislative process & this reflected the reality of the time, for the government only oppressed the workers. However, the Ibanez social laws changed this. For the puros the new laws were seen as an effective tool to help fight the capitalists, but they did not accept the "harmony of interests" ideology of corporatism. While few anarchists, if any, went over to corporatism, they were willing to accept what they thought were its benefits. The anarcho-syndicalist idea of an economy controlled by trade unions also had superficial similarities to corporatism, enough to confuse many workers.

      Thus, the largest section of the anarcho-syndicalist movement, the puros, were swept up into the "legal union" structure. The puros did not seem think this was a break with past ideology & in the majority of cases, we see a coherence in the actions & words before & after the appearance of the Ibanez reforms.49

      Not only the union movement was effected by corporatism. It caused disputes within the Mutualist movement as well. The directorate of the Mutualist Confederation wanted the membership to demonstate support for Ibanez in 1927. Many members were opposed, for corporatism was a danger to the mutualist movement, taking away the reason for its existence. A pure mutualista slate fought in the Confederation election to "save the movement from politics." The slate won the election, but then turned around & supported Ibanez also.


      The anarchists never fully recovered from Ibanez & his corporate state. Even though they re-grouped in 1931-32 to form a new syndicalist federation, & were still more powerful than the Communists, they had lost their leadership role. The largest union centre was that of the legal unions, the National Confederation of Legal Unions, organized in 1932 out of two different legal union federations. The Legales

      outnumbered the revolutionary anarchists more than five to one. The Socialist Party soon came to dominate the legal unions, as many of the Socialist militants were themselves former puro anarcho-syndicalists.

      In 1931 the General Labor Confederation (CGT) was formed, uniting the IWW remnants with FORCh & several other anarcho-syndicalist unions. Rather than based upon the IWW industrial union concept, the CGT adopted the regionalism of the Argentine anarcho-syndicalist centre, FORA. The new federation had 25,000 members including some of the most skilled & highly paid workers in Chile.50 The 35 different unions included the Carpenters, Electricians, & Printers. The CGT's journal was La Protesta, which became the most important libertarian newspaper in Chile. The Communists tried to revive FOCh but weren't as successful as the anarchists were with the CGT. By 1936 the CGT still had 15,000 members with federations in 10 cities & affiliates in four others.51 They had a number of successes in reducing the work week & raising salaries. Several other anarchist unions remained independent of the CGT , such as the Plasters Union who had their own newspaper - published until 1955.

      In 1936 the Communist, Socialist, independent, legal & CGT unions met to form a new federation. The CGT refused to join. Not out of fear of Communist domination, but opposition to the "legal unions". The CP, Radicals & Socialists supported the legal unions & so the largest group of organized workers ended up in the pocket of the political parties & not as allies of the syndicalists.

      By 1946 the CGT was a mere shell of its former self. Part of this decline was due to the fact the CGT suffered more repression than any other union. Many of the poor who supported its campaigns against taxes, high rent & inflation were drawn to the Popular Front victories in government & abandoned the anarchists. The absorbtion by the parties of the "legal unions" also undermined them. In its 1931 congress the CGT voted in favor of libertarian communism as the final goal of the movement. They proposed a more ideological approach at the very moment when the dominant tendency within Chilean anarcho-syndicalism was in the opposite direction.

      Virtually all of Chile's labor unions came together in 1953 & formed the United Labor Centre (CUT). This time the CGT joined. The CUT executive in 1953 had four anarchist members, --Ramon Dominguez, Hector Duran, Ernesto Miranda & Celio Poblete. Within the new federation, the anarchists controlled the Shoemakers, Printers & Maritime workers unions. Although a minority, they had an important role to play, during the early years of...CUT the principle opposition to the Communists came from the anarcho-syndicalists.52 CUT was dominated by the Communists in alliance with the heretofore anti-communist Socialists.

     With the new level of labor unity giving them confidence, workers became restive. Tension mounted as strikes & demonstrations became common. "Paco" Ibanez was president again, this time by election & not force of arms. Remembering the repression of 25 years previously, workers readied themselves to revolt. In July 1956 the membership forced CUT to proclaim a general strike which shut down the entire country for two days. But the Communist & Socialist majority soon agreed to end the strike, even though Ibanez had talked of handing the government over to CUT. Another general strike was called in 1957 but workers no longer trusted CUT & the strike failed to gain momentum.

      After this failure most anarcho-syndicalists withdrew from CUT & many of those remaining tended to boycott union elections. By 1960 anarchist influence in the Chilean workers movement became minimal.53 Anarchists who had been in CUT formed the CNT in 1960 & joined ICFTU & ORIT, but Victor Alba writing in 1968 stated that ...its development has been slow...54

      One of the anarchists that stayed in CUT was Ernesto Miranda, leader of the Shoe Workers Union, who joined Clotario Blest's (radical Christian president of CUT) Movimiento de Fuerza Revolucionario, (MFR) a group which attempted to unite the far-left, anti-electoral forces in 1961. In 1965 this group became the MIR & Miranda was one of its leaders. Two years later, when MIR was taken over by a group of young militants favoring armed struggle, Miranda (and Blest) withdrew.

      Miranda was also a member of Blest's Frente Revolucionario de Accion Sindical which ran unsuccessfully in the 1972 CUT elections.


anarchists 7.9 %
radicals 6.3 %
trotskists 0.7 %
Christ.Demo 6.3%

2006 --

PAGE 3 OF 3 Anarchism in Chile, Larry Gambone from anarchy archives; names & dates for Bleed & Encyclopedia

      At the formation of CUT in 1953 the anarchists were more influential than the Radical Party, which had a long tradition of working class support & the Christian Democrats who were to have a significant following among workers. This shows that even at this late date, anarchism was still a minority movement but not yet totally marginalized. (The group "anarchists" is listed in 1968 as having 1.8% of CUT delegates but the MIR, an ML group is thrown in among them.)


      By the time the Popular Unity government of Salvador Allende was elected in 1970, the labor & popular movements were dominated by the Marxist-Leninist parties. The only serious opposition to Leninism came from the moderate left -the social democratic faction within the Socialist party, the Radical & Christian Democratic parties. The anarchists were too marginalized to promote an alternative to State Capitalism. Nonetheless, there were developments similar in spirit to the old anarcho-syndicalist movement. These occurred spontaneously. In October of 1972 a more or less general strike of employers, the "Bosses Strike" occurred against the Popular Unity government. Workers responded by occupying factories & organizing production on their own. In order to co-ordinate distribution of products & to defend themselves against attack, workers organized Cordones industriales. In the countryside the council movement or Consejos, similar in function to the Cordones was organized.

      The poblaciones (poor working class neighborhoods) saw the creation of comandos comunales which by-passed the inefficient government organizations called JAPS. Here were proclaimed the existence of "self- governing neighborhoods" and for the first time, people who had previously been excluded from participation in social life were able to make decisions concerning the basic realities of their daily lives.56 MIR tried dominating them, so the comandos were not free of politicians.

      During the coup the areas where the cordones & comandos operated were singled out for attack by the military. They were also the areas where the greatest resistance occurred. The largest number of victims came from the poblaciones. Ironically, had a successful Chilean revolution occurred these very same people might well have become the first victims of the "proletarian dictatorship" - like the anarchist sailors at Kronstadt or the Anarchists in the Cuban Revolution.


      The libertarian left began to reorganize in 1979, some six years after the military take-over. An umbrella group, Socialist Ideas & Action (PAS) was formed uniting long time anarchist militants [and] libertarian socialists...independents in the Unidad Popular coalition. These latter were former members of the left-wing split-off from Christian Democracy, MAPU. In July 1982, PAS held a national conference in Santiago & produced a Declaration of Principles. This stated that the group wished for a new social order based on the free federation of the people for mutual aid & co- operation in the production of social wealth. They also sought a further development of neighborhood autonomy & immediate recallability for union officials. PAS, at this time had to work as an underground organization.

      In a document released in November of 1982, PAS wrote that the Pinochet regime was most likely to restore democracy in the face of growing unrest rather than risk a social explosion. They also felt that the reestablishment of democracy would in itself led to an explosion as the movement re-emerges into the open as the flame hits the air.57


      The re-establishment of parliamentary democracy did not lead to a social explosion, in fact the opposite occurred. This is understandable. Chileans By 1989, Chileans had gone through some 20 years of violent upheaval & only wanted social peace & normalization. Nonetheless, anarchist groups continue to produce propaganda & to participate actively in social struggles. El Acrata was re-established in 1994 by the KAS group in Santiago. Like its predecessor of 1900, it concentrates on the more theoretical aspects of anarchism. Syndicalism is favored & among other things, the group has been active in protesting insanitary conditions in maximum security prisons. (However, at the time of writing this article I was not able to contact either El Acrata or KAS, so it is possible the group has dissolved)

      The Sociedades Mutuales still function, & in a society where the Welfare State is practically non-existent, mutual aid plays a much greater role than elsewhere.

      Co-operatives, both agricultural & consumer, are found in Chile, although they do not have the same level of economic influence that similar movements have in Western Europe or Canada.

      There are other libertarian-oriented developments. Left-wing Christians & ex-Marxist-leninists who rejected the vanguard party formed local "base committees" working in the poblaciones. They function as mutual aid societies & centres to organize local issues. Free market libertarianism is of growing interest among a sector of the professional middle class, in part a result of the successful market-oriented economic policies of the Pinochet & succeeding democratic governments. The Green Movement out- distanced the Communist Party in the last presidential elections. Most of these environmentalists may be authoritarian, as is the case elsewhere, but a decentralist, local-control faction also exists. One example of this is a group which encourages intensive gardening in the poblaciones, both as good environmentalism & to improve the diet of poor Chileans.


      1. The Failure of Chilean Syndicalism Points Out Anarcho-syndicalism's Defects.

      Chilean anarcho-syndicalism was afflicted by a problem that no other anarcho-syndicalist grouping, nor any other revolutionary movement for that matter, has ever been able to overcome. This is the contrast between day-to- day "bread & butter" struggles & the final goal of revolution & the ideal social system. Social democracy tried minimum & maximum programs, only to end up dedicated to the former. Lenin thought he found the key in the pure revolutionary party, but such parties still had to relate to the demands of non-revolutionary front groups & trade unions, not to mention suffering from the conservative effects of internal bureaucratization. Thus, Leninists too, inevitably slide into reformism. In the real world that lies outside the fantasy-world of the system-builders, to remain a pure & unsullied revolutionary is to condemn one's group to the life of a tiny, ineffective sect, unable to intervene in the popular struggle.

      The contrast between the present & the future goal causes great stress within any supposedly revolutionary mass movement, continually giving rise to factions that are either purely reformist or ultra-revolutionary. Such internal conflicts undermine the effectiveness of an organization. As the pressure of daily reality makes itself felt, more & more of the membership of a revolutionary organization abandon revolutionary politics. Those who are ideologically committed to revolution turn their ideology into a Sunday faith, & the rest of the time behave no different from the so-called (and despised) reformists.

      The revolutionary is faced with an impossible task, a sort of political squaring of the circle, for what s/he is trying to do, is be two places at the same time, the wicked Here & Now & the distant Future Paradise. All the shouting of traitor, sell-out, agent-of the bourgeoisie, petit-bourgeois mentality etc, can not hide the fact that what the revolutionary desires is simply impossible.

      The revolutionary has committed an error - a form of reification common to intellectuals. The revolution is a myth. The total & complete overturning of society in one sudden blow has never happened & never will happen. The model upon which revolutionary ideology was based, the French Revolution, at one point attempted to "storm the heavens", but in the end was little more than a series of reforms made by force of arms.

      Revolutionaries have adopted a secularized version of a literal interpretation of the Second Coming of Christ. This is a deeply-rooted archetype within Western society, but revolutionaries are the very sort of people who reduce everything to social structures & are therefore unaware of the unconscious workings of the mind. They are people who look to external forces for all explanations & are do not heed the wise words of Socrates, "Know Thyself!"

      The split between present & future is also a split between end & means. Since the end is so wonderful almost any means seems viable to reach it. Hence we have an Orwellian world where democracy will come through dictatorship, peace through violence, liberty through statism. What is not understood is that the end is contained within the means & if we apply the correct means on a daily basis in our "bread & butter" reality, life may some day come to approximate the mythical final goal. In other words, the revolution is now, not in the future. The final goal, which even Communists claim to believe in, is a society that maximizes liberty. Not the liberty of atoms, not the liberty of the jungle, which is no liberty at all, but a liberty that comes with solidarity & mutual aid. The means then, is the same as the end - liberty & reciprocity will, in the end, give rise to a society where liberty & reciprocity predominate.

      Few anarcho-syndicalists, then or now, would disagree, these are aspects of the ideology. But the problem is, they are merely aspects & can be brushed aside by seemingly more pressing issues. For example, the need to preserve the union, or winning a strike. In terms of ideology, the natural tendency for revolutionary syndicalism is to put class struggle first. All people, not just syndicalists or revolutionaries, will find a hundred excuses as to why we must give up our liberty, (just this once, mind you!) because of some important cause. Hence, an anarchist joining the Communists becomes understandable. (After all the Bolsheviks are successfully defeating the wicked capitalists!) So too support for the Ibanez reforms, or the Welfare State. (After all these reforms are helping the workers!) Freedom? Well, Sorry that'll have to wait. No one for whom liberty is the priority could make such errors.

      The stresses within Chilean syndicalism (and syndicalist movements in other countries) in the 1920's indicated that the movement was somewhat ill-adapted to the contemporary reality. Not only in the revolution vs. reformism aspect discussed above. Its theory was rooted in an other era, a time of primitive industrialization with an elite dominated by a feudal culture.

      By the 1920's, even in Chile to an extent, the period of primitive industrialization was terminating & the economy was moving toward what Gramsci called "Fordism". An expanding "middle class" of better paid workers began to buy consumer goods. This group would grow in size & influence to become the largest sector of the population. The workers, their unions & mutual aid societies were a force to be reckoned with, a force now courted by politicians. Everyone in society, except a minority of feudalists, preached the virtues of Modernity, Progress, & Economic Development. (The dispute that arose was over how this development would occur, not whether it should occur.)58

      Astute European revolutionaries such as Antonio Gramsci & Alphonse Merrheim understood that capitalist society was changing & sought, in their different ways, to adapt working class politics to these changes. However, the majority of syndicalists went along blithely as though it was still 1906. This could not disguise the frustrations which arose within the unions. Communism & corporatism proved to be the political ideologies that would attract the dissatisfied syndicalists, & with the exception of the French CGT, which ultimately failed, there was no serious attempt to modernize anarcho-syndicalism.

      That's basically where the syndicalist remnants & revolutionary anarchists find themselves today. A turn-of-the-century world where all social problems are reduced to the iniquities of capitalism & little awareness exists of the complexity of post-modern society. A simple black & white world of rich capitalists & poor workers, evil right-wingers & good revolutionaries. Where the contemporary world does intervene, it takes the form of ideologies such as feminism & ecologism tacked on the end of syndicalist ideology. The work of building a contemporary anarcho- syndicalism remains to be done.


      When visiting the city of Chillan recently, I happened to wander into the local La Union mutualist centre. It had been founded in 1869, but the large three story building must have been built in the 1950's. A glass display case in the foyer held information about the latest meetings & events. People bustled in & out of offices & inside an immense meeting hall scores of children were rehearsing a Christmas pageant.

      The Mutualist Movement makes is an interesting comparison to the revolutionary anarchist movement. While the mass revolutionary unions are long gone, mutualism is alive & well. Nor are benefit societies the only form that mutual aid takes. I also visited the Capel distillery, the largest manufacturer of pisco. (a kind of grappa, the highest quality of which is like brandy) The young woman who led us through the factory told us that Capel was a co-operative, owned by thousands of small farm co-operatives. I also saw housing co-operatives under construction as well as consumer & credit co-ops.

      Mutualism has survived for over 140 years, having gone through at least three economic depressions, a civil war, corporatism, stalinist hegemony over the workers movement & the 1973 golpe. The reasons for the success of this movement need investigating. One reason is that it is practical. Trade union are also practical, but are still future oriented, the worker must struggle now & at some later date his pay might be higher. That which is won now, can also be lost later either through inflation or a repressive government. A purist revolutionary sect has no practical basis whatever. The mutualist group gives immediate & lasting results. People remain because of the benefits they receive by belonging.

      Political groups, (and most especially revolutionary groups,) are ideologically inclined. They preach an ideology that only a minority is interested in. The ideological emphasis leads to disputes & sectarianism, splits develop & the organization is weakened by schisms. The anti-clerical & atheist tendencies of the revolutionaries limits their appeal to the religious. Mutuals try at all times to be above religious & political disputes, concentrating on the task at hand. Concentrating on what everyone can agree on, regardless of belief. In this manner mutualists unite the broadest number of people & not suffer from destructive in-fighting. Mutualism does have an ideology, but one that is inclusive not exclusive.

      Few people, except for the most hide-bound of feudal oligarchs, could find much wrong with the doctrines & practices of the mutualists. For Christians, there was the emphasis on morality & mutual aid which seemed a way of putting Christs's teachings into practice. Businessmen were pleased by the emphasis on education & self-help. Civil libertarians could look to the emphasis on civil & democratic rights. Classical liberals saw the hostility toward statism.

      Mutualism was not threatening, which explains how it survived the anti-red hysteria during the Pinochet coup, during which left-wing unions & organizations were crushed, their members arrested, & in many cases tortured or killed. The mutualist movement never called for expropriation of property, or the seizure of state power, nor did it preach hatred against the rich or sneer at the so-called petite bourgeois. Mutualism never directly challenged existing property relations & therefore property owners both large & small, were never frightened by it.

      To be unthreatening is not something positive in the eyes of the revolutionary. To them, it meant mutualism was useless as a tool for emancipating the workers & indeed, in spreading social peace, was a reactionary force. True, there are times when force & threats are unavoidably necessary. Also mutualism did have its limitations, which are discussed below, & sometime even being peaceful can be threatening to the established order, as for example, the Civil Rights Movement & the Segregationists. But this does not mean it is a virtue to threaten. Those who laud a threatening stance have a primitive sense of psychology.

      Create a climate of fear & people will begin to hate the people they fear. When you hate someone you dehumanize them & turn them into objects. It then becomes relatively easy to justify killing them.59 For the weak to go out of their way to threaten the strong is also suicidal. The mutualists were using what Tolstoy called "non-resistance to evil". One's weakness is used to an advantage. The artisans were very numerous yet poor & powerless. Liberalism, as an ideology, but not necessarily as a practice, was becoming dominant in Chile. The mutualists were able to use their numbers & the liberal ideology to an advantage. They were not threatening, so they were allowed to organize. In organizing they became a force to be reckoned with. They forced liberalism to make its democratic & republican rhetoric more of a reality & in doing so they were able to carve out a space for themselves within society.

      While mutualism did not challenge property relations directly, it did so indirectly. Workers banded together for health insurance, consumer & credit co-ops, for housing & co-operative workshops. Some of activities competed with capitalist business, & there were attempts to limit mutualism, but without any lasting success. Halting the growth of mutualism through force, legislation, or chicanery conflicted with liberalism's central tenants; free competition in a free market, the right of property & freedom of association. Mutualism put the reactionary capitalists over a barrel of their own making.

      However, no country in the world has more than 10% of its economy in mutualist & co-operative ventures. Not a great deal of progress in 150 years, a critic might say. Yet, when compared with the alternatives, mutualism does not look like such a failure. What have the expropriators, the revolutionaries, accomplished during this time but totalitarian regimes & mountains of corpses? What has social democracy done, other than create massive government bureaucracies which stifle autonomy & solidarity? Mutualism was only one current among the workers. What if the energy that was sunk into revolutionary utopias & statist reformism had been put into mutualism?

      Mutualism does have limitations, as mentioned earlier. When the vast majority of the working population live at subsistence level or lower, it is difficult to pay the association's fees, let alone invest money in a co- operative. Hence, mutualism tends to be limited to better-off artisans & skilled workers. In order to remedy this defect, workers formed unions to drive up their wages & populist mutualists suggested that the state should pay the fees of the poor through general tax revenue. But with a country whose per capita GNP is, say, $500 a year, people are going to be poor even if you took all the wealth of the rich minority. What is needed is rapid economic growth combined with social legislation & trade unions wage pressure. Present day Chile is therefore better prepared for mutualism than 100 years ago, since the country is many times richer. The same is true of the fully developed economies.

      Another problem with mutualism is its tendency to become conservative & to concentrate only upon the immediate tasks at hand. Expanding the movement, let alone building a mutualist society, becomes forgotten. We see this in the developed world with the co-operative movement, where the notion of the "co-operative commonwealth", if it exists at all, has become a Sunday faith. While practicality is a good thing, too much of it is not. Utopianism should be avoided, but a strong desire to change society is definitely needed. The problem of conservatism, so similar to the contradiction facing anarcho-syndicalism, has never been successfully overcome by any mutualist movement. Perhaps it cannot be resolved.

      In spite of these problems, mutualism could have a bright future. In the developed world the limits of social democratic corporatism have been reached, pushing state capitalism into crisis. Yet, society still wants & needs health care, education & social services. There is full agreement on this, no matter what left-wing propaganda would have us believe. Where disagreement lies is how these services are to be provided. The "right" argues in favor of the private sector coupled with state subsidies for the poor, while the "left" favors the state capitalist status quo. The only satisfactory solution to this political conflict & to the crisis of state capitalism is to adopt mutualism.

      Almost anyone in the rich countries who works can afford to pay the costs to mutual aid societies for health care, unemployment insurance etc. Those who are too poor could have the government pay their fees, as implied by the contemporary "right". Since these societies are "non-profit", & depend upon much volunteer labor, premiums would be cheaper than private capitalist organizations. People would be less likely to abuse a system they owned & controlled, as compared to the present callous state bureaucracies. Doctors would be employees rather than being paid on a per- visit basis & health care costs would decline. The present 40-50% of the economy that is comprised of government social services & pension funds would end up owned & controlled by ordinary people & economic democracy would finally flourish.


Alba, Victor, Politics & The Labor Movement Of Latin America, Stanford, 1968.

Albert, Paul, Chile: Anarchism & The Workers Movement, BLACK FLAG QUARTERLY Autumn 1983.

Alexander, Robert, Organized Labor In Latin America, Free Press, NY, 1965

Angel, Allen, Politics & The labor Movement In Chile, Oxford 1972.

Balmaceda, José, Manuel, El Ideario Politico y Social de Balmaceda, ATENEA No. 463, Concepcion, 1991.

DeShazo, Peter, Urban Workers & Labor Unions in Chile, 1902-1927, Univ. Wisc. 1983.

Echeverria, Monica, Antihistoria de un Luchador, (Clotario Blest), Santiago, 1993.

Flores, Jorge Rojas, La Dictadura de Ibanez y los Sindicatos, Biblioteca Nacional, Santiago 1993.

FREEDOM. July 9 1994, News From Chile.

Greenfield, G., Latin American Labor Organizations, Greenwood, NY 1987.

Illanes, Maria A., La Revolucion Solidaria - Historias de las Sociedades Obrerade Socorros Mutuos, Chile 1840-1920, SEDEJ Santiago Chile 1990.

Johnson, Dale, The Chilean Road to Socialism, Anchor, NY, 1973.

Necochea, H. R., Origen del Partido Comunista de Chile, Ed. Progreso, Moscu 1984.

NO MIDDLE GROUND, Fall 1983, The Re-emergence of Anarchism in Chile.

Pointblank, Strange Defeat, NO MIDDLE GROUND, Fall 1983.

Troncoso, M.P. Rise of The Latin American Labor Movement, Bookman, NY 1960.

Skidmore, Thomas, Smith, Peter, Chile, Democracy, Socialism, & Repression in Modern Latin America, Oxford, 1984.

Simon Fanny, Anarchism & Anarcho-Syndicalism in Latin America, Hispanic American Review, Vol XXVI, Feb. 1946.

Spalding, Herbert, Organized Labor in Latin America, NY 1977.

Vitale, Luis, Interpretacion Marxista de la Historia de Chile, Tomo 5 1891-1932, LOM, Santiago.


1. Illanes 18,19
2. Alba 88
3. op cit, 30
4. ibid 34
5.. Alba 205
6. ibid
7. Another generation of elitists would accuse the mutualists of fascism!
8. Illanes 37
9. ibid 44
10. Alba 246
11. Albert
12. Illanes 81
13. Albert
14. Alba 46
15. Skidmore 120
16. Balmaceda
17. Alba 46
18. Albert
19. DeShazo xxvi
20. ibid 62
21. In Britain in 1819, 11 were killed at Peterloo
22. DeShazo xxvii
23. ibid 93
24. Albert
25. ibid
26. Alba 246
27. DeShazo 130
28. ibid 134
29. Vitale 102
30. DeShazo 134
31. Angel 21
32. Vitale 94
33. Albert
34. Angel 21
35. DeShazo xxv
36. ibid 79
37. Illanes 141
38. ibid, 141, 144
39. DeShazo 155
40. Vitale 103
41. DeShazo 157
42. ibid 199
43. Vitale 276
44. DeShazo 207
45. Vitale 286
46. Flores 144
47. ibid 98
48. ibid 101
49. ibid 99
50. Angel 26
51. Greenfield
52. Alexander 98
53. Albert
54. Alba 253
55. Angel 218
56. Point Blank
57. Re-emergence NMG
58. There were four fundamental models for development, fascism, stalinism, social democracy & pragmatic liberalism.
59. The pre-modern attitude was that rebelling workers were a kind of diseased animal life & that it was necessary to shoot them.

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2006 -- ORGANO DE EXPRESION Y COMBATE DE LA CONFEDERACION NACIONAL DEL TRABAJO Federación Local de la Puebla del Río (CNT-AIT) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 30 horas, reparto de la riqueza, gimnasia anarcosindicalista o como crecer con la acción directa La Comarcal de la Plana en el cnt de enero le dio un empujón a nuestra reivindicación de las treinta horas semanales. En el cnt de marzo el SOV de Bilbao hizo otro tanto, incidiendo además en el reparto de la riqueza. Queremos ahora hacer nuestra aportación a lo que pensamos que es un punto fundamental de nuestra acción sindical. La reivindicación de una jornada máxima semanal de 30 horas debería ser intensificada por nuestra organización sindical. Queda claro que no es un eslogan de moda para nosotr@s. Nuestra plataforma reivindicativa complementa los diferentes aspectos que rodean a esta reducción de jornada. Eliminación del pluriempleo, de las horas extras, de los destajos, jubilación a los 55 años, eliminación de contratos precarios... Está suficientemente esclarecido que esas 30 horas semanales no sería una medida aislada, si no el eje de todo un cambio en las relaciones laborales obrero-empresa. El carácter que le están dando los sindicaleros del régimen (CCOO-UGT) y sus imitadores a la reducción de jornada no puede ser más complaciente con la empresa y el gobierno. Dicen 35 horas, sin pérdidas para el patrón, lógicamente esto supone una mayor productividad o una pérdida de salario. En Sevilla ya tenemos un ejemplo de ello. Varios trabajadores han negociado con la empresa y el acuerdo ha sido de realizar 35 horas semanales pero con una reducción del 15% del sueldo. Nada nuevo. Este no es el camino que indica la CNT. Analicemos un poco Gran parte de los empleados públicos tienen unas jornadas reales de 35 horas semanales. En el campo la duración legal de la jornada varia según lo pesado que sea el mismo. En centros públicos se suele reducir la jornada hasta a 25 horas semanales en el periodo de vacaciones. Ciertas profesiones tienen pocas horas de dedicación, algunas sólo 12 a la semana. Otras, como en el comercio o la hostelería, están obligados a largas jornadas, aunque la legislación diga 8 horas al día. También hay que considerar las grandes diferencias de sueldo entre unos trabajadores y otros. Habrá que analizar más profundamente todos los aspectos de la reducción de la jornada. De nada valdría tampoco una ley sobre las 30 horas semanales si ésta se incumple igual que la de 40. También la mayor productividad en una obra o en una cadena de montaje supondría sin duda mayor índice de accidentes laborales. La reducción de salario, teniendo en cuenta la mayoría de salarios de este país, sería un duro golpe para la clase trabajadora. Del mismo modo los nuevos avances tecnológicos y los sistemas de trabajo hacen que la mano de obra necesaria sea cada vez menor, y éste es un problema al que se enfrentan todos los gobiernos de los países más o menos industrializados. No es de reducción de salario o de ampliación de la productividad de unos cuantos de lo que habla la CNT. Nuestro discurso es muy diferente. Estamos hablando del reparto de la riqueza, estamos diciendo que para que trabajemos todos y todas, los industriales, los empresarios tendrán que dejar de ganar un tanto por ciento, sea el que sea, hasta que tod@s tengamos un trabajo. Aquí está la razón principal de nuestra reivindicación y no queremos ocultarla. El derecho al trabajo está reconocido por la Carta Magna, ¿ no dicen eso? pues que lo apliquen, obligémosles, si somos capaces de organizar una lucha de tales dimensiones. Pongamos al capital contra la cuerdas, hagamos ver las contradicciones del sistema, encendamos el fuego de la lucha de clases(1). Claro que para esto tendremos que tener una CNT fuerte, que resista los envites del poder y crezca tanto en efectivos militantes como en proyectos de lucha. Es la eterna pescadilla que se muerde la cola, pero parece que no hay otra solución. La CNT crece y se fortalece en la confrontación social y la lucha en la calle y el tajo. No hay nada sencillo ni fácil para el anarcosindicalismo, pero si somos capaces de encaminarnos a una lucha permanente, continuada, concentrando energías, tendremos posibilidades que nuestras contiendas se vayan intensificando. Este pretendido pulso que queremos echarle al capital-estado es producto de la guerra de clases que existe desde hace mucho tiempo, es el eterno enfrentamiento entre pobres y ricos. Es por lo que se creó la CNT y sus antecedentes. Por las condiciones socio-políticas actuales parece que es una buena época para emprender un trabajo de estas dimensiones. Hay una mecha. ¿Por qué no intentar encenderla? ¿Qué podemos perder los revolucionarios anarcosindicalistas? Como poco ganaremos experiencias que nos servirán para nuevos envites. Si concentramos energías dispersas, si desatomizamos las luchas y convergemos en un punto, es posible que tengamos suficiente capacidad para el combate, ilusionando a parte de la clase trabajadora. Estamos a tiempo, antes que gobierno y gestoras sindicales hagan su engendro. Podemos intentar algo verdaderamente revolucionario: tomar la iniciativa aplicando nuestra acción directa. Anarcosindicalismo ahora Por eso no entendemos algunas críticas que se hacen diciendo que es reformismo las reivindicaciones básicas que realiza la CNT. Con estas reivindicaciones hacemos anarcosindicalismo, luchamos por unas mejoras en nuestra clase y por supuesto nadie abandona su carácter revolucionario, ni su intención de acabar con el sistema que nos oprime (2). La famosa lucha de la canadiense fue por una reducción de salarios que quiso realizar la empresa y se consiguió, tras dura lucha, las ocho horas semanales en todo el Estado Español. El convenio de la construcción del 36 en Sevilla fue un ejemplo de acción directa y lo que se consiguió fue reducir la jornada semanal a 36 horas. Seamos seri@s y coherentes, la CNT es una organización de trabajadores/as en paro o en activo que usan unas tácticas anarcosindicalistas (federalismo, acción directa, solidaridad) para conseguir sus fines, tanto unas mejoras inmediatas como la emancipación social. La revolución social(3) es nuestro objetivo principal. Pero antes tendremos que tener una organización potente, con capacidad de transformar la sociedad por sí sola. Ahora tenemos la oportunidad de no ir al carro de nadie, quizás por una vez en mucho tiempo tenemos un discurso que puede ser asumido por gran parte de los trabajadores, sobre todo por los más oprimidos. Habrá que poner alguna ilusión y dinamismo extra. No habrá una CNT fuerte sin conflictos, y a nuestro entender no habrá conflictos con potencial revolucionario sin la CNT. Dejemos de ir a la cola del tren de la progresía izquierdosa, hoy en su totalidad ganada por el sistema. No seamos más comparsa de partidillos y vanguardias politiqueras-sindicales. En la CNT, hoy, se concentra capacidad militante para emprender una dinámica de confrontación y la misma organización tiene capacidad para recibir personas con ganas de lucha. Tras 20 años de práctica sindical en democracia el panorama de las organizaciones obreras queda suficientemente claro. Existe la CNT por un lado, por otro el resto de centrales, grandes o pequeñas, que no pierden ocasión para apuntarse en movidas políticas, en extender la mano para que papá estado les subvencione, en negar con su práctica la lucha de clases. Consensuemos entre tod@s los sindicatos de la CNT la forma de hacer esta gran movilización, los objetivos a cubrir. Acordemos un plan organizado y suficientemente abierto para extender nuestras actividades subversivas. Pongamos la directa A nuestro entender sería conveniente tener una conferencia nacional de militantes para emprender tal movida con enérgica confianza en nuestras posibilidades. Analizar y debatir la situación. No dejar al poco tiempo en el varadero esta pugna, que deberá convertirse en un verdadero combate entre capital y trabajo, siempre que la toma de conciencia por parte de los explotados sea efectiva. Es a largo plazo, ya se sabe. No es hacer una simple tirada de carteles y pegatinas y unas charlas. Debemos intentar que sea progresiva, afianzando los núcleos de lucha que serán los sindicatos. Por supuesto habrá que llevar el tema a nivel mundial, a la AIT, para que todas las secciones tomen nota. Recordar que la reducción de jornada fue propuesta por Robert Owen en 1830, que hasta 1886 no empezó a ser una reivindicación universal, y que hasta en 1919 en España no empezaron a aplicarse las 8 horas diarias. Queremos por último indicar algunos puntos que según nuestras experiencias y análisis serían interesantes llevarlos a cabo. - Creación de asambleas de parados por militantes de CNT como base de la campaña. Desmarcarlas de cualquier tipo de organización de parados creada para pedir subvenciones y liberar al listillo de turno. - Atraer a personas dispuestas a una verdadera lucha que estén por el trabajo para tod@s. - Campañas periódicas con nuestras reivindicaciones. - Denuncias públicas de empresas donde se realicen horas extras, destajos.. - Concentraciones, encierros, manifestaciones para despertar los ánimos de lucha social y las conciencias adormecidas. En una posterior fase, o si ya se cuenta con capacidad, se deberían emprender actos coordinados de ocupaciones de obras, fábricas, talleres, oficinas, reivindicando el reparto de trabajo, obligando, si es posible, a la contratación de un número de obreros. Tomar prestado de los supermercados alimentos, ropas. Realizar presiones en las oficinas del INEM, empresas de trabajo temporal, sindicatosvendeobrer@s... Toda la acción directa que seamos capaces de proyectar. Es decir, ser un revulsivo en la enorme capa de trabajadores en precario, parad@s hoy, emplead@s en precario mañana. Difundir una cultura diferente a la de la competitividad y el enfrentamiento. Para ello necesitaremos años, claro está, pero si no se emprende con contundencia un día, difícilmente existirá de nuevo la solidaridad de clase que antaño, no hace tanto tiempo, dio sus mejores ejemplos de lucha. Habría mucho más que comentar, pero de momento, y para no abusar de estas páginas, lo dejaremos para otra ocasión. .......................... 1.- Lucha de clases, sí. La lucha de unos individuos o grupos sociales que pugnan por conquistar o mantener el poder contra otr@s que intentan librarse de la opresión de los anteriores. El choque entre explotadores y explotados. El carácter de lucha de clase, desde el punto de vista de la ideología anarquista, sustento del anarcosindicalismo, no es el mismo que le han venido dando los marxistas. El marxismo siempre se ha referido al agente político, al partido obrero, dirigente de una clase. Nosotr@s decimos acción directa, federalismo, solidaridad de clase, toma de conciencia social, emancipación obrera por parte de nosotr@s mismos (única forma, por cierto), apoliticismo, revuelta permanente. 2.- José Prat, eminente sindicalista revolucionario, uno de los padres de la CNT, anarcosindicalista íntegro donde los haya, define así a los dos tipos de sindicalismo: La tendencia reformista batalla simplemente para obtener pequeñas mejoras inmediatas para la clase obrera y hacerlas entrar en las costumbres y fijarlas en las leyes burguesas, por otro lado la tendencia revolucionaria, que, sin desdeñar todas aquellas mejoras inmediatas que sean positivas, se propone o tiende a la total emancipación económica de la clase obrera de la explotación capitalista. 3.- Cuando hablamos de revolución social decimos autogestión; por cierto una teoría de práctica económica abandonada hoy en día por la izquierda (Eso si de verdad la expuso sinceramente alguna vez). Hablamos de la emancipación integral de nuestra clase, suprimiendo las clases sociales. Hablamos de la abolición del sistema de producción capitalista, de la socialización de las riquezas, de los servicios y de los instrumentos de trabajo. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- El Guijarro Confederal - página inicial --- tierra y libertad -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

2006 -- Nos hemos basado, para la presente edición cibernética, en el texto editado durante el año de 1963, en México, por el grupo libertario Tierra y Libertad, en el segundo tomo de la colección Historia del anarquismo. La obra que nos ha servido de referencia para la captura y diagramaciòn de esta edición virtual, contiene, además del texto del Libro del camino y de la virtud de Lao Tsé y de la introducción que le antecede, Sobre Lao Tsé y el taoismo, de Taiji Yamaga, así como Taiji Yamaga y su versión del Tao Te King, de Victor García, otros escritos que no hemos incluido en esta edición.

Taiji Yamaga fue un claro representante de la corriente libertaria japonesa muy proclive a la utilización del esperanto en cuanto idioma universal de hermanamiento entre pueblos y culturas. La traducción al castellano de esta obra publicada por Yamaga en esperanto, fue realizada por el compañero libertario Eduardo Vivancos. Ciertamente esta versión del Libro del camino y de la virtud de Lao Tsé, difiere bastante de otras traducciones de esta obra que él o la interesada, puede buscar en la Red de Redes.

La edición en esperanto tuvo una particular historia, ya que representó la culminación de tres intentos previos realizados por Yamaga. El primero, en el año de 1939, culminó con una cortísima edición de tan sólo cien ejemplares; el segundo intento culminaría con una nueva edición, corregida, en el año de 1953, y, el tercer intento culminaría con una edición terminada en el año de 1957, que sería la que sirviera de base al grupo libertario Tierra y Libertad para realizar la edición en español del año de 1963.

Como dato añadiremos que en ese mismo año, esta obra fue igualmente publicada en japonés.

Quizá las diferencias entre esta traducción realizada por Taiji y las otras traducciones que se encuentran en otros sitios de la Red de Redes, devenga de que el texto fue traducido del chino al esperanto y del esperanto al español, lo que probablemente ocasiono algunas, llamémosles, distorsiones en el texto.

Sin embargo, tanto el texto como los comentarios y las notas aclaratorias de Taiji Yamaga, son de indiscutible utilidad para el lector, ya que constituyen un sólido apoyo para su comprensión.

En cuanto al texto introductorio, Sobre Lao Tsé y el taoismo, resalta la tesis del autor negando la relación entre las ideas de Lao Tsé y la corriente filosófica conocida con el nombre genérico de Taoismo.

Taiji Yamaga no duda en afirmar que los conceptos de Lao Tsé, absolutamente nada tienen que ver con el taoismo, corriente ésta que él ubica como la presencia de la vieja China, de la China hundida en las divagaciones religiosas de caracter metafísico.

Por supuesto que esta afirmación habrá de generar una reacción, que esperamos sea positiva, de parte de los seguidores e interpretes del taoismo, ya que muy probablemente muchos de ellos consideren tal afirmación no menos que como una blasfemia.

En cuanto al escrito de Victor García, Taiji Yamaga y su versión del Tao Te King, su importancia esta fuera de toda discusión puesto que proporciona al lector un verdadero tesoro de información.

Esperamos que la presente edición cibernética aporte datos sobre la historia y el contenido de esta mítica obra cuyos orígenes se pierden en remotos tiempos.

Chantal López y Omar Cortés

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Taiji Yamaga y su versión del Tao Te King

2006 -- El Tao del Anarquismo, o el Anarquismo del Tao

Hace cierto tiempo, revisando nuestra biblioteca encontramos un ejemplar de un libro que de inmediato llamó potentemente nuestra atención; se trataba de El Libro del Camino y de la Virtud, más conocido tradicionalmente como Tao Te Ching. Este libro en particular consiste en una edición de Tierra y Libertad de México, del año 1963. Aparte de la curiosidad que significa la edición de un libro con un fuerte contenido metafísico y religioso por una editorial anarquista, éste presenta otras cualidades particulares, tales como derivar de una cadena de traducciones sucesivas del chino al esperanto, y de éste al castellano. El responsable del traslado del chino al esperanto fue Taiji Yamaga, uno de los más conocidos anarquistas japoneses, pacifista y esperantista desde los comienzos del siglo. La traducción del esperanto al castellano de esta obra fue hecha por Eduardo Vivancos. Como no podría ser de otra forma, la edición presenta una introducción de Víctor García, anarquista español que realizó viajes por todo el mundo, especialmente por el lejano oriente. García además es autor de diversos libros de relatos de viajes por China y Japón (Escarceos sobre China, Japón, Hoy), en donde analiza, con conocimiento de terreno, los aspectos de la filosofía oriental más cercanos a lo que podría considerarse como anarquismo.

Pasada esta sorpresa inicial, la inquietud nos llevó a indagar un poco más sobre lo que nos revelaba nuestra biblioteca sobre el tema. Lo que nos ocupa hoy, al mencionar este libro, son los paralelismos entre la filosofía taoísta y el anarquismo moderno. Angel Cappelletti, en el primer capítulo de su libro Prehistoria del Anarquismo traza algún panorama sobre esto. Se dice que Lao Tse fue el autor del Tao Te Ching, y diversas dudas existen respecto a su existencia como persona real, lo que, por supuesto, carece totalmente de importancia. Haya sido una o varias personas, lo importante es lo que a través de los siglos ha llegado a nuestro tiempo sobre esta filosofía, como también el conocimiento de que en oriente se habían gestado con anterioridad ideas similares a las de los epicúreos, estoicos o cínicos de la antigua Grecia. Así tenemos que tras una cosmología naturalista, el principio básico del Camino (Tao) consiste en "obrar sin obrar" (wei wu wei), lo que significa obrar de acuerdo a su naturaleza original, sin violentar jamás sus normas. El taoísmo, entonces, sostiene que la mayoría de las creaciones humanas, entre ellas las leyes, jueces, gobernantes, jerarquías, violencia, constituyen corrupciones del Tao y la naturaleza; para lo que se contrapone la inacción.

Un país se administra por la rectitud, una guerra se conduce con estrategia, pero el mundo se gana por el no-actuar. ¿Cómo sé que esto es así? Por lo siguiente: A medida que aumentan las leyes limitando la acción de los hombres, éstos se empobrecen. Cuantos más implementos de bienestar tiene el pueblo, más el estado se perturba. Cuantos más artesanos ingeniosos hay, más objetos extravagantes aparecen. Cuantas más leyes y decretos se promulgan, más ladrones y bandidos hay. Por eso el Hombre Justo declara: "No actúo y el pueblo se transforma por sí mismo. Amo la quietud y el pueblo adoptará el orden. No intervengo y el pueblo se hace próspero por sí mismo. No alimento deseos y el pueblo se comportará honestamente”. (Cap. LVII)

El libro presenta una interpretación de cada capítulo, realizadas por el propio Taiji Yamaga. La dificultad de traducir desde el chino, un idioma ideográfico, a otros idiomas, conduce a la necesidad de resaltar los posibles significados de términos y metáforas, lo que en la pluma del anarquista japonés se transforma en un verdadero curso sobre las ideas libertarias de la antigua China.

Posiblemente, más de un anarquista convencional podría sentir cierto comezón en el momento de evaluar esta actitud, aunque hubo algunos conocidos -aunque no convencionales- como Tolstoi, que simpatizaron con esta visión. La ideología anarquista tradicional, desarrollada principalmente en la segunda mitad del siglo pasado y principios de éste, inmersa en un poderoso trasfondo positivista, se basa en la acción activa en búsqueda de una idea de revolución (o utopía). Un siglo después, la postura del anarquismo se encuentra casi totalmente resignificada, al cambiar en forma radical las condiciones y estructura de la sociedad, así como los hombres que la impulsan. Sin el menor ánimo de establecer alguna escala de valores, creemos que el anarquismo ha abandonado su matiz positivista para experimentar en una filosofía de contradicción y abandono de la lógica tradicional (o "sentido común"), como lo tenemos expresado en los mensajes del mayo francés, en la década del 60. Reforzando este paralelismo y cerrando el círculo, sólo comentaremos hoy que el taoísmo, al fusionarse con la filosofía budista, dió origen a una práctica muy particular y difícil de describir, que es el budismo zen, donde la contradicción es sistemáticamente usada para trascender los problemas. Pero esas cuestiones, esperamos, serán otros capítulos.


2006 -- Alexandre Grothendieck Biography Project; great mathematician, Alexandre Grothendieck

Alexandre 's father, Sasha (Alexander) Shapiro. The memoir tells how Alexandre Grothendieck's childhood in the anarchist circles of Berlin between 1928 & 1939. Desperately poor, hounded by the police, moving from loft to warehouse without any fixed address, Hanka Grothendieck ( AG's last name comes from his mother, his first from his father) wrote for an anarchist journal called Der Pranger ( The Pillory ). This publication, which can be referenced on the Internet, also carried contributions by Emma Goldman, Karl Kraus, as well as another, Alexander (Sanya ) Shapiro, a man much better known to historians of the Anarchist movements of the 20th century. The biographies of the two Alexander Shapiros intersect in so many places that there must be some co-mingling of their life stories in the historical record. The fascinating problem of untangling the two of them may tax our resources for some time.

the village of Le Chambon , where he & his mother were protected from the Nazis throughout the Occupation. The village is famous.Under the leadership of the Protestant priest Andre Trockme , it protected thousands of refugees. One can read about it in the documentary "Lest Innocent Blood Be Shed", by Phillip Hallie


Grothendieck’s father, whose name may have been Alexander Shapiro, was born into a Jewish family in Novozybkov in Ukraine on October 11, 1889. Shapiro was an anarchist & took part in various uprisings in czarist Russia in the early twentieth century. Arrested at the age of seventeen, he managed to elude a death sentence, but, after escaping and being recaptured a few times, he spent a total of about ten years in prison. Grothendieck’s father has sometimes been confused with another more famous activist also named Alexander Shapiro, who participated in some of the same political movements. This other Shapiro, who was portrayed in John Reed’s book Ten Days that Shook the World, emigrated to New York and died there in 1946, by which time Grothendieck’s father had already been dead for four years. Another distinguishing detail is that Grothendieck’s father had only one arm. According to Justine Bumby, who lived with Grothendieck for a period in the 1970s & had a son by him, his father lost his arm in a suicide attempt while trying to avoid being captured by the police. Grothendieck himself may unwittingly have contributed to the confusion between the two Shapiros; for example, Pierre Cartier of the Institut des Hautes Études Scientifiques mentioned in [Cartier2] Grothendieck’s Grothendieck’s father, Sascha, ca. 1922. maintaining that one of the figures in Reed’s book was his father. In 1921 Shapiro left Russia & was stateless for the rest of his life. To hide his political past, he obtained identity papers with the name Alexander Tanaroff, & for the rest of his life he lived under this name. He spent time in France, Germany, and Belgium, where he associated with anarchist and other revolutionary groups. In the radical circles of Berlin in the mid-1920s, he met Grothendieck’s mother, Johanna (Hanka) Grothendieck. She had been born on August 21, 1900, into a bourgeois family of Lutherans in Hamburg. Rebelling against her traditional upbringing, she was drawn to Berlin, which was then a hotbed of avant-garde culture and revolutionary social movements. Both she & Shapiro yearned to be writers. He never published anything, but she published some newspaper articles; in particular, between 1920 & 1922, she wrote for a leftist weekly newspaper called Der Pranger, which had taken up the cause of prostitutes living on the fringe of Hamburg society. Much later, in the late 1940s, she wrote an autobiographical novel called Eine Frau, which was never published. For most of his life, Tanaroff was a street photographer, an occupation that allowed him to earn an independent living without being in an employer-employee relationship that would have run counter to his anarchist principles. He & Hanka had each been married before, & each had a child from the previous marriage, she a daughter & he a son. Alexandre Grothendieck was born in Berlin on March 28, 1928, his father’s nickname was Sascha. In 1933, when the Nazis came to power, Shapiro fled Berlin for Paris. In December that year, Hanka decided to follow her husband, and he is mentioned briefly. ... parents both anarchists, fled Berlin for Paris. In December that year, Hanka decided to follow her husband,

It is not clear exactly what Grothendieck’s parents were doing while he was in Hamburg, but they remained politically active. They went to Spain to fight in the Spanish Civil War & were among the many who fled to France when Franco triumphed. Because of their political activities, Hanka & her husband were viewed in France as dangerous foreigners. Some time after Grothendieck joined them there, Shapiro was put into the internment camp Le Vernet, the worst of all the French camps. It is probable that he never again saw his wife & son.
maths avaient été résolus, il y avait vingt ou trente ans, par un dénommé Lebesgue. Il aurait développé justement (drôle de coïncidence, décidement!) une théorie de la mesure et de l’intégration, laquelle mettait un point final à la mathématique. In August 1942 he was deported by the French authorities to Auschwitz, where he was killed. What happened to Maidi at this time is unclear, but eventually she married an American soldier & emigrated to the United States; she passed away a couple of years ago. In 1940 Hanka & her son were put into an internment camp in Rieucros, near Mende.

By the time the war ended in Europe, in May 1945, Alexandre Grothendieck was seventeen years old. He & his mother went to live in Maisargues, a village in a wine-growing region outside of Montpellier. good boxer, attributes that were useful at this time, as he was sometimes the target of bullying. After two years, mother & son were separated;

than most. He just seemed like an innocent—not very sophisticated, no pretense, no sham. He thought very clearly & explained things very patiently, without any sense of superiority. He wasn’t contaminated by civilization or power or one-upmanship.” Karin Tate recalled that Grothendieck had a great capacity for enjoyment, he was charming, and he loved to laugh. But he could also be extremely intense, seeing things in black-and-white with no shades of gray. & he was honest: “You always knew where you stood with him,” she said. “He didn’t pretend anything. He was direct.” Both she & her brother, Michael Artin of the Massachusetts According to Honig, Grothendieck’s mother was with him at least part of the time that he was in Brazil, though Honig says he never met her. Whether she was with him in Kansas is not clear. When Grothendieck returned to France in 1956, they may not have continued living together. In a letter to Serre written in Paris in November 1957, Grothendieck asked whether he might be able to rent a Paris apartment that Serre was planning to vacate. “I am interested in it for my mother, who is not doing so well in Bois-Colombes, & is terribly isolated,” Grothendieck explained [Corr]. In fact, his mother died before the year’s end.

2006 -- Marie-Jean Guyau Marie-Jean Guyau (1854-88), French poet & philosopher wrote Problems in Aesthetics which is one of the works form the basis for part of Tolstoy’s book What is Art? Marie-Jean Guyau: (1854-1888), filósofo y moralista francés. Estudiaba Comete, Spencer y Neitzsche. Sus ideas de educación aumentó su fama internaciónal, porque tienen aspectos de filósofia moral y un síntesis de ideas clasicas. Por sus nuevas ideas de sociología de Spencer y libertarionismo de Tolstoy, nos da la importancía de educación para los jovenes. La educación le permiten los jovenes adaptarse a un mundo nuevo que es complejo y díficulto... Marie-Jean Guyau understood by evolution a life led according to the fundamental law that the most intensive life is also the most extensive. He develops his ethics altogether from the facts of the social existence of mankind, & his religion is a universal sociomorphism, the feeling of the unity of man with the entire cosmos. L’idée n’est pas sans lien avec la problématique développée par Marie-Jean Guyau dans son Esquisse d’une morale sans obligation [6]. Dans le chapitre qu’il consacre au goût du risque et de la lutte dans le devoir moral, il explique que le besoin du danger et de la lutte peut avoir un but, être employé à des fins sociales. Lucien Descaves se contente en fait d’imaginer l’utilisation de ces instincts non au service de cette société mais en vue de sa destruction.
See Jean Barrué Morale sans obligation ni sanction et morale anarchiste

2006 -- Jacques Debronckart (1934-1983)

2006 -- Pierre Quillard (1864-1912) Carlo Rosselli

LE PANTHÉON D'LA CHANSON (chauffé toute l'année) ::SOMMAIRE : [LE PANTHÉON DE LA CHANSON] GÉNÉRALITÉS LIENS EXTERNES LES PANTHÉONARDS Georges Brassens - Boby Lapointe - Mouloudji - Danielle Messia - Barbara - Boris Vian - Jehan Jonas - Gaston Couté - Jacques Debronckart - François Béranger - Bernard Haillant - Jacques Prévert - Jacques Serizier - Francis Lemarque - Bernard Dimey - Fabrizio De Andrè - Maurice Fanon - Jean-Roger Caussimon - Léo Ferré - Jacques Brel

2006 -- Notes 1. Manuel Perez was born in Spain but moved to Rio de Janeiro as a boy. He studied at the Crafts & Trades School. In the first decade of the 20th century he served as general secretary of the cabinet-makers' union, directed its newspaper & embraced anarchism. He was deported to Spain by the Epitácio Pessoa government because of his outstanding activity in 1919. 2. In 1922-23, with his partner Mercedes & daughter Carmen, Perez fled to Lisbon to escape Primo de Rivera's police & wound up living on the premises of the cabinet-makers' union. His wife was pregnant & when she went into labor, Perez sent for his fellow-exile Dr Pedro Vallina & just as his daughter Aurora was being delivered the Portuguese democratic police burst on to the union premises (he had been reported through the connivance of the Spanish & Portuguese police) to arrest Perez, his family & the physician Vallina. But in view of the screams of the new-born & the sight of the physician with his blood-stained hands, the police withdrew, letting the Spaniards go. Pedro Vallina & his family were to quit Lisbon the following day & Perez stayed on for a few days to allow his partner to recover. (Unpublished memoirs of Manuel Perez). 3. Taken from O Anarquista of 16-5-1926. This was the organ of the Portuguese Anarchist Union (UAP). Francisco Quintal was general secretary & director of the paper. For further details see O Sindicalismo em Portugal by Manuel Joaquim de Sousa & Edgar Rodrigues Resistencia Anarco-sindicalista em Portugal 1922-1939. 4. FARP (Portuguese Regional Anarchist Federation), the Portuguese section of the FAI was responsible for publication of the newspaper Rebelião, published from Spain & then Argentina, France & Spain in 1936-1939. Its officers were Vivaldo Fagundes, Jose Rodrigues Reboredo, Manuel Firmo, Marques da Costa (for a time), Manuel Francisco, Reboredo's daughter, J. Bastos, the Angola-born but Lisbon-educated physician Câmara Pires & other Portuguese anarchists. 5. A copy of a two page type-written letter from Manuel Perez-Fernández in the author's collection. Perez was captured during the Spanish Revolution & sentenced to death. He was saved by the Brazilian commercial attache who was living in Spain & who had known Perez as a journalist back in Rio de Janeiro, the pair becoming friends. Lobbied by Perez's wife & daughters he interceded & vouched that Perez had lived in Brazil from boyhood: this rescued him & he secured passage for the Perez family back to Brazil. After the end of the Vargas dictatorship, Manuel Perez, José Oiticica, Roberto das Neves & others launched the newspaper Ação Direta. Perez died in Rio de Janeiro, an anarchist to the end!


2006 --

El anarquismo en Chile

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Si bien el anarquismo hoy en día se aparece como un fenómeno político joven, y quizás por lo mismo, de alguna novedad para el movimiento revolucionario post-dictadura, nuestra presencia se remonta a los inicios mismos de las luchas sociales en este país. La historia del anarquismo es indisociable del planteamiento de la cuestión social en Chile y de la formación de las primeras asociaciones obreras, como fueron las sociedades en resistencia y las mancomúnales. Así mismo la historia del anarquismo en nuestro país no puede disociarse del escenario en el cual se desarrolló, es decir el Chile de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX: un escenario de profundas injusticias sociales, de un capitalismo en expansión alimentado principalmente por Capitales británicos aliados a la burguesía nacional, que propiciaba un desarrollo capitalista dependiente, con énfasis primordial en actividades mineras, como el salitre, la plata y el carbón, así como también en el cobre y en el área portuaria, la banca y el comercio. Los intereses de esta burguesía había llevado a la ocurrencia de dos hechos de profundo significado histórico y de gran dolor para nuestro pueblo: por un lado, a la brutal Guerra del Pacífico, y por otro, a la no menos brutal "pacificación" de la Araucanía, guerras en las cuales se mandó a morir al roto, sugestión patriotera mediante, para beneficiar los bolsillos patronales. Estas guerras de expansión capitalistas, dieron un impulso a la explotación salitrera en el norte, con la incorporación de tierras bolivianas y peruanas, así como dieron nuevos bríos a la agricultura con la incorporación de toda la zona de la Araucanía a la República.

Como vemos, el carácter dependiente de nuestro desarrollo hacía que coexistieran áreas de un importante desarrollo urbano e industrial (recordemos que la primera central hidroeléctrica del país, Chivilingo, nace al calor de la explotación del carbón en Lota), a la par que otras zonas del país, que no presentaban interés para la burguesía inglesa y sus aliados chilenos, quedaran relegadas a la marginalidad y al atraso económico y de infraestructura, situación que será característica de nuestras repúblicas "bananeras" latinoamericanas.

A la par que se da este proceso de expansión y acumulación de Capitales, se da el proceso de proletarización de la población, la cual se ve sometida a su condición fundamental de asalariada. Por un lado, se da el proceso de proletarización en los centros urbanos e industriales, en los cuales se aprecia el tránsito de los artesanos empobrecidos y desplazados a proletarios, vale decir, a trabajadores asalariados y apatronados. Por otro, en el campo, muchos campesinos comienzan a perder sus tierras por la creciente concentración de los latifundistas, lo que lleva al peonaje y al huaso a un constante proceso de "proletarización" campesino, así como a una sistemática emigración a la ciudad y a los centros productivos (minas, puertos, obras, etc....), donde engruesan las filas de el proletariado criollo. En el campo, proceso semejante se vive por los mapuche, arrinconados en sus reducciones y corridos por los colonos europeos; muchos de ellos terminan por ir a las ciudades donde terminarán muchos incorporados a la actividad panadera.

En este marco nuevo que adopta la lucha de clases, las antiguas organizaciones surgidas principalmente bajo el influjo de artesanos, que eran las mutuales o sociedades de socorros mutuos comienzan a quedar obsoletas. Estas organizaciones tenían por eje central la actividad asistencialista. Las nuevas organizaciones que necesitaba la clase obrera, sin dejar de lado ciertas prácticas asistencialistas (ayuda, educación) y de apoyo mutuo, sanas y necesarias entre los oprimidos, cambiaban su eje principal del asistencialismo a la lucha y el enfrentamiento a la clase patronal, que les condenaba a condiciones de vida infrahumanas. Nacía así la conciencia del proletariado en este país; se hacía consciente de que sus intereses de bienestar y libertad se oponían a los intereses de quienes los explotaban para enriquecerse. Estas organizaciones nuevas, que representarán los intereses de esta clase obrera, serán las sociedades en resistencia y las mancomunales, precursoras de los sindicatos en el país. Las primeras, tendrán por base a gremios, industrias y áreas productivas; las segundas tendrán carácter similar, pero se asentarán en un espacio territorial dado. Cabe destacar que no se trataba de fronteras rígidas ni que estos tipos de organizaciones no se cruzaran en absoluto. Un hecho destacable de estas primeras experiencias de organización de la clase trabajadora, es que no se hacen sobre bases exclusivamente economicistas; se establecen sobre bases clasistas, estableciendo como labor principal el mejoramiento económico y moral de los trabajadores. No era raro, por tanto, que estas organizaciones no fueran concebidas como mera herramienta de lucha contra la patronal, sino también como auténticas universidades populares, en las cuales estudiaban, se practicaba la solidaridad y donde prefiguraban el mundo en el que querían vivir.

En este contexto de organización y de agitación, nacen los primeros núcleos de actividad anarquista. A veces nacen como centros de estudios (el Centro de Estudios "Rebelión", donde participaba el notable activista y organizador Magno Espinosa, serán editores del primer periódico declaradamente anarquista del país, "El Rebelde", en 1898), otras veces como agrupaciones de carácter revolucionario (como la Unión Socialista de 1897, de cierta influencia ácrata), otras veces en torno a periódicos (a principios de siglo hay gran proliferación de prensa anarquista como son el Rebelde, el Ácrata, la Campaña, la Agitación, La Antorcha, el Alba, la Luz, etc....) y por último, aparecen decididamente como la orientación mayoritaria indeterminados gremios (habrán gremios que durante largo tiempo serán auténticos bastiones de las prácticas libertarias, como los estucadores, pintores de brocha, zapateros, obreros gráficos, panaderos, estibadores, etc....). Además, nacen en los principales centros industriales y productivos del país. Estos núcleos anarquistas recibieron un importante estímulo con la visita del notable anarquista italiano Pietro Gori al país el año 1900, donde aprovechó de dar unas charlas y conferencias.

Las actividades de los anarquistas se desenvuelven en este entonces, casi exclusivamente en el campo de la organización de sociedades en resistencia y de las luchas en éstas, pasando a ser sector de punta en la lucha reivindicativa por dotar a la clase obrera de condiciones dignas de existencia, e intentando llevar esta acción reivindicativa al plano de las contradicciones de fondo que dieran paso al elevamiento de la conciencia revolucionaria. Los anarquistas propician el método de la acción directa, vale decir, la lucha frontal llevada adelante por los mismos trabajadores contra la parte patronal y tienen por principal arma de lucha la huelga, las cuales frecuentemente asumen un carácter violento, dado el hostigamiento del Estado y su aparato represivo y de la patronal y sus "guardias blancas" en contra de las justas demandas de los trabajadores. Por lo general, las demandas obreras encontraban por respuesta las balas policiales, militares o burguesas. Algunos ejemplos de esto, son las matanzas emblemáticas acaecidas durante la huelga del puerto de Valparaíso en 1903, en la que pierden en total la vida una cincuentena de obreros, la Semana Roja de Santiago, en 1905, donde el pueblo se movilizó en protesta por los precios de la carne, cayendo 250 compañeros, y la tristemente célebre masacre de la Escuela Santa María, en 1907, donde pierden la vida 3600 obreros.

Por entonces, los anarquistas criollos no ven la necesidad de establecer una organización político-revolucionaria anarquista, y pretenden por el contrario, que las organizaciones sindicales asuman posiciones "partidarias" propias de la organización político-revolucionaria. Esta concepción anarco-sindicalista, que mezcla los roles de la organización de masas con los de la organización política (lo que no equivale a decir que a las organizaciones de masas no les corresponda asumir un rol revolucionario o posiciones tales), permanecerá por largo tiempo, casi hasta nuestros días, firmemente arraigada en el movimiento anarquista chileno.

Otra de las luchas características del anarquismo en nuestro país, asumida también en gran medida desde las sociedades en resistencia, ha sido la lucha anti-militarista, de hecho una de las primeras actividades masivas convocadas por los anarquistas fue la protesta popular en contra del establecimiento del Servicio Militar Obligatorio (en 1900).

Hacia 1905, se crea la primera tentativa de federar a distintas sociedades en resistencia: Se forma la FTCh (Federación de Trabajadores de Chile), la cual enfrenta una enconada agresión por parte del Estado y de los capitalistas, y no dura mucho por razones de inexperiencia y de agresión patronal. En esa tentativa, tiene un rol preponderante los anarquistas, puntal revolucionario del incipiente movimiento sindical.

Este sello libertario y revolucionario impreso sobre las agrupaciones obreras será un mérito que corresponderá primordialmente a los ácratas. Nadie puede desmentir el inmenso y principal rol de los anarquistas en la labor constructiva, reivindicativa y organizativa de las primeras asociaciones de clase. Este rol sólo ha podido ser ocultado, forzando la historia de varias maneras, por la historia "oficial" y por historiadores comprometidos con ciertos proyectos partidarios lo cual les ha impedido ver con objetividad este hecho.

A diferencia de otros rincones del continente en donde la propaganda anarquista llega principalmente bajo el influjo de inmigrantes de origen europeo (en EEUU con la inmigración alemana principalmente, y en Argentina principalmente por los italianos, como botón de muestra) en Chile, la propaganda anarquista de principios de siglo tiene por sujetos centrales a agitadores locales, de la talla de Magno Espinosa, Luis Olea, Víctor Soto Román, Esteban Cavieres, Carmen Herrera, Alejandro Escobar y Carvallo entre tantos otros, cuyos trabajos hasta el día de hoy presentan gran interés. Si bien esto no implica que no halla un Lombardozzi italiano organizando a los trabajadores en Chile o a un Antonio Ramón Ramón haciendo justicia apuñaladas (1914) en contra del general Silva Renard, quien había ordenado la matanza de la escuela Santa María siete años antes. Sin embargo, crucial resultará para el desarrollo de las ideas anarquistas en estas regiones, un intenso contacto con el movimiento en otros rincones del planeta, como era el constante envío de propaganda ácrata de Francia, España y Argentina (donde el movimiento se había desarrollado antes).



Luego de la masacre de la Escuela Santa María de Iquique, en 1907, viene un lento período de recomposición del movimiento obrero y anarquista, que fue duramente golpeada y sufrió de este modo un fuerte revés. En 1908, en Antofagasta, en pleno corazón del norte, se agrupaba el Centro de Estudios Sociales "Luz y Vida", que editará su órgano del mismo nombre hasta 1917, tribuna desde donde irradiará el pensamiento libertario. Entonces, el anarquismo se recompondrá lentamente a partir de los gremios de su influencia, con la fundación de centros de estudios sociales. Más tarde aparecerá, en 1911, otro importante órgano anarquista en Valparaíso, esta vez, llamado "La Batalla". Más tarde aparecerá "La Verba Roja" (1918), y un sinnúmero de periódicos de gremios de influencia anarquista. Una vez más, será la prensa anarquista su principal punto de encuentro.

Ya entrando en la década del ´10, se sostendrá un constante repunte de los anarquistas y de su actividad organizativa. Pero lo más notable, es que en esta época los anarquistas amplian su influencia más allá del sindicalismo revolucionario. En 1914 organizan la "Liga de los Arrendatarios", organización de carácter reivindicativo que llevará adelante las demandas de los arrendatarios de conventillos, respecto a cuestiones como los abusivos pagos de arriendo, las malas condiciones higiénicas, el hacinamiento, etc..... Incluso, se realizarán masivas negativas de pago de arriendos en protesta por las pésimas condiciones de vida. Por tanto, podemos considerar a los anarquistas como precursores no sólo de la organización sindical en nuestro país, sino que además, de las organizaciones "poblacionales". También aumentará la influencia de los anarquistas en las agrupaciones estudiantiles y hacia fines de esta década, la presencia anarquista se hará sentir muy fuerte en la FECh (Federación de Estudiantes de Chile, organización que agrupaba a los estudiantes universitarios y secundarios de la época, que posteriormente será sólo organización de los estudiantes de la U. de Chile), así como en la organización de una serie de grupos anarquistas estudiantiles, siendo quizás unos de los bastiones más importantes, la Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad de Chile, donde actuará el grupo Lux. A su vez, en esta época verán su aparición una serie de agrupaciones que plantearán de manera orgánica la emancipación de la mujer. Si bien este tema no era ajeno a los y las anarquistas de principios de siglo, es en esta época que se forman una serie de "Uniones Femeninas" que agruparán a las mujeres en la lucha por igualar sus derechos con los hombres.

Pero la organización sindical seguirá siendo el lugar de acción predilecto de los ácratas. De este modo se seguirán organizando las sociedades en resistencia y comenzarán nuevamente a proliferar las huelgas por las justas demandas de los obreros. Cuando en 1909 se funda la Gran Federación, que luego será conocida como la FOCh (Federación Obrera de Chile) muchos gremios de influencia anarquista participan en ella, pero aquí se manifiestan las diferencias entre los trabajadores de influencia socialista de los libertarios. Este hecho, hace que muchos anarquistas tomen distancia de la FOCh y se alejen definitivamente cuando en 1912, con la formación del POS (Partido Obrero Socialista), la FOCh quede como la cara sindical de esta agrupación política. Las profundas diferencias entre las expresiones políticas de la clase trabajadora, repercutirán en sus organizaciones sindicales. Los anarquistas buscarían su camino propio para la unidad de las Sociedades en Resistencia. Ya en 1911 los trabajadores del área de Magallanes habían formado la FOM (Federación Obrera de Magallanes), donde coexistirán tendencias socialistas y anarquistas, pero en donde la influencia de éstos últimos será progresivamente mayor con el correr de la década, hasta llegar a ser una federación con características definidamente libertarias. En 1913 se forma la FORCh, para agrupar a las sociedades en resistencia de tendencia libertaria. Hacia fines de 1919, se llama a un gran Congreso Obrero en Santiago, donde asisten delegados de múltiples ciudades del país (Talca, Concepción, Valparaíso, Corral, Antofagasta, Iquique, etc....), aparte de los capitalinos, el que dará nacimiento a la sección chilena de los IWW (Trabajadores Industriales del Mundo- Industrial Workers of the World ), con sólidos principios clasistas y que prenderá muy fuerte en todo el movimiento popular de la época. Su declaración de principios comenzaba diciendo "Entre la clase trabajadora y la clase patronal no hay nada en común", para terminar declarando que con la organización industrial de los trabajadores se formaba la estructura de la nueva sociedad dentro del cascarón de la vieja. Entre sus fines explícitos, estaba la lucha en contra del Estado, del Capitalismo, del régimen del trabajo asalariado y por combatir los prejuicios religiosos en las masas populares. Sus métodos de lucha eran la acción directa, el boycott, la huelga y el sabotaje. Planteaban la necesidad de llevar la lucha frontalmente en contra del sistema capitalista. Entre sus órganos de difusión estarán "Acción Directa" (Santiago), "El Proletario" (Talca), "Mar y Tierra" (Valparaíso), entre otros menores o de gremios. Entre sus más destacados dirigentes estarán Armando Triviño, el "milico" , quien será su primer secretario general, Juan Onofre Chamorro, un destacado dirigente y activista portuario del gremio de los estibadores, Juan Demarchi, obrero carpintero de origen italiano que instruirá en la "cuestión social" al aún adolescente Salvador Allende, Augusto Pinto, y los estudiantes Domingo Gómez Rojas y Juan Gandulfo. No se puede pensar en ningún caso, que la creación de este ente sindical, respondió a una copia mecánica a la experiencia de lucha de los obreros en otros lugares del mundo; no, la creación de los IWW en Chile era fruto de la maduración de la experiencia organizativa y de lucha propia de la clase trabajadora en Chile desde fines del siglo pasado a través de las sociedades en resistencia. Venía a coronar el proceso de trabajo sindical comenzado por gente como Magno Espinoza y Luis Olea principiando el siglo. Además, esta organización en Chile, representaba la necesaria convergencia de los trabajadores en todo el mundo, sobre bases internacionalistas, para enfrentar a un sistema global, como es el capitalismo. Consecuente con el internacionalismo, esta organización participaba en 1925 en el segundo congreso, en Amsterdam, de la nueva Asociación Internacional de Trabajadores de corte anarcosindicalista, fundada en Berlín en 1922.

Si bien las disputas entre la FOCh y la IWW y los anarquistas, muchas veces con fundamentos y otras por puro sectarismo (con el que históricamente el socialismo atacó al comunismo anarquista), podían entorpecer el avance del movimiento, en realidad en la práctica y en muchas huelgas, las necesidades impuestas por la propia acción facilitaban la coordinación efectiva entre las dos agrupaciones obreras. Del mismo modo, existían espacios sociales en que anarquistas y la FOCh habían podido trabajar, como la Asamblea Obrera de la Alimentación (1918), instancia en donde se planteaban cuestiones urgentes del movimiento popular, como la carestía de la vida.

Los anarquistas también pusieron fuertemente en práctica la unidad obrero-estudiantil. Es así como el secretario de notas del Congreso de 1919 que originará la IWW, será el estudiante Domingo Gómez Rojas, y como durante las huelgas estudiantiles por la Reforma Universitaria en 1922, donde destacará el ácrata Moisés Cáceres, la IWW se pliega al movimiento. Podemos ver también constantemente votos de "simpatía" en las asambleas de la FECh, hacia los IWW y la FOM.

En 1926, se produce una escisión en el movimiento libertario con la fundación de la FORCh, por iniciativa de los obreros gráficos y de un pequeño grupo de gremios no representados en la IWW. Ello, por mayor afinidad con el modelo de federación por gremios (modelo seguido por la FORA argentina), así como producto de discusiones sectarias desde un mínimo grupo de anarquistas "principistas" que sobreideologizaron la discusión y que se mantenían en posturas puras, las cuales con el paso del tiempo, producirán un alejamiento de los anarquistas de su base social de apoyo.

Las huelgas se sucedieron durante este período, sin que la patronal se mostrará mucho más blanda que a comienzos de siglo en su trato a los obreros "sublevados": en 1913 se produce en el puerto de Valapraíso la "huelga del mono", en contra de la obligación a los trabajadores ferroviarios de fotografiarse, ya que con esto se perseguía reprimir a los activistas, en 1917 se declara huelga general de los protuarios, en 1919 comienzan una serie de movimientos huelguísticos por las ocho horas de trabajo, el mismo año en Puerto Natales durante la huelga de los trabajadores del frigorífico Bories, se abre fuego a los huelguistas ocasionando muertes ("la comuna de Puerto Natales"), en 1920 los IWW llaman a una Huelga General en la Capital por la jornada de ocho horas y en contra de la carestía de la vida, en 1921 mueren 130 trabajadores de la oficina salitrera "San Gregorio" víctimas de la represión a la huelga, en 1925 se produce la matanza de obreros huelguistas en La Coruña, al sur de Iquique. Pero como fruto de esta actividad huelguística, se consiguen importantes avances en las condiciones de vida de los trabajadores: se logra la jornada de ocho horas, se logra el descanso dominical, se logra la responsabilidad de la patronal por accidentes de trabajo, se reglamenta el trabajo nocturno, entre otros logros, pero por sobre todo se logra fortalecer la conciencia de los trabajadores, se logra demostrar que la unidad, la organización y la lucha son las claves para el triunfo y se logra poner en cuestión al mismísimo sistema capitalista en el mundo obrero.

También hay dos hechos que en el anarquismo de esos años marcan el alza del espíritu de luchas: el primero, en 1914, es el atentado de Antonio Ramón R., quien ataca a puñaladas, sin darle muerte, al asesino de Iquique general Silva Renard, responsable de la matanza de más de tres mil obreros huelguistas en 1907. El otro hecho, es el asalto al Banco de Chile, sucursal Mataderos, en 1925, por parte del connotado revolucionario español Buenaventura Durruti, junto a un grupo de anarquistas chilenos, para financiar la causa revolucionaria tanto en Chile, como en España.

Los anarquistas de este período también realizan dos campañas internacionalistas de hondas repercusiones en el campo popular de ese período: la campaña de defensa a la Revolución Rusa, la cual es entusiastamente saludada por los anarquistas chilenos. Incluso, un titular de la "Verba Roja" llega a decir que la dictadura del proletariado está en camino del comunismo anárquico. Lamentablemente el posterior curso de los acontecimientos, no tardará en disipar dudas sobre el carácter burocrático que adoptaba la revolución, y en como el poder de los soviets, de genuina expresión de la clase obrera y del campesinado ruso, pasaba a convertirse en el poder dictatorial del partido bolchevique por sobre las masas populares. Esta evolución en la pareciación de la revolución rusa, puede apreciarse claramente en el periódico "Verba Roja". La otra campaña, es por la liberación de los anarquistas italianos en EEUU, Sacco y Vanzetti, los cuales, pese a las grandes protestas y a las campañas por su liberación en todo el mundo, mueren en la silla eléctrica en 1927.

A medida que crece la influencia anarquista, comienza también a crecer la represión hacia estos grupos revolucionarios que adquirían una creciente influencia en el mundo popular. Así vemos en 1918 redactada una ley de residencia que sirve como excusa para expulsar del país a múltiples agitadores anarquistas de origen extranjero, pero de larga residencia en el país, como Aquiles Lemire, Casimiro Barrios, etc. El mismo año se encarcela al redactor del periódico anarquista "La Verba Roja", Julio Rebosio, por negarse a hacer el Servicio Militar, el cual es sometido a terribles vejaciones y torturas propias de épocas de la Inquisición. Vemos también múltiples hallanamientos a locales obreros y acusaciones infundadas de "dinamiteros" hacia los anarquistas criollos. En 1911 se realiza un montaje policial en que, a fin de excusar la represión a los anarquistas, los policías ponen dinamita en un convento. También entre 1923 y 1924 habrá una ola de "hallazgos" fraudulentos de dinamita en las sedes de los IWW de Iquique y Santiago, principalmente, lo que servirá para saquear esos locales y reprimir a un movimiento por razones puramente políticas. Del mismo modo, en 1920, se realiza la famosa "Guerra de don Ladislao". Ladislao Errázuriz, entonces Ministro de Guerra, ordena la movilización de tropas al norte y monta un espectáculo de peligro de guerra con Bolivia y con Perú. Así se logra crear un clima de fiebre patriotera que sirve para distraer a las masas de la crítica situación social del país, y se utiliza el montaje para justificar la represión a los anarquistas y a los IWW, acusados de estar financiados comn el oro peruano. Se lleva entonces, adelante uno de los procesos más injustos y vergonzosos en la historia del país, en que se saquea y ataca el local de la FECh, de los IWW, se destruye la imprenta anarquista Númen, se encarcela y tortura por centenares a los más destacados anarquistas de la época (muchos compañeros tuvieron que pasar entonces a la clandestinidad). Como resultado de este proceso, muere víctima de las torturas el estudiante Domingo Gómez Rojas. También ese mismo año (1920) se produce el incendio del local de la FOM en Punta Arenas (como coletazo de las matanzas de obreros en la Patagonia Argentina) donde morirán 306 obreros. Esta ola represiva acabará con el establecimiento de la dictadura de Ibáñez del Campo en 1927, momento en que el anarquismo será duramente reprimido, desarticulado, muchos de sus activistas serán encarcelados, relegados, fusilados, torturados y exiliados.



The article on Chilean anarchism first part is from ALERTA 2, & the second part is from ALERTA 3


Congreso de Unificación Anarco-Comunista

2006 -- MOVE THIS History UK Western Europe Eastern Europe Africa Asia Oceania Middle East North America South America Other Workplace activity Recent Additions Accounts Articles Biographies Books Documents Fiction Interviews Mainstream media Pamphlets PDFs Publications archived Authors with texts / articles online at libcom Adamic, Louis Adorno, Theodor Alquati, Romano Appel, Jan Arthur, Christopher J. Paul Avrich Bakunin, Mikhail Barbrook, Richard Benjamin, Walter Alexander Berkman Bologna, Sergio Bonefeld, Werner Murray Bookchin Bordiga, Amadeo Brendel, Cajo Brinton, Maurice Brown, Tom Caffentzis, George Camatte, Jacques Castoriadis, Cornelius Chattopadhyay, Paresh Chakrabarty, Dipesh Chomsky, Noam Stuart Christie Ciliga, Ante Cleaver, Harry Cohn Bendit, Daniel & Gabriel Dalla Costa, Mariarosa De Angelis, Massimo Debord, Guy Derrida, Jacques Dauvé, Gilles/Barrot, Jean Dolgoff, Sam Dunayevskaya, Raya Dyer-Witheford, Nick Engels, Frederick Erlich, Carol Ervin, Lorenzo Federici, Silvia Fernandez, Frank Flood, Andrew Fontenis, Georges Freeman, Jo Glaberman, Martin Emma Goldman Goldner, Loren Gombin, Richard Gorter, Herman Graham, Dave Guerin, Daniel Hardt, Michael Harris, Jerry Heath, Nick Hegel, G.W.F. Hoffman, Abbie Holloway, John Ichiyo, Muto James, CLR James, Selma Jones, Rod M Kautsky, Karl Korsch, Karl Kropotkin, Peter Lafargue, Paul Leval, Gaston Lukacs, Georg Luxemburg, Rosa Magon, Ricardo Flores Ricardo Flores Magón Makhno, Nestor Malatesta, Errico Marx, Jenny Marx, Karl Marazzi, Christian Marut, Ret Masereel, Franz Mattick, Paul Maximov, Gregori Meltzer, Albert Mett, Ida Mieli, Mario Mir, Jaime Balius Morris, William Most, Johann Negri, Antonio O'Hara, Larry Pankhurst, E. Sylvia Pannekoek, Anton Panzieri, Raniero Parsons, Albert R. Parsons, Lucy E. Perlman, Fredy Rinaldi, Matthew Rocker, Rudolf Ruhle, Otto Schleuning, Neala Seidman, Michael Serge, Victor Shipway, Mark Shorthall, Felton C Simon, Henri Smith, Cyril Souchy, Augustin Thoburn, Nicholas Traven, B. Tronti, Mario Vaneigem, Raoul Varg I Veum Walter, Nicolas Ward, Colin Weir, Stan Wilde, Oscar Winstanley, Gerrard Wright, Chris Wright, Steve Zinn, Howard

2007 -- Misc dates appearing on this page:

FERRER Y GUARDIA, Francisco Nace en Alella(Barcelona) el 10 de enero de 1859. En 1884 ingresa en la log?a Mas?nica "Verdad" de Barcelona. En 1886 debe exiliarse a Francia por estar implicado en un pronunciamiento republicano del general Villacampa que fracaso. Hacia 1895 da clases de espa?ol en Francia cuando son requeridos su concurso en casa de los Meunier,(madre e hija) all? dar? a conocer su proyecto de Escuela Moderna . En 1900 funda "La Escuela Moderna" en Barcelona. En 1901 funda el peri?dico "La Huelga General".Donde sol?a firmar sus art?culos con el seud?nimo de "Cero". Y obtiene la herencia de los Meunier para formar la escuela. El 8 de septiembre de 1901 se crea oficialmente la "Escuela Moderna" en la Calle Bailen de Barcelona. Con motivo del atentado de Mateo Morral (31-5-1906)a los Reyes de Espa?a, la Escuela ser? clausurada y Ferrer detenido. En la c?rcel Modelo de Madrid escribir? un manifiesto firmado el 1? de Mayo de 1907 al que puso por t?tulo "Un programa de acci?n". El 10 de julio de 1907 es puesto en Libertad Francisco Ferrer i Guardia que estaba acusado de ser el instigador en el atentado de Mateo Morral al rey. Gracias a su aportaci?n econ?mica podr? salir el primer n?mero del peri?dico ?Solidaridad Obrera? el 19 de octubre de 1907 En 1909 resid?a en Londr?s (Calle Montagne n?10)pero regresa a Alella "Mas Germinal" el 14 de junio por qu? su cu?ada y sobrina est?n enfermas, muriendo la peque?a el 19 de junio, ser? injustamente inculpado como instigador de los sucesos de Barcelona conocidos como la "Semana Tr?gica" juzgado y condenado de antemano ser? fusilado en Montjuich el 13 de octubre de ese mismo a?o. En 1912 se publica la obra p?stuma de Ferrer "La Escuela Moderna". Buenaventure DURRUTI, Dominguez Dumange Naci? el 14 de julio de 1896 en la Plaza Sta.Ana de Le?n. En 1910 entra de aprendiz Mec?nico en el taller de Melchor Mart?nez En 1912 en el taller de Antonio Mij? especializado en el montaje de lavadoras mec?nicas para el lavado del mineral en las minas. En 1913 entra en la "Uni?n de Metal?rgicos" En 1914 a ra?z de la Primera Guerra Mundial, la producci?n se aceler? provoc?ndose un conflicto en la cuenca minera por culpa de un ingeniero, los obreros declararon la huelga que llego a ser general, Durruti se solidariz? con los mineros. Era conocido por "El grandote" En 1917 entra a trabajar en la Compa??a Ferroviaria del Norte. All? le sorprende la huelga de agosto de 1917 y despu?s de la lucha est? su nombre en la lista de expulsados de los Ferrocarriles En Septiembre del 17 debe de refugiarse en Gij?n junto con su amigo "El toto" y poco despu?s consigue llegar a Francia (Vals-les-Bains, Les Ard?ches). Eran buscados por la polic?a por los sabotajes de la huelga, pero tambi?n porque hab?an desertado del ej?rcito En enero 1919 vuelve a Espa?a para informar a la organizaci?n de Gij?n del plan de actividades que se estaba gestando en Francia y se instalo de mec?nico en La Felguera donde obtuvo su carnet de cenetista En el mes de marzo de 1919 es detenido en el coto minero de Le?n, y incorporado a su regimiento con un consejo de guerra que lo destina con recargo a Marruecos pero en una revisi?n m?dica le encuentran una hernia, por lo cual ingresa en el hospital y con la ayuda de sus compa?eros de las minas lograr? evadirse. Se traslada a Par?s donde trabajara en la Renault En 1920 Buenacasa y Durruti se encuentran en San Sebasti?n y esta vez Durruti ya tiene el carnet de CNT en el Bolsillo. Se ve implicado en el frustrado atentado a Alfonso XIII por lo que huye a Zaragoza, all? se re?nen con Zen?n Canudo y Santolar?a, que le preparan una cita en casa de Inocencio Pina con Torres Escart?n. En febrero de 1921 es comisionado para visitar el Sur de Espa?a enviado por una reuni?n de grupos anarquista en Zaragoza, se trata de : "V?a Libre","El Comunista","Los Justicieros","Voluntad" e "Impulso" le acompa?ara Juliana L?pez. En agosto de 1922 llegan a Barcelona el grupo anarquista "Los justicieros" un d?a antes del atentado a Pesta?a e inmediatamente despu?s fundan "Los solidarios" que ten?a su ?rgano de expresi?n en ""Crisol"". Seg?n parece particip? en el atrac? del 7 y 8 de agosto de 1923 a la ?Fonde de Francia? y a la empresa ?Arrendataria de contribuciones?, al menos fue reconocida su foto por los empleados. En 1923 Acude a Madrid a la reuni?n de Grupo anarquista convocada por "V?a Libre", pero al llegar se entera que la reuni?n ha sido aplazada durante una semana, durante este tiempo visita a Buenacasa y a Mauro Bajatierra, ser? detenido mientras paseaba por la Calle de Alcala. Ya libre parte hac?a Barcelona donde se re?ne con Escartin y ?stos parten hac?a Gij?n y otros "Solidarios" donde preparan un atraco para auxiliar al detenido Ascaso y dem?s compa?eros por el atentado al cardenal Soldevila (4-junio-23). El atraco se lleva a cabo el 1 de septiembre de 1923 en el Banco de Espa?a de Gij?n y el bot?n seg?n la prensa de la ?poca fue de 573.000 pesetas. El 3 de septiembre de 1923 la Guardia Civil descubre la casa donde se esconden, en el tiroteo muere Brau, mientras detienen a Escartin y logran escapar, Durruti y Suberviela. A finales del 23 se re?nen en Barcelona con Garc?a Vivancos y Ascasos y otros compa?eros del grupo los Justicieros y deciden que Ascaso y Durruti partan hac?a Paris para crear un centro revolucionario. A su llegada a Paris se re?nen en la 14 rue Petit con Faure, Orob?n Fern?ndez y V.Gozzoli y deciden crear una revista triling?e (franc?s, castellano e italiano) en la Editorial Internacional Anarquista con el objetivo de editar la Enciclopedia Anarquista En 1924 ocurrieron los hechos de Vera de Bidasoa que seg?n Horacio Prieto fueron impulsados por el grupo de los treinta al cual pertenec?a Durruti. Despu?s del fracaso de noviembre de 1924, Durruti y Ascaso con documentaci?n falsa partir?n desde el puerto del Havre Hac?a Am?rica. En 1925 Al llegar a Am?rica, desembarcan en New York y luego parten hacia Cuba donde toman contacto con un cubano que previamente Ricardo Sanz les hab?a indicado, all? empiezan a trabajar con una cuadrilla de portuarios (La Habana), har?n campa?a y dar?n a conocer las ideas libertarias. M?s tarde parten hac?a Santa Clara donde trabajaran como cortadores de Ca?a, all? a los pocos d?as se produce una huelga, el motivo lo encontramos en el propietario que reduc?a los salarios, como consecuencia de todo ello y despu?s de una dura represi?n deciden ajusticiar al propietario as? que a la ma?ana siguiente la polic?a encontrar? a ese se?or apu?alado y una pintada a su lado "La justicia de los errantes". Inmediatamente parten hac?a el Yucatan, Veracruz donde el anarquista Rafael Quintero les dar? cobijo, esperaron la llegada de Gregorio Jover y Alejandro Ascaso. El 9 de junio de 1925 llegan a Valparaiso y el 16 de julio se produce el atraco a la Sucursal de Mataderos del Banco de Chile, seg?n la polic?a el bot?n fue de 46923 pesos chilenos. Una vez en Buenos Aires visitan la cede de "Antorcha" y pocos d?as despu?s encuentran trabajo,(Jover trabajar? de Ebanista)Ascaso de Cocinero y Durruti de Portuario. Seg?n la Prensa Argentina y la polic?a el 18 de octubre de 1925 se produce un atraco por una banda con acento espa?ol pero la recaudaci?n ser? irrisoria, el 17 de noviembre en la estaci?n del Subterr?neo (metro) de Caballito se produce un atraco, pero el asalto ser? en vano, y a los gritos de ladrones acudir? un agentes con pistola en mano que caer? v?ctima de los disparos. Las fotos de Durruti, Ascaso y Jover aparecer?n por todas las esquinas de Buenos Aires. El 19 de enero de 1926 se produce un gran asalto al Banco Argentino de la Ciudad de San Mart?n el bot?n ser? 64.085 pesos argentinos.(Seg?n la prensa Argentina eran 7 los asaltantes). Despu?s de una agobiante hu?da logran embarcar hac?a Europa desde el puerto de Montevideo.(Finales febrero). El 25 de junio de 1926 es detenido junto a Jover y Ascaso cuando est?n preparando un atentado a Alfonso XIII que debe visitar la capital parisina. El 7 de octubre ser?n juzgados y Durruti tendr? una condena de 6 meses de prisi?n. El 13 de febrero de 1927 estando en prisi?n (Francia) inician una huelga de hambre. El 23 de julio de 1927 la polic?a Francesa deja en libertad a Durruti y Ascaso en la frontera con B?lgica. En enero de 1929 se re?nen en Bruselas con el pol?tico S?nchez Guerra para conspirar contra Primo de Rivera En abril a la llegada de ?ste a Barcelona se instala en casa de Mar?a Ascaso y Luis Riera en Sant Mart? de Provensals m?s tarde lo har? en la calle Taulat 117 de Pueblo Nuevo. El 1? de mayo de 1931 junto a Ascaso son los encargados de recibir a las delegaciones extranjeras que vienen a Barcelona a celebrar el d?a del trabajador. Con Garc?a Oliver y Ascaso ser?n los que encabezan la manifestaci?n que acabar? en batalla campal en la Plaza Catalu?a. El 17 de julio de 1931 participa junto a Alfonso de Miguel en un mitin en Gerona, ambos ser?n detenidos lo que provoca violentos disturbios en la ciudad y la proclamaci?n de una huelga general El 2 de agosto de 1931 interviene en una asamblea popular celebrada en el sal?n de Bellas artes de Barcelona donde debate la represi?n que ejerce Anguera de Sojo sobre los obreros que est?n llenando la Modelo. El 27 de diciembre del 31 participa en un mitin en el gran Kursaal de Manresa En enero de 1932 (20 al 23)participa en un Mitin en Cardona cuando ha estallado cerca de all? el levantamiento minero de Suria, Sallent y Figols. Por los sucesos de la cuenca minera en Barcelona la polic?a detiene a todo militante significado y Durruti ser? deportado en el Buque "Buenos Aires". En enero de 1933 estando en la c?rcel escribir? el ?nico art?culo que se le conoce. En noviembre de 1933 participa en un mitin en la Monumental de Barcelona contra las elecciones con el lema de ?Frente a las urnas, la revoluci?n social!. con ?l estar?n como oradores Orob?n Fern?ndez, D.Germinal y B.Pav?n. Despu?s de las elecciones de 1933 ganadas por la derecha la CNT realizara un pleno en el que se decide nombrar un ?Comit? Revolucionario Nacional? con la intenci?n de apoyar cualquier intento de revoluci?n En octubre de 1934 es detenido en Valencia donde pasar? una temporada en prisi?n. El 19 de Julio del 36 estar? en las calles de Barcelona luchando contra el fascismo, pocos d?as despu?s dirigir? las primeras columnas confederales hacia Arag?n para apoyar a los compa?eros de Zaragoza. En 1936 a su llegada a Madrid establece su cuartel general de la Columna en la calle Miguel ?ngel (Palacio de los duques de Sotomayor)Se le hab?a signado combatir en la Ciudad Universitaria. El 5 de noviembre de 1936 desde un mitin radiado desde Madrid se opone al decreto de la Generalitat de Catalunya sobre la militarizaci?n de las Milicias. El 19 de Noviembre fue reclamado en el frente por la situaci?n en la zona del cl?nico hac?a all? parti? acompa?ado del chofer Julio Graves y el Sargento Manzana. De vuelta del frente recibir? un balazo en el pecho, (nunca se aclaro como fueron los hechos). Tras doce horas de agon?a expiraba en la ma?ana del 20 de Noviembre. Trasladado hasta Barcelona ser? enterrado en Montjuic con el entierro m?s multitudinario que se conoce en Espa?a. Francisco ASCASO ABAD?A Francisco Naci? en Almudevar, Huesca, el 1 de abril de 1901. En 1920 forma parte del grupo "Voluntad" de Zaragoza que edita el Semanario "Voluntad". Este mismo a?o fue detenido junto a M.Sancho, Mangado y otros por el atentado contra la vida de Hilario Bernal director de la empresa Qu?mica S.A. Y unos meses despu?s, a primeros de diciembre de 1920 es asesinado el periodista Adolfo Guti?rrez redactor Jefe de "El Heraldo de Arag?n" por este hecho la polic?a ma?a otra vez detiene a Ascaso, sin embargo no pudieron implicarle en el suceso. En 1922 llega a Barcelona un d?a antes del atentado a Pesta?a (en Manresa)con otros compa?eros del grupo ?Los Justicieros? Una vez en la ciudad condal formar?an el grupo "Los Solidarios" el cual ten?a su ?rgano en la revista ""Crisol"" de la cual Ascaso ser? el administrador. En 1923 Ascaso y Garc?a Oliver y otros parten hacia Manresa de donde han recibido informaci?n que se esconde Langu?a -con tres escoltas- miembro del Sindicato Libre y principal sospechoso del asesinato de Salvador Segu?. All? encuentran a los cuatro miembros del Libre en el ?Bar La Giralda?jugando a cartas, lo que aprovechan, para pasar a la acci?n organiz?ndose un tiroteo entre ambas partes, Langu?a resulto ileso pero sus acompa?antes tambi?n del Sindicato Libre, heridos. Sinti?ndose perseguidos por la polic?a, deciden atentar contra Mart?nez Andio Impulsor de la ley de fugas de los a?os 20 en Barcelona) que se encuentra en San Sebasti?n y hac?a all? parten Ascaso junto a Torres Escart?n y Aurelio Fern?ndez. Pero no lograron encontrarle, aunque le siguieron los pasos hasta La Coru?a donde fueron detenidos Ascaso y Escartin bajo la sospecha de traficantes de Drogas, pero sus justificantes lograron ponerlos en libertad volviendo a Barcelona. Sin embargo por el camino bajaron del tren en Zaragoza y seg?n parece A las 15 horas del d?a 4 de junio de 1923 Ascaso y Escartin atentaron contra el cardenal Soldevila (quien hab?a seguido los pasos de Anido en Zaragoza con la Ley de fugas)en Zaragoza. Ser? detenido en una redada del 28 de junio, aunque Ascaso ten?a una coartada (a esta hora se encontraba en la c?rcel de Predicadores como visitante) no ser? puesto en libertad y se mantendr? la acusaci?n. Sin embargo El 9 de Noviembre se evade junto a otros de la c?rcel ayudado por grupo ?cratas aragoneses, Manuel Buenacasa le recomienda que parta para Francia, pero ?l quiere ir primero a Barcelona. Una vez en Barcelona se reunieron, Durruti, Vivancos, Ascaso y otros miembros de ?los Justicieros? y deciden que Durruti y Ascaso partan hacia Par?s para montar un Centro revolucionario. Una vez en Par?s se dirigen al local de los anarco-comunistas franceses en la 14 Rue Petit. Y a los pocos d?as se celebr? una primera reuni?n a la cual asistieron, S.Faure, V. Orob?n Fern?ndez y V.Gozzoli. El plan de est? reuni?n era una revista triling?e (franc?s, castellano e italiano) Editorial Internacional anarquista con una primera obra que era "La enciclopedia Anarquista". A finales de 1924 acosados por la polic?a francesa deben de partir hacia Am?rica De vuelta de su periplo Americano, El 25 de junio de 1926 ya en Francia es detenido junto a Jover y Durruti cuando est?n preparando un atentado a Alfonso XIII que debe visitar la capital parisina por esas fechas. El 7 de octubre en el juicio son los tres condenado a seis meses de prisi?n. En la c?rcel empiezan una huelga de hambre. No ser?n puestos en libertad hasta el 23 de julio de 1927 en la Frontera Belga. En enero de 1929 se re?nen en Bruselas con el pol?tico S?nchez Guerra en un intento para derrocar al gobierno de Primo de Rivera. El 30 de septiembre de 1929 aparece el n?3 (n?mero ?nico) de "La Voz Confederal " en Bruselas donde sin duda participan conjuntamente a Liberto Callejas. De vuelta a Espa?a con la Rep?blica instaurada. El 1? de mayo de 1931 junto a Durruti son los encargados de recibir a las delegaciones extranjeras que llegan a Barcelona para acompa?ar la manifestaci?n, junto a Durruti y Garc?a Oliver encabezar?n la manifestaci?n que acabar? en la Plaza Catalu?a despu?s de una batalla campal. En este mismo a?o de 1931 participa junto con R. Sanz y el asturiano J.M. Mart?nez en un mitin en el Front?n Eukalduna de Bilbao. A ra?z de los sucesos de la cuenca minera del Llobregat, d?as 20 al 23 de enero de 1932 en Barcelona la polic?a detiene a todo militante anarquista significado y Ascaso ser? uno de los deportados a Villacisneros dentro del buque "Buenos Aires". El 8 de abril del 32 publica en ?Soli? una carta donde explica la muerte de Soler en el ?Buenos Aires? En 1934 era Secretario del Comit? Regional de la CNT en Catalu?a. Pero las cr?ticas al comit? regional por su actitud con los hechos de octubre le obligan a dimitir. Ser? sustituido por "Marianet". Muere el 20 de julio del 36 frente a las puertas de Atarazanas cuando se intentaba sofocar el levantamiento fascista en Barcelona. En 1937 se publicar? un extenso art?culo suyo sobre su pensamiento en "Nuestro anarquismo" editado por el Comit? Peninsular de la FAI.

3000 --

3000 -- labor site, dates

3003 -- In the decor of the spectacle, the eye meets only things & their prices. Meanwhile everyone wants to breathe & nobody can & many say, "We will breathe later." & most of them don't die because they are already dead. These graffiti are drawn primarily from Julien Besançon's Les murs ont la parole (Tchou, 1968), Walter Lewino's L'imagination au pouvoir (Losfeld, 1968), Marc Rohan's Paris '68 (Impact, 1968), René Viénet's Enragés et situationnistes dans le mouvement des occupations (Gallimard, 1968), & Gérard Lambert's Mai 1968: brûlante nostalgie (Pied de nez, 1988).

Illustration by Flavio Costantini
Costantini, Flavio. Flavio Costantini : la pittura nella torre : la peinture dans la tour. Milano : Fabbri, c1987. 81 p. : ill. (artwork) The art of anarchy. Costantini, Flavio 25 Bibliofind Bolerium Books, ABAA Cienfuegos Press London 1975 43p., heavily illustrated, half-title page foxed. Anarchism PB MAY Timothy's horse / by Vladimir Mayakovsky ; illustrated by Flavio Costantini, adapted from the Russian by Guy Daniels. Mayakovsky, Vladimir, 1893-1930. London : Dobson, 1970. [29] p. : ill. ; 24 x 29 cm. Author : Mayakovsky, Vladimir, 1893-1930. Title : Timothy's horse / by Vladimir Mayakovsky ; illustrated by Flavio Costantini, adapted from the Russian by Guy Daniels. Publisher : London : Dobson, 1970. Description : [29] p. : ill. ; 24 x 29 cm. Subject Heading(s) : Stories in rhyme. Hobbyhorses--Juvenile fiction. ----

Flavio Costantini
Nato a Roma nel 1926. Si diploma Capitano di lungo corso e naviga per alcuni anni. Dal 1955 si dedica alla grafica e all'illustrazione lavorando per riviste aziendali. Come pittore s'interessa a particolari episodi della storia sociale, dipingendo momenti della storia dell'anarchia. Particolare è il suo uso della tempera, memorabili i suoi ritratti di uomini illustri. Ai ragazzi ha dedicato un libro "Cuore", nitido e crudele, fuori dagli schemi. l'Unità, 02-04-1997, l'Unità 2 - Cultura, Pag. 2 A colloquio con Flavio Costantini, illustratore di una recente riedizione di "Ricordi dal sottosuolo" La Pietroburgo di Dostoevskij diventa un rebus Un percorso parallelo al testo scritto che, attraverso simboli, parole libere, figure e oggetti da decifrare, conduce all'inconscio di Carmine De Luca [Fedor Dostoevskij - I ricordi dal sottosuolo - Edizioni Nuages]

BAYNAC, Jacques, COSTANTINI, Flavio (illustrations), Ravachol et ses compagnons, Paris, Editions du Chêne, 1976, n.-p., ill., 38,5 cm.

Flavio Costantini nasce a Roma nel 1926. La sua produzione artistica spazia dal tema della tauromachia a quello della storia sociale. Costantini ha dedicato ampi cicli al naufragio del Titanic e alla fine dei Romanov; ha esplorato, inoltre, la dimensione dell'Alchimia. Artista di grande sensibilità grafica, ha collaborato per le riviste di importanti aziende italiane. Riproduzioni tratte dalle sue opere sono state utilizzate da "La Repubblica", "L'Espresso", "Panorama" e "Il Corriere della Sera". Limitandosi alle più recenti esposizioni, da ricordare la partecipazione alla Biennale di Venezia, Arte e Alchimia nel 1986, e la personale "La fine dei Romanov" alla Galleria Nuages di Milano nel 1993.
Flavio Costantini, professore associato di "Laboratorio di fisica Nucleare e Sub-Nucleare", ha richiesto il nulla-osta per un congedo per alternanza a norma dell'art. 17 del DPR 382/80, da usufruire dall'01.11.1995 al 31.10.1996. cont. Del. n. 61/1 del 21.04.95 Il prof. Costantini intende dedicarsi esclusivamente all'attività di ricerca scientifica che verterà sulla misura della violazione diretta di CP nel sistema dei mesoni K e verrà effettuata presso i Laboratori del CERN a Ginevra. Il Consiglio delibera il nulla osta al congedo in quanto, per il corso a lui assegnato nella programmazione didattica del Consiglio del 24.03.95 verrà chiesto un nuovo bando del Preside affinchè venga coperto per affidamento didattico aggiuntivo. Approvato all'unanimità. Letto, approvato e sottoscritto seduta stante. Il Segretario Il Presidente UNIVERSITA' DEGLI STUDI DI PISA Delibera n. 62 Anno Accademico 1994-1995 Seduta del 21.04.95

3500 -- According to Gore Vidal, John & Bobby Kennedy nicknamed Baldwin "Martin Luther Queen." cf. *Palimpsest*)


3500 --


3500 -- If Stupidity got us into this mess, then why can't it get us out? - Will Rogers

3500 -- surrealism

3500 -- anarchy image

3500 -- DEAD ALT="Stuff" width="100" height="100" BORDER="1" hspace="10" vspace="10" align="left" CHECK FOR NEW LOCATION OF IMAGES

3500 -- bomb blast anarchy archive image

3500 -- image

3500 -- Is Granny D somebody you'd want to mention in the Bleed? She's a Saint or A Sinner or certaily a Something. Bill ----- Original Message ----- From: To: Sent: Thursday, June 03, 1999 3:00 PM Subject: "Granny D" update; News on potential FEC nominee > CauseNET: > THE COMMON CAUSE EMAIL ALERT NETWORK > Thursday, June 3, 1999 > > > [unsubscribe instructions follow] > > 89-YEAR-OLD DORIS "GRANNY D" HADDOCK ON HER WAY TO > FT. WORTH, TX ON HER CROSS-COUNTRY WALK FOR REFORM > > ** Granny D Suggests New Way To Get Involved ** > > Doris "Granny D" Haddock, who as CauseNET subscribers > surely remember, started walking across the country in > January to call attention to the need for campaign > finance reform. Nearly 6 months later, she finds > herself alongside Route 20 between Big Springs, Texas > & Ft. Worth. > > You might have seen her profiled recently in People > Magazine, or The New York Times. In the past few days, > she's helped spread her message by throwing out the ceremonial > first pitch at a Midland Rockhounds minor league baseball > game, & by greeting the crowd at a bull-riding show in > Midland. > > Granny D recently suggested a new way ordinary Americans > can show solidarity with her in her voyage: Walk a few > miles in a pair of old walking shoes. Then, send them > to one of the "foot-draggers" in Congress who, so far, > is refusing to sign the discharge petition which would > force a vote on the Shays-Meehan campaign finance reform > bill. > > >>For more information on Granny's trip, visit her > site at: > > >>For more on her campaign to send old walking shoes to > "foot-draggers" in Congress visit: > > > >>Common Cause provides a list of the Members of Congress > who have not signed the discharge petition at: > > > >>Doris Haddock is relying on the generosity of people she > is meeting along her route for food, lodging, & logistical > help. If you live on or near Granny's route across the > country - or even if you don't, but want to help, send an > email to: > > COMMON CAUSE, DEMOCRACY 21, & THE BRENNAN > CENTER URGE PRESIDENT CLINTON TO REJECT FEC NOMINEE The Brennan Center for Justice, Common Cause, & Democracy > 21 today urged President Clinton not to nominate Bradley A. Smith to serve on the Federal Election Commission (FEC) if his > name is submitted as a potential nominee. > > The appointment, the organizations wrote in a letter to > President Clinton, "would be totally at odds with any notion > of fair & effective enforcement of the federal campaign > finance laws - laws which he believes are wrong, burdensome, > & unconstitutional." > More information on the potential nomination is available at: > > > CauseNET: > THE COMMON CAUSE EMAIL ALERT NETWORK > Thursday, June 3, 1999 > > > > > > CauseNET is the Email Alert Network of Common Cause, a > nationwide, nonprofit, & nonpartisan citizens' lobbying > organization working for open, honest, & accountable > government at the federal, state, & local levels. > You are subscribed to CauseNET as: [WAKPAK@LYNXUS.COM] > > To unsubscribe, DO NOT reply to this message. Rather, FORWARD > this message TO > > To change your CauseNET address, follow the unsubscribe > instructions above, & re-enroll online at: >

3500 -- 7/22 Dave, You might be interested to know that your erstwhile colleague, my son Jim, & Andi have arrived safely at Yellowstone & are hanging out somewhere near Old Faithful, possibly timing the eruptions to see if she is still on schedule. I don't know what Blake may have said about foxes, if anything, but the animal that should not have the same rule as the lion is the OX, no F, just OX. It's a better contrast, dontcha think? Scrupulous checker-upper Bill

3509 -- archive Links to Sacco & Vanzetti:
ártists/shahn_ben-0.html “Sacco & Vanzetti Reading Room #3" Dave-- See much more extensive list of Sacco & Vanzetti links in separate document, being transmitted immeditelay following this one. Two images by Ben Shahn: 'the prosecution left a trail' of doctored eyewitness accounts, altered testimony & false ballistics reports. That trail appears to exonerate the victims while convicting the executioners. "The Passion of Sacco & Vanzetti"
"Sacco & Vanzetti Reading Room #3"

3509 -- archive But he does have an engaging style, always recognizable yet as variegated as his topics. He can be free & easygoing (“a lot of Mozart sounds like a country boy whistling along his way to the swimming hole”)23 or as hard-boiled as Hammett or Chandler, of whose work he says: “The secret of this kind of writing is that it isn’t buying anything & it isn’t selling anything.”24 In a phrase he can evoke the Yiddish world of Isaac Singer (“those passionate arguments that used to sprinkle the whiskers with sour cream”)25 or epitomize the mordant, cynical style of Tacitus (“a style like a tray of dental instruments”).26 But he knows that “style never is just a matter of style, but the outward sign & garb of an inner spiritual state.”27 If he discusses a poet’s prosody, it is not a mere academic exercise: he will show how it reflects a way of looking at things, a response to life. Denise Levertov’s, for instance, is “a kind of animal grace of the word, a pulse like the footfalls of a cat or the wingbeats of a gull. It is the intense aliveness of an alert domestic love — the wedding of form & content in poems which themselves celebrate a kind of perpetual wedding of two persons always realized as two responsible sensibilities.”28 You never read very far in his aesthetic discussions without coming upon some worldly-wise social or moral or psychological connection. “The interiority of the characters [in Defoe’s novels] is revealed by their elaborately presented outside. When they talk about their own motives, their psychology, their morals, their self-analyses & self-justifications are to be read backwards, as of course is true of most people.”29 As a debunker of the imbecilities of mass culture Rexroth can be as entertaining as H.L. Mencken — This stuff [Maoist “proletarian literature”] is ridiculous & resembles nothing so much as nineteenth-century Sunday school stories of the little Roman boy who helped his sister escape from the lions, defied the millions of the emperor, ran errands for St. Paul & went to heaven.30 & just as scathing — Television is designed to arouse the most perverse, sadistic, acquisitive drives. I mean, a child’s television program is a real vision of hell, & it’s only because we are so used to these things that we pass them over. If any of the people who have had visions of hell, like Vergil or Dante or Homer, were to see these things it would scare them into fits.31

3509 -- anarchist archive Book Sellers & Publishers Web Sites about Anarchism Archives & Research Resources Anarchist Publications Other Funding Sources Organizations, etc BOOK SELLERS & PUBLISHERS _______________________________ AK Press - sells anarchist books & periodicals by mail. Their catalog is extensive & searchable. Based in San Francisco. Anarres Books - Selling anarchist books by mail since 1992. Based in Melbourne, Australia. Atelier de Création Libertaire Barricade Books/Infoshop - Anarchist bookstore & ‘infoshop’ based in Melbourne, Australia. Biblioteca Franco Serantini - Italian language anarchist publishers. Black Crow Books - Radical publisher in Toronto. Blackout Books - New York City’s only anarchist bookstore & infoshop (founded in 1993). Black Planet Books - providing anarchist literature to Baltimore, Maryland & the world since 1994 Black Rose Books - anarchist publisher from Montreal. Confronto - Anarchist bookseller from Portugal, with an extensive catalogue containing books, videos, magazines, & etc.. Edizioni La Baronata - Publishers of Italian language anarchist history & theory since 1978. E.G. Smith Distribution Freedom Press - Anarchist bookseller & publisher since 1886, based in London. Jura Books - Self-managed anarchist center & bookstore in Sydney, Australia, operating for more than 20 years. Left Bank Books - Anarchist bookseller & publisher operating for 25 years. They maintain an extensive mail-order service as well as bookstore in Seattle, Washington. Libertad Verlag - German-language anarchist publisher. Lucy Parsons Center - Radical bookstore & meeting place in Cambridge, Massachusetts operating for more than 25 years. Meltzer Press - Anarchist publisher based in the U.K. Pluto Press - "independent publisher of works by & for the broad left community" from the UK. See Sharp Press - Publisher of radical books from Tucson, Arizona. Revolutionsbräuhof (RBH)/Anarchistische Buchhandlung - German language anarchist publisher & bookseller.

WEB SITES ABOUT ANARCHISM __________________________ Anarcha-Feminism - Collection of texts & links related to anarcha-feminism. Anarcha-Feminism - another collection of texts & links related to anarcha-feminism. Anarchist Yellow Pages - anarchist contacts & projects throughout the world. Liberty for the People - a broad selection of texts & links related to the anarchist movement & history. Mid-Atlantic Infoshop - Large site with a diverse selection of texts & links related to the anarchist movement & history.

ARCHIVES & RESEARCH RESOURCES _____ ______________ Anarchy Archives - an extraordinary online collection of anarchist texts, historical commentary, photographs, & more. Anarchist Archives Project - an extensive archive dedicated to preserving materials documenting the history of anarchism & making them available to historians & interested individuals. Founded in 1982, the AAP is based in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Anarquismo Hoje - Large online collection of anarchist texts in Portuguese. Archivio Pinelli / Centro Studi Libertari Arquivo de História Social "Edgar Rodrigues" - Portuguese language site focusing on the work of Edgar Rodrigues & Brazilian anarchism. Arquivo Edgard Edgard Leuenroth - Large labor history archive in Brazil, founded in 1974. Biblioteca Popular ‘Jose Ingenieros’ - Anarchist archive, meeting place, & popular library in Buenos Aires (founded in 1935) Centre International De Recherches sur L'Anarchisme The Noam Chomsky Archive - Extensive collection of texts (and audio clips) by Chomsky. Datenbank des deutschsprachigen Anarchismus - Large online collection of anarchist texts in German. Emma Goldman Papers Encyclopedia of 1848 Revolutions - Well organized & very thorough online resource. Guide to Philosophy on the Internet - Online philosophical texts, links, guides, etc. HiperNet -Autonomia - Collection of anarchist texts in Portuguese. Illinois Labor History Society International Institute of Social History Kate Sharpley Library - large anarchist archive in London. The Labadie Collection - Large archive of social protest & anarchist books, periodicals, and ephemera. Marx/Engels Archive - extensive online collection of works by Marx, Engels, & others in the Marxist tradition. Modern School Collection Paul Avrich Collection (Library of Congress) - Works donated by Paul Avrich to the Library of Congress. The Anarchist Thought of Rudolf Rocker - a large collection of online texts by Rocker. Spunk Press - "collects & distributes literature in electronic format, with an emphasis on anarchism and related issues." Tamiment Library ANARCHIST PUBLICATIONS ______________________________ Alternative Libertaire Anarchist Studies - journal "concerned with all aspects of anarchist theory, history & culture" from the UK. A Batalha Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library - This regular publication of the KSL always features valuable commentary & historical documents. Brand Green Perspectives Le Monde libertaire Libertarian Labor Review - magazine of "anarcho-syndicalist ideas & discussion." Love & Rage - newspaper of the (recently disbanded) Love & Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation. Polémica - Spanish Language anarchist magazine from Barcelona. Red & Black Revolution Revista Utopia - Revista Anarquista de Cultura e Intervenção Rivista Anarchica - Italian language anarchist periodical. The Raven - Anarchist theoretical journal from Freedom Press. Schwarzer Faden - German language anarchist publication. Social Anarchism Online - anarchist journal from Baltimore, Maryland. Umanità Nova – weekly anarchist newspaper in Italian. OTHER FUNDING SOURCES ______________________________ The A.J. Muste Memorial Institute – the Muste Institute awards grants "to worthwhile organizing projects committed to social justice & nonviolence." They are also active in variety of other projects. Funding Exchange Network - Network of 15 US foundations that fund progressive groups. Global Fund for Women - grantmaking foundation supporting the efforts of women to transform their societies & the world. Haymarket People's Fund - progressive foundation that grants funds to grassroots groups throughout New England organizing for peace, equality, and economic justice. Founded in 1974. University of Nebraska's Links to Grant & Funding Information - a good selection of funding & grant links. ORGANIZATIONS, ETC. ______________________________ Anarchist Communist Federation - anarchist organization from the UK. Atlantic Anarchist Circle - network of anarchist individuals & groups in the northeastern United States & eastern Canada. Fundación Alumbrar - Argentine anarchist filmmakers

Institute for Social Ecology Libertarian Book Club/Anarchist Forums Love & Rage Federation - recently disbanded anarchist federation from North America. Radical Philosophy Association - an international, non-sectarian forum for philosophical discussion of fundamental change. RPA "members struggle against capitalism, racism, sexism, homophobia, environmental ruin, & all other forms of domination … guided by the vision of a society founded on cooperation instead of competition …" Social Ecology Project - Publishing project of Janet Biehl & Murray Bookchin. Society for Utopian Studies Guelph's Social Ecology Working Group Workers Solidarity Movement THIS ADDED TO BOOKSTORES DATABASE MAY 2002

3509 -- Anarchist Black Book ARCHIVE lenin trotsky stalin


Antoniorrobles: TALES OF LIVING PLAYTHINGS / TRANSLATED BY EDWARD HUBERMAN. New York: Modern Age Books, 1938. Early ed. Cloth, 12mo, 119 pp. (Eichenberg, Fritz illust.), Very Good in Very Good dust jacket: light wear to jacket. Children's stories, includes tales with a background of the anarchist Spanish Civil War. [#1386] $62.50

3509 -- CUBAN ANARCHISM ARCHIVE See Cuba - The Anarchists & Liberty by Frank Fernandez

(English translation by Charles Bufe) See suggested references, "Anarchism in Cuba,"

3509 -- Ephéméride Anarchiste Bienvenue dans l'index des noms. PAGE 3 OF 3 NNN N.A.B.A.T NACHT Siegfried NAVEL Georges NEEL Alexandra David NEILL A.S NETTLAU Max NIEL Mathilde NIEUWENHUIS Domela Ferdinand NOBILING Karl Eduard NOE Ito NOIR Victor OCCHIPINTI Maria OLIVER Juan Garcia ORSINI ORTIZ RAMIREZ Antonio ORWELL Georges OSWALD John OUTERELO Ramon OWEN Robert OWEN William Charles PA KIN (Li Feigan) PALLAS Pauli PANAYOT (frères) PAON Roger PARAF-JAVAL PARACHKEF Stoyanov PARDINAS Manuel PARSONS Albert Richard PARSONS Lucy Ella PASSANANTE Giovanni PATOU Hélène PAUWELS Jean PAZ Abel (Diego Camacho) PECQUEUR Constantin PEIRATS José PEIRERA Antonio (Tomas RANIERI dit) PEIRO BELIS Juan PEIRO OLIVES José PELLETIER Claude PELLETIER Madeleine PELLICER Farga PELLICER-GANDIA PELLOUTIER Fernand REMOVE NAMES WHEN A GALLERY PAGE IS CREATED Pendus de Chicago Père Peinard PEREZ José PERIER Albert (dit Germinal) Pierre PERRIN (Pierre ODEON dit) PERRISSAGUET Adrien PEYRAUT Yves Phalanstère PI i MARGALL PICQUERAY May PIERROT Marc PIGNAT Clovis-Abel PINDY Jean-Louis PINELLI Giuseppe PINI Vittorio PISACANE Carlo PLANCHE Fernand Plume noire (Librairie anarchiste de la) POPOV Georges Simeonov POTTIER Eugène POUGET Emile POULAILLE Henry POUY Jean-Bernard Premier mai (origine du) PREVERT Jacques PREVOTEL André Procès des 30 Procès des 66 (Lyon) PROIX Robert PROUDHON Pierre Joseph PRUDHOMMEAUX André PRUDHOMMEAUX Dori PUENTE Isaac RADOWITZKY Simon RABELAIS François Radio Libertaire RAGON Michel RAMUS Pierre RAOUCH Petr Ravachol François RAYNAUD Jean-Marc READ Herbert RECLUS Elie RECLUS Jacques RECLUS Paul Refractaire (le) REGIS Jules (dit Siger) REISER Jean-Marc REITMAN Ben REMIRO Agustin RENAUD Jean RESPAUT André RETTE Adolphe Révolte des Canuts Révolution spartakiste Ricamarie (événement de la) RICHEPIN Jean RIMBAULT Louis RICTUS Jehan Rio Gallegos RIVERA Librado ROBIN Armand ROBIN Paul ROSCIGNA Miguel Arcangel ROCKER Milly Witkop ROCKER Rudolf ROGER Emile ROGER Noël (dit Babar) ROINART Paul Napoléon ROUGEOT Claude ROUILLAN Jean-Marc RYNER Georgette RYNER Han RONSIN Francis ROUMILHAC Jean ROUX Jacques RUDE Fernand RUDIGER Helmut retour S.I.A SABATE Francisco Francisco Sabate (El Quico). SACCO Nicola Fernandino SAKAE Osugi Sakae SAKAI Toshihito SALIVES Jean (Claude le Maguet) SALSEDO Andrea SALUCCI Argante SANCHIRO Ishikawa SANFTELBEN Alfred SANTANA Emidio SANTANGELO Erasmo SANTILLAN SANZ Ricardo SARTIN Max SCARFO Paulino et Alejandro SCARLATTI Giuseppe SCHAPIRO Alexandre SCHIRRU Michele SCIULLO Camillo DI SEGAUD Louis SEGUI Salvator SEIICHI Miura Semaine rouge d'Ancône Semaine sanglante Paris Semaine sanglante Buenos Aires Semaine tragique SERANTINI Franco SERGE Victor (KILBATCHICHE ) SEVERINE (Caroline Remy) SEYMOUR Henri SIGALA Claude SIGNAC Paul SIMENON Georges SIMON Louis SIMENTOF (Monier, dit) SIMON (dit Biscuit) SISQUELLA Teri SKIRDA Alexandre SOLOTAROFF Hillel SOTO Antonio SOUCHY Augustin SOUDY André SOULLIER Eugène SOUSA Germinal SOUVENANCE Jean (Serge Grégoire) SPIES August SPIRIDONOVA Maria STEIMER Mollie STENLEIN Alexandre Stérilisés de Bordeaux (affaire des) Stirner Max STOINOFF Nicolas STRINDBERG August TAILHADE Laurent TCHERKESSOFF Vladimir TCHORBADIEFF Nikolas TELLEZ SOLA Antonio Temps Nouveaux THOMAS Bernard THOMAS Georges THOMAS Jules THOMASSIN Nicolas THOREAU Henri-David Jean-Baptiste Thuriault TOLAIN Henri TOLLER Ernst TOLSTOI Léon TOPOR Roland TORTELIER Joseph TRONCHET Lucien Tresca Carlo TRINQUIER Hervé TUCCI TUCKER Benjamin R TURRONI Pio U.S.I Umanità Nova Union Anarchiste URALES Federico (Joan Montseny) UTGE-ROYO Serge VALET René VALITUTTI Pasquale VALLES Jules VAN DONGEN (Kees) VAN PRAET Laurent et Jules François VAN RYSSELBERGHE Theo VANEIGEM Raoul VANZETTI Bartoloméo VARLIN Eugène VASSEV Manol Vera de Bidassoa (évènements de) VERGINE Samuel (Louis Dorlet, dit) VERNET Madeleine VIDAL Georges VIGO Jean VILA Poncho VILLAFRANCA Soledad VILLARREAL Antonio I. VILLAVERDE Andrès VLADIMIROVITCH German Boris VOLINE (Vsévolod Mikhailovich Eichenbaum) VOLINE Léo WWW WEIL Simone WILDE Oscar WILCKENS Kurt Gustav WILLETTE Adolphe WILLETTE Luc WINSTANLEY Gerrard WITHMAN Walt WITKOP Milly (Rocker) WULLENS Marcel et Maurice XXX YYY YAMAGA Taiji YOSHIHARU Hashimoto YVETOT Georges ZZZ ZAMBONI Anteo Zapata Emiliano ZASSOULITCH Vera

3509 -- The publication & circulation of these resolutions were delayed by the arrests; finally the Belgian Federal Council proposed to invite the Jurassian Federation to convene the general congress --- hence the Geneva Congress held in September, 1873.

Andrea Costa wrote in 1900 (Bagliroi di socialismo. Cenni storici, Florence) that, though the Socialists of Naples had already been molested, the present arrests were the signal of stupid & vile persecutions which lasted for seven years [and which, if they then ceased for Costa who entered politics, for anarchists continue until this day]. Then for the first time the International was charged to be a criminal body (associacione di malfattori), but the tribunal not yet endorsed these governmental views & the arrested were all discharged after two months of prison, but other arrests followed, at Lodi, Parma, Rome, etc.

Cafiero & Malatesta passed 54 days in prison, which lead up to the beginning of May; Cafiero then went home, to Barletta (Apulia), summer of 1873 a Spanish revolution seemed imminent, & finally, urged on by his Spanish friends, Bakunin resolved to go there himself. But only Cafiero could give the necessary money & his affairs at Barletta were not yet terminated. So Bakunin & Malatesta decided to impress the importance of the matter further upon him, & since this could hardly be done by letter, Malatesta traveled to Barletta, where he was arrested three days after his arrival - & kept in prison for six months, to be discharged afterwards, of course without any trial. This may cover the time from the middle of July, 1873, to January, 1874, since he remembers that news from Alcoy - where a movement took place on July 9 - precipitated his journey. At that time - as Z. Ralli (Zamfir C. Arbure, a Roumanian, then in the Russian movement)

3509 -- CUBAN ANARCHISM ARCHIVE See Cuba - The Anarchists & Liberty by Frank Fernandez (English translation by Charles Bufe) See also suggested references, "Anarchism in Cuba,"

3510 -- Hawaii revolution 1893

Queen Liliuokalani became monarch 1891, sought to replace 1887 "Bayonet Constitution" imposed on her brother Kalakaua by the Reform Cabinet of foreigners led by Lorrin Thurston & William Green John Stevens & USS Boston support 1893 revolt Gresham opposed conspiracy of Claus Spreckels (father of John D. Spreckels), Sanford Dole (leader of Hawaiian League of Honolulu businessmen) advised no annexation, no marines, supported James "Paramount" Blount 1894 tariff restored sugar bounty for Hawaii growers recognition of Republic of Hawaii, but no annexation until July 7, 1898 James Dole, cousin of Sanford, created the Hawaiian Fruit & Plant Co. in 1900 to grow pineapples in Wahiawa Hawaii Independent & Sovereign web page

3512 -- poetry archive Featuring: William S. Burroughs, Rosmarie Waldrop, Nathaniel Tarn, Brenda Flanagan, Will Alexander & Andrew Joron, Diane Wakoski, David Ignatow, Nancy Willard, Chim Nwambueze, Bruce Andrews, Silvia Curbelo, Dionisio Martínez, Sherman Alexie, Elaine Equi, Ricardo Pau-Llosa, John M. Bennet, Gerald Vizenor, Ronnie Burk, Sonya Hess, Katherine Keane & Jonathan Sinagub, Bob Heman, Eleni Sikélianos, Ted Lardner, Ivan Argüelles, Clint Frakes, Wanda Coleman, Jay Passer, Rick Alley, Spencer Selby, Ghita Schwarz, Tom Wayman, John Nóto, Jack Anderson, Richard kostelanetz, John Brandi, George Angel, Adam Cornford, Paul Naylor, Paul Grillo, Ira Cohen, Rachel Loden, Robert Gregory, Edward Mycue, Edward Smallfield, Laurie Bouck, John Olson, Raymond Federman, Carlos Faraco, Erik Belgum Caliban 1 / Caliban 2 / Caliban 3 / Caliban 4 / Caliban 5 / Caliban 6 / Caliban 7 Caliban 8 / Caliban 9 / Caliban 10 / Caliban 11 / Caliban 12 / Caliban 13 / Caliban 14 Caliban 15

3513 -- Now that we have passed the day dedicated to the sainted William Blake, I see on the horizon two more days on which you might want to include an item or two about or by an American artist. The first is Leonard Baskin, whose birthday is tomorrow, August 15, 1922. Some URLs for him are as follows: public_html/master.html?isindex=Leonard+Baskin In addition to University of Michigan SILSArt Image Browser, cited several times above, which Artcyclopedia does include, & the other sources which it does not include, Artcyclopedia identifies just three online exhibits of the artwork of Leonard Baskin, links verified by InfoLink, April 16, 1999: National Museum of American Art, Washington Reynolda House Museum of American Art Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco Ten days later, August 25, is the birthday of Dorothea Tanning, Max Ernst's wife of thirty-five years, & a very interesting artist in her own right. I've found five URLs for her, if you are interested. Finally, on August 27, there is Man Ray's birthday. I've found eleven URLs for him, & Artcyclopedia has links to five online exhibits of his photography, objecs, & paintings. If you'd like me to copy them to you, I'd be glad to do so. Soon to be in Seattle, Bill

4000 -- PERU HALU

4000 -- Sabo cat IWW

4000 -- iWW Utah Phillips We Have Fed You All for a Thousand Years

4001 -- Short by W.S.M. All of this will pass away eventually.Those yearning for the answers to the universe will find, as they are swimming through a green-star haze above a spinning circle, that the answer is so simple it cannot be verbalized - it can only be known. Remember with bittersweet sadness the dying of the sun in the western sky as a gentle breeze stirs the grass for there will be a last one. This is the truth, written down & paraded out on a stage to sell cheap toothpaste & chewing gum to an audience who doesn't care how to care anymore.

4005 --  ?

4006 -- image

4007 -- no black & white, gray areas image archive on dead people server

4008 -- prozac drugs ad busters


4009 -- Julian Beck Living Theatre

4009 -- background







4009 -- TANK

4009 -- civil war good bad ugly IMAGE ARCHIVE




4010 -- doa

4011 -- anarchist thinkers

4500 -- Anarchists Anonymous

4500 -- freddie Baer

4500 -- Frame: Background Image: Image: Image:

4500 --

4500 --

4500 -- tv

4500 --

Media Burn...Cadillac crashes burning TVs
4500 -- MEDIA BURN

4500 -- dates/events calendar with links, by year: scifi sci fi science fiction site flying saucer image

4500 -- revolt

4500 -- MOVING dates Here you go, Dave Hundreds of images for the taking: -Jim

4500 -- Losing Words, by clifford Harper images

No War
4500 -- images

4500 --

Illustration: Clifford Harper

Illustration: Clifford Harper

If governments fail to protect their citizens, then those citizens must protect themselves by developing local economies.

from Resurgence issue 206

4500 -- Miner Joe, 1940. Elizabeth Olds, 1896-1991. Screenprint.

4500 -- "Tee Hee" Boys: Born with a Vote & a Partial Sense of the Ridiculous, 1912. John Sloan, 1871-1951. Ink & crayon. Published in Collier's (May 18, 1912), as: "Aw, Susie, be them dishes washed?" LC-USZC4-5708; LC-USZ62-119292 © Estate of John Sloan. (50) John Sloan created this acerbic caricature of chauvinist males jeering a suffragette parade for the popular magazine Collier's. Sloan began his career as a newspaper sketch artist, making his name as a member of the circle of young artists that formed around Robert Henri, becoming known as the New York Realists or the Ashcan School. To supplement his income, Sloan drew illustrations for mainstream magazines like Collier's & Century, & for such radical leftist journals as The Call & The Masses. Insightful observation, a keen sense of humor & irony, a reforming spirit, & an easy realist style are hallmarks of his illustrative work .

4500 -- Distress, 1938. James E. Allen, 1894-1964. Lithograph. Published in Collier's, September 17, 1938. LC-USZC4-6581 © Estate of James E. Allen. (1) Born in Missouri, James Allen worked as a magazine illustrator, traveling to Paris in 1925, where he shared a studio with fellow printmaker Howard Cook. There he experimented with various artistic media, making lithographs & etchings for the first time. Forced by the Depression to return to the United States, he moved to New York, continuing to hone his skills as a printmaker under Joseph Pennell & William Auerbach-Levy. Industrial scenes & muscular images of men working on railroads, buildings, & bridges form a large part of his graphic repertoire.

4501 --

4503 --

4503 -- The Troublemaker Who Acts Like a Provocateur at the Caucus, 1943. William Gropper, 1897-1977. Ink & white with spatter. Illustration for Avreml Broide, by Ben Gold (New York: Prompt Press, 1944), p. 138. LC-USZC4-6595 © Gene Gropper. (23) Studies with Robert Henri & George Bellows gave William Gropper, the son of poor Jewish immigrants to New York's Lower East Side, the graphic tools to express his passionate commitment to the social & economic welfare of the working classes. This image appears among Gropper's illustrations for the novel Avreml Broide by Ben Gold, published in Yiddish in New York in 1944.

[More about Gropper, click here]

4503 -- Weighing Fish, 1936-37. M. Lois Murphy, 1901-1962. Wood engraving. LC-USZC4-6584 (39) Lois Murphy made the wood engraving Weighing Fish while affiliated with the WPA Federal Art Project in New York City in 1936-1937.

4503 -- Antje Schrupp: Nicht Marxistin und auch nicht Anarchistin. Frauen in der Ersten Internationale Die Erste Internationale (1864-1872) war ein Versuch, die vielfältigen Facetten der internationalen sozialrevolutionären Bewegung zusammenzuschließen. Entgegen dem gängigen Geschichtsbild waren Frauen daran aktiv und höchst streitsam beteiligt. Antje Schrupp deckt mit ihrem Buch diesen verschütteten Strang unserer Geschichte engagiert und spannend auf. Sie geht davon aus, daß nur durch die Annäherung an Diskussionsprozesse die Komplexität von politischen Bewegungen zu begreifen ist. So wählt sie die Biografien von vier sehr verschiedenen Frauen, die sich im Umfeld der Ersten Internationale engagiert und umfassende polititsche und soziale Utopien entworfen haben: Virginie Barbet, Elisabeth Dmitrieff, Andre Leo und Victoria Woodhull. "Ob aus dem Versuch, eine feministisch-sozialrevolutionäre Theorietradition aufzudecken, auch heute noch Vorbilder und Leitmotive für feministisch-sozialrevolutionäres Handeln entstehen könnten, muß jede Leserin und jeder Leser selbst entscheiden ..." (Buchvorstellung durch die Autorin).


5000 -- POETRY ARCHIVE I'm luckier than most. Look how Miss Ivy dead. & Valto. He thought he would outlive me but God outsmarted him. I am still going strong. And I'm not forgetting ONE damn thing. --Brenda Flanagan, To Die Of Old Age In A Foreign Country On the very first day Jah gave light, and on the second he made the sun & stars. It wasn't long before things were jumping out of the river. --David Berman, O My face naked faced forward toward the genesis of everyone, the manyfaced erasure. --R. Cronshey, The Necessity of an Inner Nativity People who try to dress like poets or pose as tormented sensitive types usually write terrible poems. --Antonio Porta, So You Think You're A Poet I must not speak of the herbs that sing on Christmas Eve, or the terrible cry of the mandrake. --Melissa Monroe, Germs of Mind in Plants, by R. H. Francé A man is born with a stone & thinks it the weight his breath suspends at the end of a pendulum --John Lindgren, Birth of a Stone The trees are the one constant, always touching the earth but reaching for something else. --Silvia Curbelo, Bedtime Stories The world is a stain on the mirror. --David Huerta, from Incurable Who turns the breeze into the voice of fire if not the palm? --Ricardo Pau-Llosa, Baracoa One gets stuck in, what is evidently, describing oneself. --Pam Rehm, Neurology: In Theory If desire is asphalt then memory is the rig that carries me to my destination. --Rodger Moody, Untitled Self-consciousness is a form of dishonesty. --Arno Geelegg, Septic So the people Couldn't tell Who was the moon And who wasn't. --John Bradley, The Moon Does Not Exist

5000 -- Subject: Emma Goldman Quote Date: Sat, 6 Apr 2002 18:55:15 +0100 (BST) To:

Emma Goldman referred to Home as "the anarchist graveyard" & criticized those living there for being "...more interested in vegetables & chickens than in propaganda." I have been looking for this quote. (for a paper on the Home Colony) Do you have a source? thanks

5000 --

Bisogna Abolire lo STAto !

Crimini e Misfatti
dello stato italiano dalle origini ai giorni nostri

Lo scopo di queste pagine è di offrire una cronostoria sintetica e documentata dei crimini e dei misfatti di cui lo stato italiano si è macchiato nel corso della sua esistenza.
Ciò servirà a mettere a nudo il vero ruolo dello stato nelle vicende della società italiana e ad offrire materiali di riflessione ed azione per un superamento-estinguimento di questa dannosa, pericolosa e sempre più retrograda forma di organizzazione sociale.

Chiunque può partecipare all'attività di documentazione inviando un messaggio.

1860-1875La piemontesizzazione degli stati italiani : la destra al potere
1876-1886La meridionalizzazione dello stato italiano : la sinistra al potere
1887-1900Autoritarismo statale e avventurismo coloniale : trasformisti e reazionari al potere
1901-1913Il ministro della malavita e gli scandali finanziari : gli affaristi al potere
1914-1918La prima fase della guerra civile in Europa : i macellai al potere.
1919-1922La decomposizione dello stato cosiddetto liberale : i mentecatti al potere
1923-1928Il re e i notabili per il fascismo : i manganellatori al potere
1929-1934Lo stato fascista : dittatura e consenso ovvero la democrazia totalitaria
1935-1938Imperialismo, sciovinismo, razzismo : stato e masse tra tragedia e farsa
1939-1945La seconda fase della guerra civile in Europa : i pazzi all'attacco
1946-1959La stato dei partiti : rodaggio ed espansione della nuova piovra
1960-1968Lo statismo clientelare : lo stato parolaio e imbroglione
1969-1979Lo statismo criminale : lo stato terrorista tra coperture e complicità
1980-1991Lo statismo demenziale : lo stato come furto istituzionalizzato
1992-2001L'inizio della decomposizione dello statismo italiano

[1890]  Pasquale Turiello,  Governo e governati in Italia, Einaudi, Torino, 1980
[1927]  Benedetto Croce,  Storia d'Italia dal 1871 al 1915, Laterza, Bari, 1977
[1935]  Luigi Salvatorelli,  Il pensiero politico italiano dal 1700 al 1870, Einaudi, Torino
[1938]  Luigi Salvatorelli,  Sommario della storia d'Italia, Einaudi, Torino, 1974
[1938]  Angelo Tasca,  Nascita e avvento del fascismo, Laterza, Bari, 1976
[1946]  Fabio Cusin,  Antistoria d'Italia, Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, Milano, 1972
[1949]  Giuseppe Bottai, Vent'anni e un giorno, Garzanti Editore, Milano, 1977
[1950]  Federico Chabod, L'Italia contemporanea (1918-1948), Einaudi, Torino, 1961
[1959]  Luigi Einaudi,  Prediche inutili, Einaudi, Torino, 1974
[1959]  Rosario Romeo,  Risorgimento e capitalismo, Laterza, Bari, 1978
[1960]  Massimo L. Salvadori, Il mito del buongoverno. La questione meridionale da Cavour a Gramsci, Einaudi, Torino, 1976
[1961]  AA.VV.,  Italia Storica, Touring Club Italiano, Milano, 1961
[1968]  Giuliano Procacci, Storia degli italiani, Laterza, Bari, 1977
[1969]  S.J.Woolf (editor),  The Italian Risorgimento, Barnes & Noble, New York, 1969
[1969]  Luciano Bianciardi, Da Quarto a Torino. Breve storia della spedizione dei Mille, Feltrinelli, Milano, 1960
[1969]  Ernesto Ragionieri (a cura),  Italia giudicata, Einaudi, Torino, 1976 (Voll. 1 - 2 - 3)
[1963]  Gino Luzzatto,  L'economia italiana dal 1861 al 1894, Einaudi, Torino, 1974
[1963]  Rosario Romeo,  Dal Piemonte sabaudo all'Italia liberale, Laterza, Bari, 1974
[1963]  Daniel L. Horowitz,  Storia del movimento sindacale in Italia, il Mulino, Bologna, 1970
[1966]  Norman Kogan,  L'Italia del dopoguerra, storia politica dal 1945 al 1966, Laterza, Bari, 1972
[1966]  AA.VV.,  Atlante Storico Garzanti. Cronologia della storia universale, Garzanti, Milano, 1975
[1966]  Ottavio Bariè (a cura), Le origini dell'Italia contemporanea, Cappelli editore, Bologna, 1966
[1969]  Arrigo Petacco,  L'anarchico che venne dall'America, Mondadori, Milano, 1974
[1969]  Pier Carlo Masini,  Storia degli Anarchici Italiani.  Da Bakunin a Malatesta (1862-1892), Rizzoli, Milano, 1974
[1970]  AA.VV.  La strage di Stato. Controinchiesta, Samoná e Savelli, Roma, 1970
[1971]  Giuseppe Tamburrano,  Storia e cronaca del Centro Sinistra, Feltrinelli, Milano, 1976
[1973]  Peter Nichols,  Italia Italia, Garzanti, Milano, 1976
[1974]  Giuseppe Mammarella,  L'Italia dopo il fascismo 1943-1973, il Mulino, Bologna, 1974
[1974] Carlo Ghisalberti,  Storia costituzionale d'Italia 1848/1948, Laterza, Bari, 1977
[1974]  Giuseppe Tamburrano,  L'iceberg democristiano, il potere in Italia oggi domani, Sugarco Edizioni, Milano, 1974
[1975]  Enzo Biagi,  Italia, Rizzoli Editore, Milano, 1976
[1991]  AA.VV.  Storia d'Italia. Cronologia 1815-1990, De Agostini, Novara, 1991
[1995]  Renzo De Felice,  Rosso e Nero, Baldini & Castoldi, Milano,  1995
[1996]  Ernesto Galli della Loggia,  La morte della patria, Editori Laterza, Bari, 1999
[1998]  Denis Mack Smith,  La storia manipolata, Laterza, Bari, 2000
[1998]  Gian Antonio Stella,  Lo spreco, Baldini & Catoldi, Milano, 1998
[1998]  Raffaele Costa,  L'Italia degli sprechi, Mondadori, Milano, 2000
[2000]  Indro Montanelli e Mario Cervi,  L'Italia del novecento, Rizzoli, Milano, 2000

6000 -- International Socialist League (ISL) is typically seen as a Marxist party, & as the forerunner of the SACP, its internal politics were far more complex. For example, the ISL's paper carried advertisements for Kropotkin's Conquest of Bread & other non-Marxist socialist writings, yet none for works by Marx or Engels. The dominant position in the ISL seems to have been "DeLeonite", that is syndicalism which supports both revolutionary trade unionism & participation in parliament. This sort of chameleon-like ideology probably provided a basis for unity amongst the ISL's diverse membership, which included a vociferous anarchist-ayndicalist grouping which opposed all involvement in capitalist elections. Between 1917-8, the DeLeonites & anarchist-syndicalists took the initiative in organising the Industrial Workers of Africa (initially called the IWW) which was the first Black trade union in South African history.

The remnants of the Industrial Workers of Africa played an important role in the Black worker struggles of 1919-20. In about 1918 or 1919, the anarchist -syndicalists left the ISL & set up the Industrial Socialist League, which was mainly based near Cape Town. The Industrial Socialist League seems to have had some success organising amongst non-White workers in this area, & it maintained an office in the ghettoes of the Cape Flats. In Durban, syndicalists were involved in a successful attempt to organise workers of Asian descent. Ironically, despite its libertarian politics, the Industrial Socialist League renamed itself the Communist Party of South Africa in 1920 & applied for affiliation to the Third International, as did the ISL. However, the Industrial Socialist League failed to accept the Third International's conditions for membership which included a willingness to engage in electoral activity & work within reformist unions. The Industrial Socialist League eventually merged (a few militants excepted) with the ISL to form the official SACP. ?

6000 --

9001 --


Publications from the Kate Sharpley Library

Mauro de Agostini et al
Prisoners & Partisans: Italian Anarchists in the struggle against Fascism
A selection of essays covering early anti-fascist combat groups, attempts on the life of Il Duce, partisan operations in the war & post-war assaults on the fascists.
Not a lengthy, dry or dusty tome; it is a fresh, well-researched collection of articles on resistance & gives a graphic description of the Italian anarchists' struggle against Mussolini... (Direct Action #12)
Kate Sharpley Library, 1999. 37p, 21cm. 1-873605-47-1 pamphlet

Octavio Alberola, Alvaro Millán & Juan Zambrana
Revolutionary activism: The Spanish Resistance in context
Texts & interviews in which the libertarian activist described as 'Franco's public enemy number one' recounts some of the context of the new wave of opposition to the Franco regime in the 1960s, & its international significance; including the state murder of Grandos & Delgado.
Kate Sharpley Library, 2000. 17p, 21cm. 1-873605-77-3 pamphlet
£5 (£1.50)

K. Bullstreet
Bash the Fash (1) Anti-fascist recollections 1984-1993
a no-punches pulled account of Anti Fascist Action's fight against fascism in Britain by a grassroots anarchist member of AFA
Excellent reading! S, Poland
36p, ill, 1-873605-87-0 pamphlet
£5 (£1.50)

Stuart Christie
We, the anarchists! A study of the Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI) 1927-1937
No anarchist organisation has been held up to greater opprobrium or subjected to such gross misrepresentation than the Federación Anarquista Ibérica, better known by its initials - the FAI.
There are two dimensions to this book. The first is descriptive & historical: it outlines the evolution of the organised anarchist movement in Spain & its relationship with the wider labor movement. At the same time it provides some insight into the main ideas which made the Spanish labor movement one of the most revolutionary of modern times. The second is analytical & tries to address from an anarchist perspective the problem of understanding & coping with change in the contemporary world; how can ideals survive the process of institutionalisation?
Meltzer press / Jura Media, 2000. 136p, 24cm. 1-901172-06-6 paperback

Flavio Costantini
Art of Anarchy
First published by Cienfuegos Press, this selection of images covers the 'heroic years' of European Anarchism, from Ravachol to the Bonnot gang & beyond.
Here, these anarchists meting out class justice, these expiring political & dynastic tyrants, these posturing policemen & soldiers, are caught, emotionless, in an inexorable moment of time: the moment of truth. ... Documentary evidence at the level of true art - Simon Watson Taylor, Cienfuegos Press Anarchist Review #1
Black Flag, 1986. 49p, chiefly ill. 30cm. 0-948703-00-8 paperback

George Cores
Personal Recollections of the Anarchist Past
Written in 1947 & then laid aside, these are recollections from the inside of the anarchist movement 1883-1939 by a forgotten veteran.
An intimate glimpse into anarchist history - Left Bank Books
Kate Sharpley Library, 2000. 18p, 22cm. 1-873605-05-6 pamphlet

Sam Dolgoff
Fragments: a Memoir
Autobiographical recollections drawn from a lifetime of struggle in the cause of anarchism, chiefly in the United States but covering contacts with a host of others.
Refract, 1986. 200p, ill. 21cm. 0-946222-04-5 paperback

Andrea Ferrari & Aldo Aguzzi
Pages from Italian Anarchist History
(The Anarchism of the Cervi Brothers by Andrea Ferrari, & Italian Anarchist Volunteers in Barcelona & the Events of May 1937 by Aldo Aguzzi) An account of the anti-fascist resistance inside Italy - & of the struggle against Stalinism during the Spanish Civil War.
Kate Sharpley Library, 1995. 20p, 21cm. 1-873605-22-6 pamphlet

Luigi Galleani
The End of Anarchism?
A reply to an assertion by a former militant that the anarchist movement was no longer vital or significant. Initially conceived as a rebuttal, it developed into an eloquent exposition of Galleani's own concept of anarchist-communism, his most organic theoretical work- "a lucid statement of the ever present problems of anarchism in relation to the would-be revolutionary movements" in the words of Errico Malatesta.
Cienfuegos, 1982. 83p, ill. 22cm. 0-904564-55-2 paperback

Juan García Oliver
Wrong Steps: Errors in the Spanish revolution
García Oliver was a leading anarchist militant, long-standing comrade of Durruti & Ascaso. Taken from his autobiography, El eco de los pasos (echoing footsteps), this is his (controversial) assessment of where the CNT went wrong during the long-awaited Spanish revolution. Also includes a number of responses to his account.
Kate Sharpley Library, 2000. 30p, 21cm. 1-873605-72-2 pamphlet

Miguel Garcia
Miguel Garcia's story
Memoirs & appreciation of a man who held an important place in the European anarchist movement after his release from a twenty year sentence, imposed for resistance activities inside Spain.
Cienfuegos & Miguel Garcia Memorial Committee, 1982. 72p, ill. 21cm. 0904564-54-5 pamphlet

Victor Garcia
Three Japanese Anarchists: Kotoku, Osugi & Yamaga
Victor Garcia (sometimes known as 'the Marco Polo of anarchism' for the length & breadth of his travels) recounts the stories of three of the major figures of Japanese anarchism, each shedding light on the wider social context as well as the struggles of the Japanese anarchist movement.
Kate Sharpley Library, 2000. 30p, 21cm. 1-873605-62-5 pamphlet
[Osugi Sakae]

Sylvain Garel
Louis Lecoin: An Anarchist Life
Anarcho-Communist, Anarcho-Syndicalist, Anti-Militarist, but always involved in social struggles, Louis Lecoin's life presents the map of a journey through the French Anarchist movement for more than half a century.
Kate Sharpley Library, 2000. 34p, 28cm. 1-873605-52-8 large pamphlet

Daniel Guérin
No Gods No Masters (Vol. 1 & 2)
The seminal history of anarchism, told through the words of those that actually participated. The two volumes cover the classic thinkers & activists up till the end of the Spanish Revolution. An essential anthology of anarchist thought in action & context.
AK Press & Kate Sharpley Library, 1998. 294p; 276p, ill. 23cm. 1-873176-64-3 (Vol. 1) 1-873176-69-4 (Vol. 2) paperback
£11.95 each

Agustin Guillamon
The Friends Of Durruti Group: 1937-1939
"Revolutions without theory fail to make progress. We of the 'Friends Of Durruti' have outlined our thinking, which may be amended as appropriate in great social upheavals but which hinges upon two essential points which cannot be avoided. A program, & rifles."
- El Amigo del Pueblo, No. 5, July 20, 1937
Spain 1936-1939: This is the story of a group of anarchists engaged in the most thoroughgoing social & economic revolution of all time. Essentially street fighters with a long pedigree of militant action, they used their own experiences to arrive at the finest contemporary analysis of the Spanish Revolution. In doing so they laid down essential markers for all future revolutionaries. This study - drawing on interviews with participants & synthesising archival information - is the definitive text on these unsung activists.
AK Press & Kate Sharpley Library, 1996. 114p, ill. 23cm. 1-873176-54-6 paperback

Rhona M. Hodgart
Ethel MacDonald: Glasgow woman anarchist
Ethel MacDonald was a comrade of Guy Aldred's who travelled to Spain during the civil war, worked as a radio announcer & was imprisoned by the communists. This pamphlet tells her life story.
Kate Sharpley Library. 23p, 21cm. pamphlet

Ignacio de Llorens
The CNT & the Russian Revolution
What were the relations between the anarcho-syndicalist CNT & the Russian Bolshevik regime? An account of their entry & exit from the Red International of labor Unions which also sheds light on the early careers of activists such as Angel Pestaña.
Kate Sharpley Library, 1996. 16p, 21cm. 1-873605-37-4 pamphlet

Wilf McCartney
Dare to be a Daniel!
Brief history of one of Britain's earliest syndicalist unions. McCartney, a catering worker from age 10, gives a vivid description of the conditions in the kitchens of London's West End restaurants, the rise of a revolutionary syndicalist union in 1910, the ways in which it won every strike it undertook (!), & its eventual demise in 1914 with World War I. An important page of anarchist/labor history.
Kate Sharpley Library, 2000. 25p, 21cm. 1-873605-52-0 pamphlet

Nestor Makhno
The Struggle Against The State & Other Essays
Essays written in exile by the Ukrainian anarchist, looking back on the Russian revolution, Bolshevik slanders & anarchist organisation - & also forward to the achievements of the Spanish revolution.
One of the most elusive & myth-ridden figures of twentieth century anarchism ... excellent if you're a Makhno buff ... with real relevance beyond Makhno in that it addresses problems which let the anarchist movement down - Black Flag
enlightening & powerful - Anarchist Age Weekly Review
AK Press & Kate Sharpley Library, 1996. 114p, 22cm. 1-873176-78-3 paperback

Umberto Marzocchi
Remembering Spain: Italian Anarchist Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War
A personal account from a militant who served on the Aragon front. It also covers the events of May 1937 in Barcelona & the Communists' murder of Camillo Berneri.
Kate Sharpley Library, 1999. 28p, 21cm. 1-873605-42-0 pamphlet

G. P. Maximoff
The Guillotine at Work
A Russian anarchist takes a critical look at the Russian revolution & Lenin's role in suppressing the people's free initiative & creating the foundations of dictatorship that Stalin was to later complete.
Cienfuegos, 1979. 337p, 22cm. 0-904564-22-3 paperback

Albert Meltzer
Anarchism: arguments for & against
A revised edition of the definitive pocket primer.
AK Press, 2000. 96p, 17cm. 1-873176-57-0 paperback

Albert Meltzer
First Flight: Origins of the Anarcho-syndicalist movement in Britain
How did the British labor movement go the way it has? What is syndicalism & how did it make an impact on trade unionism? Has Anarcho-syndicalism a history? An informative overview.
Kate Sharpley Library, 2000. 25p, ill. 22cm. 1-873605-10-2 pamphlet

Albert Meltzer
I Couldn't Paint Golden Angels: Sixty Years of commonplace Life & Anarchist Agitation
Joining the anarchist movement in the mid-1930s, Albert Meltzer was involved in so many struggles that this autobiography represents a large helping of European (and further afield) anarchist history, too.
A gentle & generous soul who is one of the leading figures in British anarchism (Duncan Campbell)
The doyen of the British anarchist movement (Special Branch)
AK Press & Kate Sharpley Library, 1996. 386p, ill. 22cm. 1-873176-93-7 paperback

Max Nettlau
A Contribution to an Anarchist Bibliography of Latin America
Nettlau (1865-1944) was one of the Anarchist movement's greatest historians. This bibliography, with explanatory observations, shows the extent & energy of Anarchist movements in Latin America & is an essential starting place for studying them.
Kate Sharpley Library, 1994. 33p, 28cm. 1-873605-02-1 large pamphlet

David Nicoll
The Walsall Anarchists: Trapped by the police
Nicoll's account of the notorious framing of the Walsall Anarchists by Britain's political police under Inspector Melville.
Kate Sharpley Library, 2000. 27p, 22cm. 1-873605-40-4 pamphlet

Des Patchrider
The Couriers are Revolting: The Despatch Industry Workers Union 1989-92
Anarcho-syndicalism on bikes! An insiders account of the ups & downs of organising an anarcho-syndicalist union in London's despatch industry.
Lively & candid - Industrial worker
Honest & funny - private hire & courier
Kate Sharpley Library, 2000 26p. 21cm. 1-873605-67-6 pamphlet

John Patten
Ned Kelly's Ghost: The Tottenham IWW & the Tottenham Tragedy
Three members of the Australian section of the Industrial Workers of the World were accused of killing a policeman during the height of Australia's internal divisions during the First World War: What was the background to the Tottenham Tragedy?
[He] should be congratulated for putting in the hard yards to dig this story out of the N.S.W. government archives - Anarchist Age Weekly Review
Kate Sharpley Library, 1997. 23p, 21cm. 1-873605-32-3 pamphlet

John Patten (ed.)
Yiddish Anarchist Bibliography
A listing of papers, books & pamphlets from the Yiddish-language anarchist movement, with titles in Yiddish, transliterated & translated.
In addition to a long & detailed catalogue, what this bibliography has to offer is an insight into the lives of thousands of militants, sometimes famous, sometimes nameless, & into their concerted struggle for a better world. - Pinelli Archive bulletin
Kate Sharpley Library/ Anarchist Archives Project, 1998. 32p, 30cm. 1-873605-27-7 large pamphlet

Odon Por
The Italian glassblowers takeover of 1910: Syndicalism in action
Their militant organisation, & attempt to free themselves from the Capitalist system, together with an epilogue on what happened later.
Kate Sharpley Library, 1992. 16p, 22cm. 1-873605-05-6 pamphlet

Antonio Tellez
The Anarchist Resistance to Franco
Biographical portraits & photographs of anarchists who fought in the second wave of resistance against Franco at the end of the Spanish Civil War.
As Tellez states: "Any small selection of names among hundreds of thousands of victims is arbitrary.... [But] with the presentation of some names, with their physical image, we would like to remember all those who fell in the struggle against tyranny, in defence of Freedom."
Kate Sharpley Library, 1994. 50p, chiefly ill. 21cm. 1-873605-65-X pamphlet

Efim Yartchuk
Kronstadt in the Russian Revolution
Translated by Paul Sharkey from Skirda's 'Kronstadt 1921: Proletariat contre Bolchevisme'. This is an account of the importance of the naval citadel of Kronstadt from the beginning of the Russian Revolution until the victory of the 'red' bureaucracy.
Kate Sharpley Library, 1994. 36p, 28cm. 1-873605- large pamphlet

Kate Sharpley Library
KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library
The KSL bulletin carries news & reviews from the library, as well as reprints & translations of articles from would otherwise be unavailable.
Kate Sharpley Library, quarterly, 8p, 30cm.
£3(5)/6(10) - UK/Overseas (institutional rate)

Some titles have two prices. The lower one (in brackets) is for individual KSL bulletin subscribers only.

These tiles are also available from AK Press
AK Press
PO Box 12766

and AK- San Francisco
PO Box 40682, San Francisco, CA 94140-0682, USA

contac1.jpg (1122 bytes)

9002 -- Licito é reconhecer que nos dois últimos séculos uma plêiade de mulheres já ganhou consciência da nossa realidade e marcou a presença na luta por um Mundo Novo para todos. Eis alguns nomes:

Luísa Adão Franco (Portugal, Helen Key (Suécia), Maria Lacerda de Moura (Brasil), Aicha Artsrini (Turquia),Giovanna Berberi (Itália), Maria L. Berneri (Itália), Chatarina Berchkovakaya (Checoslováquia), Teresa Claramont (Espanha), Virgínia d'Andrea (Itália), Alexandra D. Neol (França), Dorothy Day (EUA), Isabelle Eberhardt (Suiça), Margareth Fans Hardogyor (Mark Hard - Suiça), Vera Figner (Rússia), Virginia Dantas (Portugal), Nella Giacometti (Itália), Emma Goldman (Rússia), Alice Wexler, Marie Goldamith (França), Elisabeth Curley Flynn, Soledad Gustavo (Espanha), Jeanne Humbert (França), Lola Iturbe (Kiralina), Marie H.Jones (Mother Jones - EUA), Elizabeth Kovalokaia (Rússia), Renée Lamberet (França), Rirette Maitrejean (França), Ida Mett (Rússia), Luísa Michel (França), Paula Mink, Itto Noe (Japão), Elise Ottesen Jasen (Suiça), Lucy Parsons (EUA), Angelina Vidal (Portugal), Madelaine Pelletier (França), Rosa Posetta (Rússia), May Picqueray (França), Leda Rafanelli (Itália), Olívia e Helen Rossetti (Inglaterra), Nely Roussel (França), Mary Rygner (Itália), Lúcia Sanchez Suernil (Espanha), Margaret Sanger, Caroline Remy (Severin) (França), Mollio Steimer (Rússia), Clara Thalmann Enser (Suiça), Charlotte Wilson (Inglaterra), Angelina Soares (Brasil), Milly Wilkop Rocker (Rússia), Aniela Wolberg (Polônia), Lillian Wolfe (Inglaterra), Vera Zassoulitch (Rússia), Amélia Jover Velasco (Espanha), Joana Rouco Ruela (Argentina), Concepcion Fernandez (Argentina), Deolinda Quartin (Portugal), e quantas mais deram o seu saber e seu esforço para fazer desta sociedade poluída um Mundo Novo para Todos.

9002 -- ?

9002 --

XXXXXXXXXX the rods to Vancouver & worked there for several years at a number of manual occupations.


From Daily Bleed:

Uruguay: "Reconstruir" first appears during this month, in Montevideo. Bi-monthly libertarian review which later publishes from Buenos Aires, Argentina. "Reconstruir" ran until 1976, ending with with its 101st issue. Roberto Cúneo, Gerardo A. Andújar, Jorge Ramón Ballesteros, Carlos de la Reta, Jacobo Prince, & Fernando Quesada are among those involved in its publication.

Group photo 1 (right, with, from left to right : Fernando GARRIDO, Jose Maria ORENSE, Aristides REY)/ 2 (top, with Antonio Cerrudo CALLES, Miguel Langara CHECA, Jose Rubau DONADEU, Julio Rubau DONADEU, Benito Rodriguez FERNANDEZ, Jose Adsuar FERNANDEZ, Marcelino Lopez FERNANDEZ, Quintin Rodriguez FERNANDEZ, Nicolas Rodriguez FRONTON, Enrique Simancas GRISNAIN, Angel Cenagorta MAZON, Manuel Cano MARTINEZ, Enrique Borrel MATEO, Angel Mora MENDEZ, Francisco Mora MENDEZ, Jose Fernandez NEIRA, Tomas Fernandez PACHECO, Jose Posyol URRICAIN & Antonio Gimeno YATO) ________________

Italy: Renzo Novatore, pseudonimo di Abele Ricieri Ferrari, lives (1890-1922); poet, philosopher, artist & individualist anarchist militant. Fundamentally self-taught & broadly read with a keen critical & original sense, influenced by Max Stirner, Friedrich Nietzsche, Georges Palante, Oscar Wilde, Henryk Ibsen, Arthur Schopenhauer. Killed in an ambush by police in November 1922.


figli dell’officina Giuseppe Raffaelli e Giuseppe De Feo, anarchici carraresi, scrissero questo canto rivoluzionario nel 1921, mentre si preparavano ad affrontare le squadracce fasciste con gli “Arditi Del Popolo”. Figli dell’officina o figli della terra, già l’ora si avvicina della più giusta guerra, la guerra proletaria guerra senza frontiere... Innalzeremo al vento bandiere rosse e nere. Dai monti e dalle valli giù giù scendiamo in fretta, pure le man dai calli noi le farem vendetta. Del Popolo gli Arditi noi siamo i fior più puri, noi salutiam la morte bella vendicatrice, noi schiuderem le porte a un’era più felice. Ai morti ci stringiamo e senza impallidire per l’Anarchia pugnamo o Vincere o Morire... Innalzeremo al vento bandiere rosse e nere...

9003 -- Added to Encyclopedia of Anarchism July 2003: MAX NOMAD ; here for reference

Nacht, Max & Siegfried Period : 1906-1972 Total Size : 1 m. Biographical/historical note : Max Nacht: also named Max Nomad born in Buczacz, Eastern Galicia, Austria-Hungary 1881, died in New York 1973; anarchist, later socialist writer; from 1902 on contributed widely to anarchist periodicals, e.g. Neues Leben; coeditor of the Polish anarcho-syndicalist monthly Wolny Swiat in 1904; fled arrest in August 1904 & went to Zurich, where he became an editor of Der Weckruf; abandoned anarchism in 1906 to become a member of Jan Machajski's group in Geneva; active in the Polish-Russian underground 1908-1909; went to the USA in 1913, where he changed his name into Max Nomad; in New York & Washington editor of pro-Soviet bulletins & translator for the Soviet Information Bureau 1921-1929; contributed to historical, sociological & political journals in Europe & the USA; lecturer in politics & history at the New York University & the New School for Social Research from 1945; among his publications are ‘Rebels & Renegades' 1932, ‘Apostles of Revolution' 1939 & his reminiscences ‘Dreamers, Dynamiters & Demagogues' 1964. Siegfried Nacht: also named Stephen Naft; born Vienna 1878, died in Flushing, Queens, New York 1956; anarchist & journalist; propagandist for anarcho-syndicalism; delegate for Eastern Galicia to the International Socialist Congress in Paris 1900; published widely in the anarchist press from 1901 on, mostly under the pen name of Arnold Roller, e.g. in Freiheit, Neues Leben, Der Anarchist, Der Freie Arbeiter; went to Spain in 1903, befriended Anselmo Lorenzo, Juan Montseny & Francisco Ferrer; delegate to the International Antimilitarist Congress in Amsterdam in 1904; edited with Pedro Vallina L'Espagne Inquisitoriale 1904; for a while active in Bohemia where he edited Der Generalstreik; with his brother Max editor of Der Weckruf Zurich 1905-1906; expelled from Switzerland, lived in several European countries; emigrated to the USA in 1912, changed his name into Stephen Naft & was naturalized in 1920; journalist for the New Yorker Volkszeitung in the early 1920s; Latin America editor of Tass 1925-1933; editor of the French news agency Havas in New York 1934-1935; worked for the US coordinator of Inter-American Affairs in the Second World War. Contents : Max Nacht papers: published & unpublished articles (partly typescripts) of Max Nacht on various subjects including the political situation in the thirties in America, Austria, India, Japan, Poland, Russia & Spain; on antimilitarism, anti-Semitism, communism, fascism, Nazism & socialism; documents on Waclaw Machajski; files concerning anarchists from all over the world, collected by Max Nacht; Siegfried Nacht papers: letters received from Vicente Blasco Ibañez 1908, Luigi Fabbri 1908, Augustin Hamon 1908, Harry Kelly 1932, R. Lange 1905, Charles Malato 1906-1907, Hermynia Zur Mühlen 1929, Max Nettlau n.d., Rudolf Rocker 1943-1944, 1950, 1952 & others; files on various persons & subjects collected by Siegfried Nacht including Michail Bakunin, Gustav Landauer, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon & Georges Sorel; on American, British & Russian anarchists & the Spanish Civil War; biographical notes concerning Max & Siegfried Nacht; correspondence with the International Institute of Social History; press clippings, pamphlets & printed material. Top

9003 --

Tuli Kupferberg - Tuli & Friends

1989 LP Shimmy Disc 00000000000000000000020  Side One:1. Whore of Babylon2. Archtypical Poem of the Chinese Aristocracy3. Evolution (Lennon/Kupferberg)4. I'm Gonna Kill Myself Over Your Dead Body    (If You Fuck Anybody But Me)5. Mourn Not The Dead (Ralph Chaplin - Kupferberg)6. Swami7. The New Internationale (Eugene Pottier - Kupferberg)8. Aye That Beckett9. Vanity Fair (English Traditional - Kupferberg)10. Festival Singers11. Morning, Morning12. The CIA Was Eating Beans13. My Name Is Bob DylanSide Two:14. London (William Blake - Kupferberg)15. Fruitstand16. Go Fuck Yourself With Your Atom Bomb17. Van Gogh's Poem18. Belushi's Blues19. Bull Poem20. Way Down South in Greenwich Village (Bobby Edwards - Kupferberg)21. The & Song22. Long PoemProduced & Engineered by Kramer at Noise New YorkLannes Kenfield sings "I'm Gonna Kill Myself Over Your Dead Body."Citizen Kafka plays fiddle on "I'm Gonna Kill Myself Over Your Dead Body."Allen Ginsberg sings & plays harmonium on "Go Fuck Yourself With Your Atomic Bomb"Kramer does the rest. a

9003 -- 54 Hour Week / Low Wages, ca. 1930s. Fred Ellis, 1885-1965. Crayon, ink, pencil & opaque white. Published in the Daily Worker. LC-USZC4-6598 © Robert Ellis. (17) Political cartoonist Fred Ellis learned his craft from Robert Minor, sharing his mentor's concern for the plight of the working man. 54 Hour Week / Low Wages shows death as the reward for long hours with little pay for miners. In 1922 Ellis joined the Communist Party and, thanks to Minor, landed a position as cartoonist for the Daily Worker, which moved from Chicago to New York in 1927. He later spent six years working in Berlin & Moscow, before returning to New York in 1936 to continue his post at the Daily Worker & teach at the American Artists School .

9003 -- Papelero en el zocalo, 1943. Pablo O'Higgins, 1904-1983. Lithograph. LC-USZC4-6594 © Fundacion Cultural Maria y Pablo O'Higgins, A.C. (40) Born in Salt Lake City, Utah, Pablo O'Higgins (Paul Higgins) first studied at the School of Fine Arts in San Diego. His admiration for the Mexican muralists led him south to Mexico City, where he became an apprentice to Diego Rivera from 1924 to 1928. Driven by Marxist theory to act politically, he formed La Liga de Escritores y Artistas Revolucionarios (LEAR) in 1933 & in 1937 became a founding member of the internationally influential print workshop Taller de Gráfica Popular. He also created murals for union halls in Seattle, Washington, & Honolulu, Hawaii.

9003 --

9003 -- anarchism in music Classical Music 100% Back to Summary The 2002 Quiz Music & Anarchists Contemporary anarchist songsters Contemporary anarchist bands Classical anarchists Classical music Classical music 1. Can you name some operas inspired by anarchists? Click here for the answers 2. This anarchist songster -- writer, composer ... 18.11.2002, 3730 octets. Quiz 2002 Classic music 1 28% Back to Summary The 2002 Quiz Classical music Answers to Question 1 See also Anarchism in Music: Opera ANSWERS: Marc Blitzstein, "Sacco & Vanzetti", three-act opera Anton Coppola, "Sacco and Vanzetti", two-act opera Léo Ferré, "La vie d'artiste" ... 18.11.2002, 3681 octets. Quiz 2002 Classical music 27% Back to Summary The 2002 Quiz Classical music Answer to Question 2 See also: Music & Anarchy, Classical music ANSWER: John Cage. Cage's philosophy of integrating art & life influenced Higgins' important concept of "intermedia," stated in 1965 (a direct outgrowth of Cage ... 18.11.2002, 2733 octets. Contemporary anarchist songsters 22% Back to Summary The 2002 Quiz Music & Anarchists Music Index Contemporary anarchist songsters Contemporary anarchist bands Classical anarchists Classical music Contemporary anarchist songsters 1. In a rambling monologue, which this anarchist songster is prone to do in concert & on ... 18.11.2002, 5000 octets. Quiz 2002 Classical anarchists 4 15% Back to Summary 2002 Quiz Classical anarchists Answers to question 4 See also Emma in music ANSWERS: Emma Goldman Her most famous utterance: "I don't want to be part of your revolution if I can't dance." A Music List might include: JOLIE RICKMAN rickman.mp3: 5. emma Goldman (7:50 ... 06.01.2003, 14318 octets. Quiz 2002 Classical anarchists 15% Back to Summary The 2002 Quiz Music & Anarchists See also Music & anarchy Contemporary anarchist songsters Contemporary anarchist bands Classical anarchists Classical music Classical anarchists 1. "The last & final moment is yours That agony is your triumph." ... 18.11.2002, 6181 octets. 2002 Quiz. Bands 14% Back to Summary The 2002 Quiz Music & Anarchists See also : Anarchist Bands Contemporary anarchist songsters Contemporary anarchist bands Classical anarchists Classical music Contemporary anarchist bands 1. What band issued the book "a series of shock slogans & mindless token tantrums ... 18.11.2002, 3978 octets. The 2002 Anarchist Quiz 1.1 13% Back to Summary Answers of the 2002 Quiz Contemporary anarchist songsters Answers to Question 1 Music Index ANSWERS: 1) Album: Good Though! 2) Artist: U. Utah Phillips 3) Last Comment: It's good though! 4) Dance: Gandy Dancing (railroad work) 5) Irish Banjo is a loving reference to the long handled ... 18.11.2002, 2659 octets. The 2002 Anarchist Quiz 1.2 13% Back to Summary The 2002 Quiz Contemporary anarchist songsters Answer to Question 2 Music Index ANSWERS: Mick Farren, British author & lead singer/philosopher of the Social Deviants, later shortened to The Deviants. Currently resides in Los Angeles & still makes forays into the music ... 10.01.2003, 2599 octets. The 2002 Anarchist Quiz 1.3 13% Back to Summary The 2002 Quiz Contemporary anarchist songsters Answers to Question 3 Music Index ANSWERS: 1. Tuli Kupferberg, songster, poet, recorded with his group the Fugs 2. Ted Berrigan Aucune reproduction à caractère commercial n'est autorisée. Modif ... 18.11.2002, 2059 octets. Quiz 2002 Classical anarchists 2 13% Back to Summary Quizz 2002 Classical anarchists Answer to question 2 See also Music & anarchy ANSWER: Emma Goldman There were other anarchists also active in the area so there may have been others as well. Aucune reproduction à caractère ... 18.11.2002, 2099 octets. Summary 3% ... of culture, or a utopia. It can even be seen - in a more sophisticated way - as a possible epistemological paradigm. Beyond the Limit Write to us Quiz: 2001 : History 2002: Music Special: Elisée Reclus International Bibliography Discussion list Join people from over 20 countries Links in italics refer ... 06.01.2003, 9818 octets.



9003 -- LOOTING

-------------------------------------------------------IGNORE ALIEN ORDERS-------------------------------------------------------


9003 -- Oskar Maria Graf Ein bayerischer Anarchist mit Herz Im Jahre 1911 flüchtet der 17jährige Bäckerlehrling Oskar Maria Graf vor den unmenschlichen Arbeitsbedingungen seiner dörflichen Heimat in die Kulturmetropole München. Bittere Not und verzweifelter Überlebenskampf, literarischer Expressionismus, anarchistische Bohème, antimilitaristische Verweigerung im Ersten Weltkrieg, Revolution und Räte-Republik in Bayern - diesen existentiellen Erfahrungen verschafft Graf in seinem umfangreichen Werk schrifstellerischen Ausdruck und liefert damit einen der bedeutendsten Beiträge zur deutschen Literatur des 20. Jahrhunderts: "Ich war nie Parteisozialist und habe mir nicht erst von marxistischen Schriftgelehrten sagen lassen müssen, was Sozialismus ist. Mir ist - um mit Gorki zu reden - 'mein Sozialismus von Kind an auf den Rücken geprügelt worden'. Das hat mich - nicht etwa aus einem inneren Wagnis, sondern gleichsam instinktiv und zwangsläufig - zum Rebellen gemacht ... "

9003 -- nice page layout; possible use for Iverson or encyc for type face & size

9003 -- sample layout timeline, use for robert???

1940s1945-1946Nuremberg war crimes trials in Germany
1946Employment Act creates Council of Economic Advisers
Iran crisis
Winston Churchill delivers his "iron curtain" speech
Coal miners' strike.
More than a million GIs enroll in college.
Inflation soars to more than 18 percent.
Republicans win control of Congress.

9003 -- Read more at: Order the Surplus documentary on VHS on-line. About SURPLUS: "Surplus" is a symphonic mediation with style, rhythm, pluck & verve, starting its odyssey during the chaotic days of the G8 summit in Genoa. John Zerzan, author of "Future Primitive" & "Mass Psychology of Misery," is featured with interpretations on why the lifestyle of consumerism is such a source of rage" Seattle Int. Film Festival , June 2003 "Are we terrorized into being consumers? Is shopping our salvation? This Swedish muckraker is another must-see for the anti-consumerism crowd" -Seattle Weekly

9003 -- Brissenden, Paul Frederick Justice & the IWW. Chicago: General Defense Committee, [192-?] | gif image | HD8055.I5 B56 | View all titles by this author | Chaplin, Ralph The Centralia Conspiracy. [S.1.: s.n., 1920?] | gif image | html page | pdf document | HD8055.I5 C5 | View all titles by this author | Chaplin, Ralph The Centralia conspiracy [Introd. by Eugene Nelson.]. Austin: Work Place Publishers, [pref. 1971] | html page | HD8055.I5 C5 1971 | View all titles by this author | Cortez, Carlos Farewell Fellow Worker: Eugene Nelson 1929-1999., July 1999 | html page | | View all titles by this author | SAVED IN ENCYCLOPEDIA FOR A PAGE IWW Constitutional Government Overthrown in West Virginia. Wheeling, W. Va.: Majority Company, [1913?] | gif image | HD5325.M615 B71913 | View all titles by this author | IWW Cut Down the Hours of Work!. [Chicago, Illinois: Industrial Workers of the World, 1923?] | gif image | HD5125.C8 1923 | View all titles by this author | IWW Education & System. The Basis of Organization. Chicago: IWW, [1925?] | gif image | html page | HD8055.I5 A26 | View all titles by this author | IWW Eight Men Buried Alive: the Centralia Case Calls to Every Decent Man & Woman in the State of Washington to Act Quickly. Chicago: General Defense Committee, 1924 | gif image | html page | HD8055.I5 E35 1924 | View all titles by this author | IWW General Construction Workers, Builders of America. Chicago: IWW, [1922?] | gif image | HD9715.U52 G4 1922 | View all titles by this author | IWW Giant Industry & the IWW: against the concentrated power of modern big businesses put the concentrated power of workers. Chicago: IWW, [1921?] | gif image | HD8055.I5 A27 | View all titles by this author | IWW Historical Catechism of American Unionism. Chicago: 1923? | gif image | pdf document | HD6508.I42 1923 | View all titles by this author | IWW IWW Statement. [San Pedro, Calif.: I. W. W. Publicity Committee, 1924] | gif image | HD8055.I5 A28 | View all titles by this author | IWW One Big Union of the IWW. Chicago: IWW, [1924?] | gif image | html page | pdf document | HD8055.I5 O5 1924 | View all titles by this author | IWW Persecution of Union Men in California: A Brief Story of Criminal Syndicalism & Petty Persecution. [Los Angeles?: IWW?, 1924?] | gif image | HD8055.I5 P4 | View all titles by this author | IWW The IWW & Political Parties. Chicago: IWW, [1924] | gif image | HD8055.I5 A275 | View all titles by this author | IWW The Open Letter to President Harding. Chicago: General Defense Committee, [1922?] | gif image | HD8055.I5 A48 1922 | View all titles by this author | IWW To the Beasts: In California as in Ancient Rome. San Fransisco: California Branch of the General Defense Committee, [1924?] | gif image | HD8083.C2 T6 1924 | View all titles by this author | IWW General Defense Committee. California Branch Evolution & the IWW. San Fransisco: California Branch of the General Defense Committee, [192?] | gif image | HD8055.I5 A25 | View all titles by this author | Smith, Walker C. Everett Massacre. Chicago: IWW Publishing Bureau, 192? | gif image | pdf document | HD5325.L9 S57 | View all titles by this author |

9003 --
It is the duty of every patriot to hate his country creatively.

— Lawrence Durrell

9003 -- August Reinsdorf August Reinsdorf, la propagande par le fait et la loi antisocialiste Aprés son retour en Allemagne en avril 1877 à Leipzig, August Reinsdorf (1849-1885) fit de la propagande et reussit à créer quelques groupuscules anarchistes en terre allemande. Il a rencontré l'ancien parlementaire social-démocrate Johann Most (1846-1906) lors de sa visite à Fribourg en Suisse. Most, devenu social-révolutionnaire se réfugia dès 1878 à Londres où il fonda le journal Freiheit (Liberté). Most disait qu'il n'y avait pas eu de libertaires jusqu'à sa rencontre avec Reinsdorf en 1880. Reinsdorf écrivait des articles pour Freiheit, qui est devenu anarchiste en 1881. Dans les années 1880, les anarchistes ont eu une cinquantaine de groupes représentant 200 à 300 militants. En 1883, ils pouvaient distribuer environ 4500 exemplaires de Freiheit dans l'Allemagne impériale. Le journal était alors édité à Londres. Son siège fut transféré à New York en 1882. Pour la distribution, des passeurs comme Johann Neve ont expédié le jounal sur la frontière. En Allemagne il y a eu des groupes clandestins de cinq personnes d'après le modèle de Babeuf. [7] Contre la repression de Bismarck dans l'Allemagne impériale, le parti social-démocrate a réagi de manière opportuniste. Pour critiquer ce légalisme il y eut le courant des sociaux-révolutionnaires. Le 11 mai 1878, Max Hödel tira sur l'empereur Guillaume Ier mais il ne réussit pas à l'atteindre. Hödel connaissait des anarchistes, mais il ne l'était pas lui-même. Le 2 juin 1878, Dr. K. Nobiling tira sur l'empereur et le blessa grièvement. Nobiling n'avait aucun lien avec les courants politiques ; il n'était ni libertaire ni social-démocrate. Mais le chancelier Bismarck a profité des attentats pour édicter des lois anti-socialistes entre 1878 et 1890. Il y eut beaucoup d'arrestations. A Francfort 44 personnes furent arrêtées, 15 furent condamnées d'un à trois ans de prison ferme. Pendant le procès, s'illustra un commissaire de police particulièrement répressif, Rumpf. Le 13 JANVIER / JANUARY 1885, Julius Lieske, venu de Genève, attaqua Rumpf à coups de couteau. Rumpf décéda et Lieske fut décapité le 17 novembre 1885. Contre la repression de l'empereur, August Reinsdorf avait prévu un attentat contre lui lorsqu'il inaugurerait le mémorial de Niederwald à Rüdesheim-sur-le-Rhin au mois de septembre 1883. Reinsdorf étant malade, deux de ses amis se chargèrent de faire éclater la bombe mais ce fut un échec car le cordeau était mouillé. Furieux, ils jetèrent alors la bombe dans un restaurant. Reinsdorf et Küchler furent décapités le 7 février 1885. Ce furent les actes de la propagande par le fait en Allemagne.

9003 -- SHIT -the etymology Date: Mon, 28 Jul 2003 21:07:03 -0500 From: Camy

A Little History Lesson, or Etymology...

In the 17th century most everything was transported by ship including manure (remember, the precursor of petro-chemical fertilizers). It was shipped dry because it weighed a lot less, & when wet the bacteria were active, producing odor & methane gas. At first, manure was stored below deck in bundles. However, when the bundles got wet, methane gas could build up to explosive levels, & the first time a sailor with a lantern went below deck... Boom! Several ships were destroyed in this manner before the process was understood, & after that, manure bundles were stamped with "Store High In Transit." Thus, evolved the word "shit", which is still in use today. You probably didn't know the true history of this term. Neither did I, I thought it was a golf term.

your friendly wastewater instructor, camy


Les communistes espagnols représentaient peu de chose avant la guerre civile, et ne purent se développer qu'en attirant à eux la paysannerie aisée opposée à la collectivisation, la petite bourgeoisie, beaucoup de fonctionnaires de police, des militaires. L'épine dorsale du mouvement communiste espagnol, soutenu par Moscou, offrait son expérience organisationnelle à des couches sociales dont les intérêts coïncidaient, à ce moment-là, avec les intérêts de la politique internationale de Staline. Ce dernier ne pouvait accepter l'idée d'une révolution prolétarienne se développant en dehors de son contrôle et sur des bases radicalement différentes de la révolution russe. En participant au gouvernement et en pratiquant le noyautage des instances de pouvoir, les communistes acquirent donc une puissance hors de proportion avec leur base sociale. Les communistes, soutenus par la petite bourgeoisie nationaliste catalane, s'exprimaient ouvertement contre les collectivisations ce qui est un paradoxe curieux, sachant qu'en Russie ils avaient imposé la collectivisation forcée de l'agriculture avec la violence la plus inouïe, faisant des millions de morts...

En octobre 1936, un communiste est nommé ministre du ravitaillement, poste précédemment tenu par un anarchiste. Les comités ouvriers de ravitaillement, mis en place par les anarchistes et qui fonctionnaient efficacement, sont dissouts. La distribution de l'alimentation, assurée par le système de la vente directe des produits et organisée par les comités des syndicats, est remise au commerce privé. Les prix augmentent, provoquant la pénurie. Le mécontentement de la population monte, mais les communistes accusent les anarchistes.

Les forces de police - garde civile et gardes d'assaut - avaient été dissoutes et remplacées par des patrouilles de contrôle. Mais la police sera rapidement reconstituée, contrôlée par les staliniens. Le même processus s'était passé, le 10 octobre 1936, avec la militarisation des milices, dont les communistes étaient de chauds partisans. La Batalla du 1er mai 1937 décrit la composition sociale et le mode de recrutement de la police contrôlée par les communistes : ils ont concentré en Catalogne une partie de la formidable armée de carabiniers, qui avait été créée dans des buts contre-révolutionnaires, en la recrutant parmi les éléments du parti communiste dépourvus d'éducation politique, parmi les ouvriers n'appartenant à aucune idéologie, et même parmi les petits-bourgeois déclassés, ayant perdu toute confiance dans le rétablissement de leur position.

Une offensive est lancée contre la liberté d'expression. La censure devient de plus en plus importante, y compris la censure politique. Un meeting CNT-POUM est interdit le 26 février 1937 à Tarragona.

Le 26 mars / MARCH 26 1937 les libertaires s'opposent à un décret qui dissout les patrouilles de contrôle, qui interdit le port d'armes par les civils et l'affiliation politique ou syndicale des gardes et des officiers de police, et qui dissout les conseils d'ouvriers et de soldats, ce qui équivalait à la liquidation du pouvoir réel de la Confédération, élément moteur des milices, maîtresse de la rue et des usines. De fait, les patrouilles de contrôle ne rendent pas leurs armes, au contraire, les militants sortent dans la rue et désarment les forces de police régulières, qui résistent ; des coups de feu sont échangés. La mesure de suppression des patrouilles de contrôle avait été prise en accord avec les conseillers anarchistes de la Généralité, qui furent critiqués par leur base et retirèrent leur appui au décret. La crise sera résolue par la formation d'un nouveau gouvernement, identique au précédent. Les affrontements armés continuent.

Les faits

La provocation du 3 mai 1937 fut donc l'aboutissement d'une longue série d'escarmouches dont l'objectif était, pour les staliniens, la liquidation de la révolution sociale, la liquidation des libertaires comme force hégémonique dans la classe ouvrière catalane, la restauration du pouvoir de la bourgeoisie dûment "drivée" par les conseillers techniques du GPU (3). Que se passa-t-il ce jour-là ? Le lundi 3 mai 1937 la police communiste tente de prendre le contrôle du central téléphonique de Barcelone, qui est sous contrôle CNT-UGT, mais dont la majorité des employés est à la CNT.

Les miliciens présents se saisissent de leurs armes et résistent violemment, avec succès. Une heure plus tard les miliciens de la FAI et des membres des patrouilles de contrôle arrivent en renfort. Les usines s'arrêtent. Les armes sortent des cachettes. Les barricades s'élèvent. L'insurrection s'étend à toute la ville. Le gouvernement -avec ses représentants anarchistes !- est en fait assiégé par la force populaire. Il s'agit d'une authentique riposte spontanée à une provocation stalinienne. Le comité régional de la CNT et de la FAI se contente d'exiger la destitution de Rodriguez Sala, communiste, commissaire à l'ordre public de Barcelone. Comme si Sala pouvait être quoi que ce soit en dehors des forces qui se trouvaient derrière lui. Comme le 19 juillet 1936 lorsque les fascistes ont tenté de prendre le pouvoir, ce sont, à la base, les comités de défense confédéraux CNT-FAI qui organisèrent la contre-offensive populaire, mais cette fois contre l'avis de la direction de la CNT.

Le lendemain, mardi 4 mai, la bataille fait rage toute la journée. La rapidité de la réaction des miliciens de la CNT-FAI et du POUM contre la police a été stupéfiante, autant qu'a été terrible l'acharnement de la police noyautée par les communistes. Cette crise révèle un conflit aigu à l'intérieur même du camp républicain. Le sort de la révolution sociale était en jeu. Pendant que les prolétaires se battent dans la rue contre la réaction intérieure au camp républicain, les états-majors marchandent : il faut former un nouveau gouvernement. Les dirigeants de l'UGT et de la CNT appellent à cesser le feu. Les ministres anarchistes du gouvernement central appuient cette initiative, mais Companys, président de la généralité, refuse de renvoyer Rodriguez Sala.

Garcia Oliver, ministre anarchiste du gouvernement central, dirigeant de la CNT mais aussi de la FAI, fait un discours ridicule au nom de l'unité antifasciste, appelle à déposer les armes : Tous ceux qui sont morts aujourd'hui sont mes frères, je m'incline devant eux et je les embrasse, y compris sans doute les staliniens et les policiers. Oliver accrédite ainsi l'idée que la bataille qui a eu lieu n'était qu'un accident de parcours dans le camp républicain, alors qu'elle était un authentique combat de classe, le projet des communistes étant de rétablir tous les attributs de l'ordre bourgeois : propriété privée, pouvoir centralisé, police, hiérarchie. Il évacue l'objectif de cette bataille, qui se résumait dans l'alternative : poursuite de la révolution sociale ou restauration de l'état bourgeois.

Dans la nuit du 4 au 5 mai, les marchandages au palais de la généralité continuent. Les communistes veulent grignoter un peu plus de pouvoir aux comités ouvriers et doivent affronter les travailleurs en armes. Leur objectif : écraser définitivement la révolution. Force est de constater que les dirigeants anarchistes sont dépassés par les événements. À la radio, ils se succèdent tous pour appeler les combattants à déposer les armes : Garcia Oliver, Federica Montseny, tous deux CNT et FAI, et les autres. Companys exige comme préalable à tout accord que les travailleurs se retirent de la rue.

Le lendemain, mercredi 5 mai, la bataille est plus violente encore que la veille. La Gare de France, occupée par les anarchistes, est prise par la garde civile ; les employés de la centrale téléphonique se rendent aux gardes d'assaut. Le gouvernement catalan démissionne. Les divisions anarchistes du front proposent de venir à Barcelone, mais le comité régional de la CNT leur annonce qu'on n'a pas besoin d'elles... Le soir, de nouveaux appels demandent aux ouvriers de quitter les barricades et de rentrer chez eux. Le mécontentement grandit dans les rangs de la CNT-FAI. De nombreux militants déchirent leur carte.

Une partie importante des jeunesses libertaires, de nombreux comités et groupes de base dans les entreprises et les quartiers s'opposent à l'attitude conciliatrice et à courte vue de la direction du mouvement libertaire catalan.

Les Amis de Durruti proposent la formation d'une junte révolutionnaire qui devait remplacer la généralité.

Le POUM devait être admis dans cette junte car il s'est placé du côté des travailleurs. Ils réclament la socialisation de l'économie, la dissolution des partis et des corps armés qui ont participé à l'agression, le châtiment des coupables. Ces positions sont dénoncées par le comité régional de la CNT. Le groupe sera plus tard exclu de la CNT.

Les Amis de Durruti n'étaient pas, malgré leur nom, des survivants des groupes Los Solidarios ou Nosotros dont Durruti avait fait partie.

C'était un petit groupe formé d'irréductibles hostiles à la militarisation des milices, à la participation de la CNT au gouvernement, et dirigé par les Faïstes Carreno, Pablo Ruiz, Eleuterio Roig et Jaime Balius. Accusé d'être à la traîne du POUM et d'être constitué d'anarchistes bolchévisés, ce groupe eut un faible impact et son existence fut courte, car il ne se manifeste plus après l'été 37. Cela ne retire rien au fait que certaines (pas toutes, loin s'en faut) des positions qu'il prit à un certain moment aient pu être dignes d'être prises en considération.

Les critiques qu'il faisait à l'encontre de l'appareil dirigeant de la CNT n'étaient en effet pas infondées. Par exemple, le Comité national de la CNT, lors d'une conférence des délégués le 28 mars / MARCH 28 1937, demanda la soumission de tous les organes de presse de la Confédération aux directives du Comité national. La proposition ne fut adoptée qu'à une voix de majorité. La minorité décida de ne pas tenir compte du vote. Il est incontestable qu'il s'était développé une couche de dirigeants spécialisés à la CNT, sans aucun contrôle de la base, et une hiérarchisation autoritaire de l'organisation, y compris à la FAI.

La direction du POUM dans cette affaire n'est elle-même pas exempte de critique. Andrès Nin tente de freiner l'ardeur des militants ; un curieux appel du comité exécutif du POUM propose à la fois de se débarrasser de l'ennemi et d'amorcer une retraite. Le 5 mai aura été le point culminant de la bataille. Le matin, le gouvernement est démissionnaire, le soir il se reforme.Berneri, une des figures de l'opposition révolutionnaire, est assassiné par les communistes, ainsi qu'un autre militant anarchiste italien, Francesco Barbieri.

Le matin du 6 mai, on constate un certain flottement chez les combattants, déçus et désorientés par l'attitude de la direction régionale de la CNT. Bientôt les barricades abandonnées sont réoccupées. La direction de la CNT renouvelle ses appels au calme. La lutte est terminée mais personne ne retourne au travail, les combattants restent sur place.

Dans la nuit du 6 au 7 mai, les dirigeants de la CNT-FAI réitèrent leurs propositions : retrait des barricades, libération des prisonniers et des otages. Le matin du 7, le gouvernement accepte les propositions de cessez-le-feu.

L'échec du mouvement insurrectionnel marquera le début d'une régression terrible des acquis des premiers mois de la révolution. L'emprise du stalinisme, s'appuyant sur les couches sociales les plus hostiles à la révolution dans le camp républicain, s'affirmera. Les assassinats de militants révolutionnaires par les staliniens redoubleront. Dès l'été 1937 les troupes du communiste Lister entreront en Aragon pour tenter de liquider par la terreur les collectivités agricoles libertaires et les remettre aux anciens propriétaires. L'adhésion des masses paysannes aux collectivisations était telle que la tentative de Lister se heurta à un échec cuisant.

Ni vous ni nous n'avons lancé les masses de Barcelone dans ce mouvement. Il n'a été qu'une réponse spontanée à une provocation du stalinisme. C'est maintenant le moment décisif pour faire la révolution. Ou bien nous nous mettons à la tête du mouvement pour détruire l'ennemi intérieur ou bien le mouvement échoue et nous serons détruits. Il faut choisir entre la révolution ou la contre-révolution. C'était l'alternative proposée par le POUM, dans la nuit du 3 mai, refusée par la direction de la CNT, et rapportée par Julian Gorkin (4).

Si c'était à refaire...

Ce serait cependant une grave erreur d'aborder la question en termes de "trahison" de la direction de la CNT par rapport à ses objectifs. Le bilan serein et non dogmatique de l'action de la confédération et des positions de ses dirigeants pendant la guerre civile reste encore à faire chez les libertaires. Il faut garder à l'esprit que la révolution espagnole n'était pas la révolution russe. On peut considérer cette dernière comme l'ultime révolution du XIXè siècle en termes de moyens techniques mis en œuvre. La révolution espagnole a été la première du XXè siècle, avec l'utilisation des blindés, de l'aviation, de la radio, etc. Elle a été le terrain d'entraînement de l'Allemagne hitlérienne pour la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

En Russie, l'état était en déliquescence, toutes les forces sociales opposées à la révolution étaient en état de dissolution. La société russe tout entière était en état de dissolution, après plusieurs années d'une guerre terrible. C'est cette situation qui a permis à un petit groupe d'hommes - quelques milliers en 1917 - de prendre le pouvoir. L'extrême degré d'organisation et de discipline de ce petit groupe d'hommes ne peut à lui seul expliquer l'efficacité de son action, ce qui ne retire rien au génie stratégique de Lénine, en tout cas au début.

La société espagnole ne présentait pas ce caractère de déliquescence. Les forces sociales en présence étaient précisément caractérisées et ancrées dans leur mode de vie. La bourgeoisie espagnole, et en particulier la bourgeoisie catalane, était puissante, influente. Des classes intermédiaires nombreuses faisaient tampon et épousaient d'autant plus les idées de la classe dominante qu'elles craignaient la prolétarisation. Une telle situation n'existait pas en Russie.

La révolution prolétarienne en Espagne a dû faire face à des adversaires autrement plus redoutables que ceux auxquels les révolutionnaires russes se sont affrontés, car les puissances capitalistes occidentales, après la Première Guerre mondiale, étaient elles aussi épuisées par la guerre, et les corps expéditionnaires qu'elle envoyait, étaient minés par les désertions. Les libertaires espagnols ont dû affronter à la fois les fascistes, les staliniens et les républicains. Ça fait beaucoup.

La révolution russe a eu lieu à une période d'effondrement général, où les puis-sances, au plan international, susceptibles de la combattre étaient elles-mêmes épui-sées par quatre années d'une guerre terrible. La révolution espagnole au contraire a eu lieu à une période de montée en puissance de forces réactionnaires d'une puissance jamais vue - nazisme allemand, fascisme mussolinien - qui a soutenu sans réserve de ses armes le fascisme espagnol. Parmi ces forces réactionnaires figurait le stalinisme, dont les marxistes révolutionnaires qui accusaient la CNT de tous les maux sont sinon directement, du moins intellectuellement responsables.

Si les libertaires l'avaient décidé, ils auraient pu aisément liquider les communistes en mai 37, et le comité régional, dans une certaine mesure, avait raison de dire qu'il n'avait pas besoin de dégarnir les divisions anarchistes du front (5). Les miliciens de Barcelone et de la région, les ouvriers insurgés, les comités de défense des faubourgs auraient largement suffi à la tâche. Mais la situation se serait limitée à la Catalogne, car à Madrid la CNT ne dominait pas. La direction de la CNT ne voulait pas risquer de se retrouver seule face à une coalition fascisto-stalino-républicaine. Par ailleurs, spéculer sur un phénomène d'entraînement dans la classe ouvrière espagnole, qui dans un grand élan d'enthousiasme, aurait soutenu les libertaires catalans, était un risque que la Confédération n'a pas voulu prendre. L'Espagne aurait éclaté en plusieurs blocs antagonistes, devenant une proie facile pour les franquistes. C-M Lorenzo a sans doute raison de dire qu'un triomphe de l'anarchisme espagnol entraînant l'effondrement de la légalité républicaine aurait provoqué à coup sûr contre lui la formation d'une coalition internationale allant de l'Union soviétique (suppression de toute aide en armes et en munitions) aux états occidentaux démocratiques (reconnaissance immédiate du gouvernement fasciste, blocus économique) (6). Le mouvement ouvrier international, et en particulier le mouvement ouvrier français largement influencé par les staliniens, auraient-ils soutenu une révolution anarchiste en Espagne qui se serait opposée par les armes aux communistes espagnols ?

Certes, les libertaires se sont de toute façon trouvés face à une coalition fascisto-stalino-républicaineY La question, dans ces conditions -qu'il est facile de poser soixante ans après-, est : est-ce qu'il ne valait pas mieux tenter le coup ? Il est facile, lorsqu'on vit constamment en plein délire d'identification avec la révolution russe, comme dit Carlos Semprun-Maura, lorsqu'on traîne un schéma de révolution qui se limite à la prise du Palais d'Hiver, de reprocher aux libertaires espagnols de ne pas l'avoir fait.

On peut, aujourd'hui, reprocher aux libertaires d'avoir fait une mauvaise analyse à la fois de la nature du stalinisme et de celle du républicanisme bourgeois. On est, aujourd'hui, confondu par leur naïveté (7) : ils sont les seuls à avoir joué honnêtement le jeu de l'antifascisme. Ils étaient les seuls authentiques antifascistes. Ils étaient les seuls dont l'objectif prioritaire réel était la liquidation du fascisme en Espagne sans pré-conditionner cet objectif à leur monopole du pouvoir. Au nom de l'unité antifasciste, la CNT, majoritaire en Catalogne, a accepté dans tous les organes de décision une représentation infiniment moindre que celle correspondant à ses effectifs réels, en gage de sa bonne foiY

Les libertaires ont fait, tragiquement et à leurs dépens, la preuve que l'antifascisme sans la révolution sociale n'a aucun sens. Ils ont démontré que la liquidation du fascisme ne peut pas se faire avec l'alliance avec un autre fascisme Ble stalinismeB, ni avec la bourgeoisie républicaine.

C'est une leçon qui vaut encore aujourd'hui.

René Berthier

 (1) Le POUM (parti ouvrier d'unification marxiste), fondé en 1935, avait entre 3.000 et 5.000 adhérents avant la guerre civile (1 million pour la CNT). Qualifié à tort de trotskiste, y compris par les trotskistes d'aujourd'hui (qui l'ont un peu récupéré, surtout depuis le film de Ken Loach), il avait rompu avec Trotski et la IVe Internationale. L'attitude de la CNT par rapport au POUM s'explique en partie parce que les relations entre les deux organisations n'avaient jamais été bonnes, Joaquin Maurin ayant accusé la Confédération de tous les maux.

(2) Il y eut même des grèves opposant des ouvriers de la CNT et leur patron de l'UGT, ou des affrontements armés entre paysans collectivistes de la CNT et des petits propriétaires de l'UGT...

(3) L'"aide" soviétique, payée au prix fort par les républicains espagnols, était conditionnée à la présence de "conseillers" militaires soviétiques qui installèrent une tchéka qui procéda à l'exécution d'innombrables militants révolutionnaires.

(4) La preuve a posteriori que les anarchistes auraient pu sans difficulté liquider physiquement les communistes dès mai 37 se trouve dans les événements de mars 1939, à Madrid, lors desquels la CNT réalisa ce qu'elle aurait peut-être dû faire dès le début. Le 2 mars, Negrin fait un véritable coup d'état et met des communistes à tous les commandement militaires importants. La CNT décida alors de régler ses comptes avec le stalinisme en écrasant les troupes communistes. Du 5 au 12 mars / MARCH 5 1939, le IVe corps d'armée anarchiste (150.000 hommes) commandé par Cipriano Mera, écrasa les Ier, IIe et IIIe corps d'armée communistes (350.000 hommes). Selon des témoignages oraux, tous les officiers communistes au-dessus du grade de sergent furent exécutés. La nature de classe du parti communiste espagnol est bien décrite dans ces propose de C-M Lorenzo : Il semble qu'il se produisit alors un véritable effondrement du Parti communiste. La masse innombrable de gens qui avaient adhéré à ce parti par haine de la Révolution, par peur, par amour de l'"ordre", par opportunisme politique, par arrivisme, n'avait aucune formation idéologique véritable, aucune connaissance du marxisme. Tous ces gens abandonnèrent le Parti dès qu'ils le virent en mauvaise posture et les communistes se retrouvèrent tels qu'ils étaient au début de la Guerre civile une poignée de cadres sans prise réelle sur la population. Le Parti communiste eut à la faveur des circonstances un gonflement absolument artificiel ; ce fut un organisme monstrueux aux pieds d'argile. C-M Lorenzo, Les Anarchistes espagnols et le pouvoir, Seuil.

(5) C-M Lorenzo, Les Anarchistes espagnols et le pouvoir, éditions le Seuil, p. 267.

(6) Solidaridad obrera du 21 JANVIER / JANUARY 1937 évoque en termes lyriques l'arrivée, la veille, du premier bateau soviétique débarquant farine, sucre et beurre, quelque temps après que les communistes catalans aient provoqué la pénurie et le renchérissement des produits alimentaires en liquidant les comités ouvriers de ravitaillement (7 JANVIER / JANUARY ), fournissant le prétexte d'accuser les anarchistes d'être les responsables de la pénurie : Tout un peuple vibrait à cause de la signification profondément humaine de la première visite d'un autre peuple. La sensibilité rendait tribut à la solidarité. Ce messager du prolétariat russe a apporté en Espagne quelques tonnes de produits alimentaires, offrande de ses femmes aux nôtres, aimables caresses des tout petits d'Orient aux enfants d'Ibérie..., etc. Le quotidien de la CNT aurait pu préciser que ces produits étaient achetés au prix fort et à prix d'or aux Soviétiques, de même que le seront les armes, pour la plupart anciennes, livrées à l'Espagne et distribuées de façon très sélective.

(7) Cité par C-M Lorenzo, Les Anarchistes espagnols et le pouvoir, p. 266, Le Seuil. Cf. également J. Gorkin, Les communistes contre la révolution espagnole, Belfond, p. 59-60.

Le Monde Libertaire - Décembre 1993

La colonne Durruti
Carl Einstein

L'éloge posthume de Durruti qui suit est dû à la plume de Carl Einstein, un écrivain allemand qui combattit dans la Colonne Durruti en 1936. Ce texte avait été rédigé pour la radio de la CNT-FAI, Radio Barcelone, et publié dans le Deutscher Informationsdienst der CNT-FAI, Barcelone 1936 par Herman Rüdiger, un anarchiste allemand chargé de l'information, H-M Enzersberger qui cite cette brochure dans la bibliographie de son livre Le bref été de l'anarchie, Paris 1973, ne fait pas état de ce texte de l'écrivain allemand.

Carl Einstein (né à Neuwied en Allemagne, en 1885, mort en France en 1940) était écrivain et historien de l'art. C'est un des représentants les plus importants, et parmi les moins connus en France, du mouvement expressionniste allemand. Il a fait connaître l'art africain en Allemagne (Negerplastik, 1915), le cubisme et la peinture de Picasso. Il a écrit une œuvre révolutionnaire pour la compréhension des arts plastiques et de la peinture : L'An du siècle (1926). En 1928, il est venu s'établir en France, précédant la vague d'émigration allemande de 1933. Il a fondé avec Georges Bataille et Michel Leiris la revue Documents qui parut en 1929 et 1930. Autodidacte en révolte perpétuelle contre toutes les Institutions et les pouvoirs, il prit part à la guerre d'Espagne dans les rangs anarchistes. Réfugié dans le Midi pour échapper aux nazis, il s'est suicidé en 1940. L'extrait de la préface d'Abel Paz à son livre Un anarchiste espagnol, Durruti, paru dans le Monde Libertaire nE 934 du 25 novembre 1993, nous offre l'occasion de publier cet hommage de Carl Einstein à Buenaventura Durruti.

M. S. Rollin

 Notre colonne apprit la mort de Durruti dans la nuit. On parla peu. Sacrifier sa vie va de soi pour les camarades de Durruti. Quelqu'un dit à mi-voix : C'était le meilleur de nous tous. D'autres crièrent dans la nuit : Nous le vengerons. La consigne du lendemain fut : Venganza (vengeance).

Durruti, cet homme extraordinairement objectif et précis, ne parlait jamais de lui, de sa personne. Il avait banni de la grammaire le mot moi, ce terme préhistorique. Dans la colonne Durruti, on ne connaît que la syntaxe collective. Les camarades enseigneront aux écrivains à changer la grammaire pour la rendre collective. Durruti avait eu l'intuition profonde de la force anonyme du travail. Anonymat et communisme ne font qu'un. Le camarade Durruti vivait à des années-lumière de toute cette vanité des vedettes de gauche. Il vivait avec les camarades, il luttait en compagnon. Son rayonnement était le modèle qui nous animait. Nous n'avions pas de général ; mais la passion du combat, la profonde humilité face à la Cause, la Révolution, passaient de ses yeux bienveillants jusqu'à nos coeurs qui ne faisaient qu'un avec le sien, lequel continue à battre pour nous dans les montagnes. Nous entendrons toujours sa voix ; Adelante, adelante. Durruti n'était pas un général, il était notre camarade. Cela n'est pas décoratif, mais dans cette colonne prolétarienne, on n'exploite pas la Révolution, on ne fait pas de publicité. On ne pense qu'à une chose : la victoire et la Révolution.

Cette colonne anarcho-syndicaliste est née au sein de la Révolution. C'est elle qui est sa mère. Guerre et Révolution ne font qu'un pour nous. D'autres auront beau jeu d'en parler en termes choisis ou d'en discuter dans l'abstrait. La Colonne Durruti ne connaît que l'action, et nous sommes ses élèves. Nous sommes concrets tout simplement et nous croyons que l'action produit des idées plus claires qu'un programme progressif qui s'évapore dans 1a violence du Faire.

La Colonne Durruti se compose de travailleurs, des prolétaires venus des usines et des villages. Les ouvriers d'usine catalans sont partis en guerre avec Durruti, les camarades de la province les ont rejoints. Les agriculteurs et les petits paysans ont abandonné leurs villages, torturés et avilis par les fascistes, ils ont passé l'Ebre de nuit. La Colonne Durruti a grandi avec le pays qu'elle a conquis et libéré. Elle était née dans les quartiers ouvriers de Barcelone, aujourd'hui elle comprend toutes les couches révolutionnaires de Catalogne et d'Aragon, des villes et des campagnes. Les camarades de la Colonne Durruti sont des militants de la CNT-FAI. Nombre d'entre eux ont payé de peines de prison pour leurs convictions. Les jeunes se sont connus aux Juventudes Libertarias.

Les ouvriers agricoles et les petits paysans qui nous ont rejoints sont les mères et les fils de ceux qui sont encore réprimés là-bas. Ils regardent vers leurs villages. Nombre de leurs parents, pères et mères, frères et sœurs ont été assassinés par les fascistes. Les paysans regardent vers la plaine, dans leurs villages, avec espoir et colère. Mais ils ne combattent pas pour leur hameau ni pour leurs biens, ils se battent pour la liberté de tous. Des adolescents, presque des enfants, se sont enfuis chez nous, des orphelins dont les parents avaient été assassinés. Ces enfants se battent à nos côtés. Ils parlent peu, mais ils ont vite compris bien des choses. Le soir au bivouac, ils écoutent les plus âgés. Certains ne savent ni lire ni écrire. Ce sont les camarades qui leur apprennent.

La Colonne Durruti reviendra du champ de bataille sans analphabètes. Elle est une école.

La Colonne n'est organisée ni militairement ni de façon bureaucratique. Elle a émergé de façon organique du mouvement syndicaliste. C'est une association social-révolutionnaire, ce n'est pas une troupe. Nous formons une association des prolétaires asservis et qui se bat pour la liberté de tous. La Colonne est l'œuvre du camarade Durruti, qui a déterminé son esprit et encouragé sa liberté d'être jusqu'au dernier battement de son cœur. Les fondements de la Colonne sont la camaraderie et l'autodiscipline. Le but de son action est le communisme, rien d'autre.

Tous, nous haïssons la guerre, mais tous nous la considérons comme un moyen révolutionnaire. Nous ne sommes pas des pacifistes et nous nous battons avec passion. La guerre - cette idiotie complètement dépassée - ne se justifie que par la Révolution sociale. Nous ne luttons pas en tant que soldats, mais en tant que libérateurs. Nous avançons et prenons d'assaut, non pour conquérir de la propriété mais pour libérer tous ceux qui sont réprimés par les capitalistes et les fascistes. La Colonne est une association d'idéalistes qui ont une conscience de classe. Jusqu'à présent, victoires et défaites servaient au capital qui entretenait des armées et des officiers pour assurer et agrandir son profit et sa rente. La Colonne Durruti sert le prolétariat. Chaque succès de la Colonne entraîne la libération des travailleurs, quel que soit l'endroit où la Colonne a vaincu.

Nous sommes des communistes syndicalistes, mais nous savons l'importance de l'individu ; cela veut dire : chaque camarade possède les mêmes droits et remplit les mêmes tâches. Il n'y en a pas un au-dessus de l'autre, chacun doit développer et donner un maximum de sa personne. Les techniciens militaires conseillent, mais ne commandent pas. Nous ne sommes peut-être pas des stratèges, mais certainement des combattants prolétariens. La Colonne est forte, c'est un facteur important du front, car elle est constituée d'hommes qui ne poursuivent qu'un seul but depuis longtemps, le communisme, parce qu'il se compose de camarades organisés syndicalement depuis longtemps et travaillant de façon révolutionnaire. La Colonne est une communauté syndicaliste en lutte.

Les camarades savent qu'ils luttent cette fois-ci pour la classe laborieuse, non pour une minorité capitaliste, l'adversaire. Cette conviction impose à tous une autodiscipline sévère. Le milicien n'obéit pas, il poursuit avec tous ses camarades la réalisation de son idéal, d'une nécessité sociale.

La grandeur de Durruti venait justement de ce qu'il commandait rarement, mais éduquait continuellement. Les camarades venaient le retrouver sous sa tente quand il rentrait du front. Il leur expliquait le sens des mesures qu'il prenait et discutait avec eux. Durruti, ne commandait pas, il convainquait. Seule la conviction garantit une action claire et résolue. Chez nous, chacun connaît la raison de son action et ne fait qu'un avec elle. Chacun s'efforcera donc à tout prix d'assurer le succès à son action. Le camarade Durruti nous a donné l'exemple.

Le soldat obéit parce qu'il a peur et qu'il se sent inférieur socialement. Il combat par frustration. C'est pour cela que les soldats défendent toujours les intérêts de leurs adversaires sociaux, les capitalistes. Ces pauvres diables du côté fasciste nous en livrent le pitoyable exemple. Le milicien se bat avant tout pour le prolétariat, il veut la victoire de la classe ouvrière. Les soldats fascistes se battent pour une minorité en voie de disparition, leur adversaire, le milicien pour l'avenir de sa propre classe. Le milicien est donc plus intelligent que le soldat. C'est un idéal et non la parade au pas de l'oie qui règle la discipline de la Colonne Durruti.

Où que pénètre la Colonne, on collectivise. La terre est donnée à la communauté, les prolétaires agricoles, d'esclaves des caciques qu'ils étaient, se métamorphosent en hommes libres. On passe du féodalisme agraire au libre communisme. La population est soignée, nourrie et vêtue par la Colonne. Quand la Colonne fait halte dans un village, elle forme une communauté avec la population. Jadis cela s'appelait Armée et Peuple ou plus exactement l'armée contre le peuple. Aujourd'hui, cela s'appelle prolétariat au travail et en lutte, tous deux forment une unité inséparable. La milice est un facteur prolétaire, son être, son organisation sont prolétaires et doivent le rester. Les milices sont les représentantes de la lutte de classe. La révolution impose à la Colonne une discipline plus sévère que ne le pourrait n'importe quelle militarisation. Chacun se sent responsable du succès de la révolution sociale. Celle-ci forme le contenu de notre lutte qui restera déterminée par la dominante sociale. Je ne crois pas que des généraux ou un salut militaire puissent nous enseigner une attitude plus fonctionnelle. Je suis sûr de parler dans le sens de Durruti et des camarades.

Nous ne nions pas notre vieil antimilitarisme, notre saine méfiance contre le schématisme militaire qui n'a apporté jusqu'ici des avantages qu'aux capitalistes. C'est justement au moyen de ce schématisme militaire qu'on a empêché le prolétaire de se former en tant que sujet et qu'on l'a maintenu dans l'infériorité sociale. Le schématisme militaire avait pour but de briser la volonté et l'intelligence du prolétaire. Finalement, et en dernier lieu, nous luttons contre les généraux mutins. Le fait de la rébellion militaire prouve la valeur douteuse de la discipline militaire. Nous n'obéissons pas aux généraux, nous poursuivons la réalisation d'un idéal social qui fait sa part à la formation maximale de l'individualité prolétaire. La militarisation, par contre, était un moyen jusqu'alors populaire d'amoindrir la personnalité du prolétaire. Nous accomplirons tous et de toutes nos forces les lois de la Révolution. La base de notre Colonne, ce sont notre confiance réciproque et notre collaboration volontaire. Le fétichisme du commandement, la fabrication de vedettes, laissons cela aux fascistes. Nous restons des prolétaires en armes, qui se soumettent volontairement à une discipline fonctionnelle.

On comprend la Colonne Durruti si l'on a saisi qu'elle restera toujours la fille et la protection de la Révolution prolétarienne. La Colonne incarne l'esprit de Durruti et celui de la CNT-FAI. Durruti continue à vivre dans notre Colonne. Elle garantit son héritage dans la fidélité. La Colonne lutte avec tous les prolétaires pour la victoire de la Révolution.

Honneur à notre camarade tombé au combat.

Honneur à Durruti.

Carl Einstein

Le Monde Libertaire - Mai/juin 1986

Principes et enseignements
des collectivisations
Gaston Leval

Ce texte a été presque entièrement repris par l'auteur dans son livre en français Espagne 36 sauf ce passage. Ce dernier a été traduit par F. Mintz pour la brochure de Noir et Rouge, La collectivisation dans l'Espagne révolutionnaire, 1963, revue en 1986 par le traducteur.

La rédaction

 Tout ce qui par témoignage direct ou indirect a été exposé dans le livre : Né Franco, né Stalin, le colletivita anarchiche espagnole nella lotta contro Franco e la reazione staliniana, aide à la compréhension des enseignements suivants que j'ai formulés en synthèse comme sujet de méditation.

1. Le principe juridique des collectivités était entièrement "nouveau". Ce n'était ni le syndicat ni la mairie au sens traditionnel du mot et non plus la commune du Moyen-âge. Toutefois, elles étaient plus proches de l'esprit communal que de l'esprit syndical. Les collectivités auraient pu souvent s'appeler communautées, comme c'est le cas pour celle de Binefar et constituaient vraiment un tout dans lequel les groupes professionnels et corporatifs, les services publics, les échanges, les fonctions municipales, restaient subordonnées, dépendant de l'ensemble, tout en jouissant de l'autonomie dans leurs structure, dans leur fonctionnement interne, dans l'application de leurs buts particuliers.

2. Malgré leur détermination, les collectivités étaient pratiquement des organisations libertaires communistes, qui appliquaient la règle de chacun selon ses forces, à chacun selon ses besoin, soit par la quantité de ressources matérielles assurées à chacun là où l'argent était aboli, soit au moyen du salaire familial là où l'argent a été maintenu. La méthode technique différait, mais le principe moral et les résultats pratiques étaient les mêmes. Cette pratique était en effet sans exception dans les collectivités agraires ; peu fréquente au contraire dans les collectivisations et socialisations industrielles, la vie de la ville étant plus complexe et le sentiment de sociabilité moins profond.

3. La solidarité portée à un degré extrême était la règle générale des collectivités agraires. Non seulement le droit de tous à la vie était assuré, mais dans les fédérations mères s'établissaient toujours plus le principe de l'appui mutuel avec le fond commun dont jouissaient les villages moins favorisés par la nature. À Castellon, on établit dans ce but la Caisse de compensation. Dans le domaine industriel, cette pratique semble avoir commencé à Hospitalet, dans les Chemins de fer catalans et plus tard elle fut appliquée à Alcoy. Elle aurait été plus générale si l'arbitrage avec les autres partis n'avait pas empêché de socialiser ouvertement dès les premiers jours.

4. Une conquête d'une énorme importance a été le droit de la femme à la vie, quelques fussent ses fonctions sociales. Dans la moitié des collectivités agraires, le salaire qui lui était attribué était inférieur à celui de l'homme, dans l'autre moitié équivalent ; la différence s'expliquait en tenant compte que la femme célibataire vit rarement seule.

5. De même les enfants ont vu leur droit reconnu spontanément : non comme une aumône accordée par l'état, mais bien comme l'exercice d'un droit que nul ne pensait à nier. En même temps, les écoles leur ont été ouvertes jusqu'à 14 ou 15 ans : seule façon d'éviter que les parents ne les envoient travailler avant l'âge, et pour rendre l'instruction réellement générale.

6. Dans toutes les collectivités agraires d'Aragon, de Catalogne, du Levant, de Castille, d'Andalousie et d'Estrémadure, il y a eu pour règle spontanée de constituer des groupes de travailleurs presque toujours fixés dans des zones précises et qui se partageaient les cultures ou les terres. Egalement spontanée a été la réunion des délégués élus par ces groupes avec le délégué local de l'agriculture dans le but d'orienter le travail général.

7. En plus de ces réunions et d'autres analogues des groupes spécialisés, des réunions de la collectivité avaient lieu sous forme spontanée également (assemblées hebdomadaires, bi-mensuelles ou mensuelles). On s'y prononçait sur l'activité des conseillers nommés par elles, sur les cas spéciaux et les difficultés imprévus. Tous les habitants, hommes et femmes qu'ils fussent ou non producteurs de biens de consommation, intervenaient et déterminaient les accords pris. Souvent même les individualistes pouvaient se prononcer et voter.

8. Dans la collectivisation de la terre, les modifications les plus importantes ont été : l'augmentation du machinisme et de l'irrigation, l'extension de la polyculture, la plantation d'arbres de toutes espèces. Dans l'élevage des bestiaux : la sélection et la multiplication des espèces, leur adaptation aux conditions du milieu, du climat, de l'alimentation, etc., et la construction sur une vaste échelle d'étables, de porcheries et de bergeries collectives.

9. On étendait continuellement l'harmonie dans la production et la coordination des échanges, de même que l'unité dans le système de répartition. L'unification communale se complétait avec l'unification régionale, d'où la Fédération nationale était élue. À la base, la commune organisait l'échange. Exceptionnellement la commune isolée la pratiquait, mais sur autorisation de la fédération qui prenait note des échanges et pouvait les interrompre s'ils causaient un préjudice à l'économie générale. Cela arriva pour une collectivité isolée de Castille, qui ne vendait pas le blé pour son compte mais envoyait le client à l'office du blé à Madrid. En Aragon, la Fédération des collectivités, fondée en janvier 37, et dont la résidence centrale se trouvait à Caspe, commença à coordonner les échanges entre toutes les communes de la région, ainsi qu'à appliquer l'appui mutuel. La tendance à l'unité s'était faite plus claire avec l'adoption d'une carte de producteur unique, et d'une carte de consommateur également unique, qui impliquait la suppression de toutes les monnaies, locales ou non, suivant la résolution prise au congrès constitutif de février 37.

La coordination des échanges avec les autres régions et de la vente à l'extérieur s'améliorait toujours davantage. Dans le cas de bénéfices dus aux différences de change, ou à l'obtention de prix supérieurs aux prix de base déjà excédentaires, la Fédération régionale les employait pour aider les collectivités les plus pauvres. La solidarité dépassait le circuit communal.

10. La concentration industrielle tendait à se généraliser dans toutes les villes. Les petites usines, les ateliers anti-économiques disparurent. Le travail se rationalisa avec un objectif et une forme hautement sociale aussi bien dans les industries d'Alcoy que dans celles d'Hospitalet, dans les transports urbains de Barcelone que dans les collectivités d'Aragon.

11. La socialisation commençait souvent avec la répartition (à Sagorbe, Granollers, et différents villages d'Aragon). Dans certains cas, nos camarades arrachèrent à la municipalité des réformes immédiates (municipalisation des loyers, de la médecine à Elda, Benicarlo, Castellon, Alcaniz, Caspe, etc.)

12. L'enseignement progressa avec une rapidité jusqu'alors inconnue. L'immense majorité des collectivités et des municipalités plus ou moins socialisées a construit une ou plusieurs écoles. Chacune des collectivités de la Fédération du Levant avait son école au début de 1938.

13. Le nombre de collectivités augmentait continuellement. Le mouvement, né avec plus d'élan en Aragon, avait gagné dans les campagnes une partie de la Catalogne, prenant un élan extraordinaire, surtout dans le Levant, et ensuite en Castille, dont les réalisations ont été, selon des témoins responsables, peut-être supérieures à celles du Levant et de l'Aragon. L'Estrémadure et la partie de l'Andalousie que les fascistes tardèrent à conquérir - spécialement la province de Jaen - ont eux aussi leurs collectivités. Chaque région ayant les caractéristiques propres à son agriculture et à son organisation locale.

14. Dans nos enquêtes, j'ai rencontré seulement deux insuccès : celui de Boltana et celui d'Ainsa, au nord de l'Aragon. Le développement du mouvement et les adhésions qu'il recevait peut s'exprimer par ces faits : en février 1937 la région d'Angues avait 36 collectivités. Elle en avait 57 en juin de la même année. Nous manquons de chiffres exacts sur le nombre de collectivités créés dans toutes l'Espagne. Me basant sur les statistiques incomplètes du congrès de février en Aragon et sur les notes recueillies durant mon séjour prolongé dans cette région, je peux affirmer qu'il y en avait au moins 400. Celles du Levant étaient de 500 en 1938. Nous devons y ajouter celles des autres régions.

15. Les collectivités se sont complétées en certains lieux avec d'autres formes de socialisations. Le commerce se socialisa après mon passage à Caragente. Alcoy vit surgir une coopérative de consommation syndicale de production. D'autres collectivités s'agrandirent : Tomarite, Alcolea, Rubielas de Mora, Clanda, Pina, etc.

16. Les collectivités n'ont pas été l'œuvre exclusive du mouvement libertaire. Bien qu'elles appliquèrent des principes juridiques nettement anarchistes, elles étaient souvent la création spontanée de personnes éloignées de ce mouvement. La plus grande partie des collectivités de Castille et d'Estrémadure ont été l'œuvre de paysans catholiques et socialistes, inspirés ou non par la propagande de militants anarchistes, isolés.

Malgré l'opposition officielle de leur organisation, beaucoup de membres de l'UGT sont entrés dans les collectivités ou les ont organisées et aussi des républicains sincèrement désireux de réaliser la liberté et la justice.

17. Les petits propriétaires étaient respectés. Les cartes de consommateurs faites aussi pour eux, le compte courant qui leur était ouvert, les résolutions prises à leur égard l'attestent. On les empêchait seulement d'avoir plus de terres qu'ils n'en pouvaient cultiver, et d'exercer le commerce individuel. L'adhésion aux collectivités était volontaire ; les individualistes y adhéraient seulement quand ils étaient persuadés des résultats meilleurs du travail en commun.

Les principaux obstacles aux collectivités furent...

- La coexistence de couches conservatrices, des partis et des organisations qui les représentaient : républicains de toutes tendances, socialistes de droite et de gauche (Largo Caballero et Prieto), communistes staliniens, souvent poumistes (Avant d'être expulsé par le gouvernement de la Généralité, le POUM ne fut pas réellement un parti révolutionnaire. Il le devint quand il se trouva contraint à l'opposition. En juin 1937, un manifeste distribué par la section aragonaise du POUM attaquait les collectivités). L'UGT constituait l'instrument principal utilisé par ces différents politiciens.

- L'opposition de certains petits propriétaires (paysans, catalans et pyrénéens).

- La crainte manifestée même par quelques membres des collectivités que, la guerre terminée, le gouvernement ne détruise ces organisations. Cette peur fit hésiter même beaucoup de ceux qui n'étaient pas réellement réactionnaires et des petits propriétaires qui, sans cela, se seraient décidés à adhérer aux collectivités.

- La lutte active contre les collectivités, qui n'était pas l'action évidemment destructrice des troupes de Franco là où elles arrivaient. Cette lutte contre les collectivités a été conduite à main armée en Castille par les troupes communistes. Dans la région de Valence, il y eut même de vrais combats dans lesquels intervinrent les chars d'assaut. Dans la province de Huesca, la brigade Karl-Marx a persécuté les collectivités. La brigade Macia-Companys a fait de même dans la province de Teruel (mais les deux ont fui toujours le combat contre les fascistes). La première a toujours été inactive pendant que nos troupes luttaient pour prendre Huesca ou d'autres positions importantes. Les troupes marxistes se réservaient pour l'arrière-garde. La seconde abandonna sans lutte Vinel del Rio et d'autres communes de la région carbonifère de Utrillas. Les soldats qui s'enfuirent en chemise devant une petite attaque que d'autres forces continrent sans difficultés furent ensuite des combattants intrépides contre les paysans désarmés des collectivités.

19. Dans l'œuvre de création, de transformation et de socialisation qui a été réalisée, le paysan a montré une conscience sociale très supérieure à celle de l'ouvrier des villes.

Gaston Leval
(traduction de F. Mintz)


Je veux commander cette brochure

Les volumes de la série "Increvables anarchistes"

libertaire anarchisme
libertaire courrier


Freedom of the Car

9003 --


9003 --


9003 -- Lunch Hour, 1942. Joseph Hirsch, 1910-1981. Lithograph. Printed by George Miller. Distributed by Associated American Artists. LC-USZC4-6718 © Mrs. Genevieve Hirsch. (25)

Joseph Hirsch's father, a noted Philadelphia surgeon, posed for the sleeping figure in Lunch Hour, which the artist then transformed into a sensitive portrait of an African American youth. In 1944 the Library of Congress awarded this print the Second Purchase Prize, formerly known as the Pennell Prize.

9003 -- Tiburcio Vasquez (1835-1875), Mexican anti-authoritarian & revolutionary

9003 -- peace timeline to go through

9007 -- Diccionari de Sindicats ALL INDEXED HERE FOR REFERENCE ONLY INDEXED****
  • GARCIA BIRLAN, Antonio.. (pseudònim de Dyonisios)
  • Antonio García Birlán
    (1889-??). Spanish anarchist affiliated with the CNT & FAI in Catalonia. Member of the CNT national committee (1927-29). Codirector of the "Magazine Nueva," director of "The Mañana" of Lleida (1930-31). Counselor of Public Health & Social Assistance of the Generalitat (26.09.36 - 17.12.36), member of the Consell d'Economia de Catalunya representing the FAI (1936 & 1938). Went to Argentina following the fascist vistory. (Biografies de Sindicalistes); added May 2006

    // (fotografia) Anarquista afiliat a la CNT i a la FAI a Catalunya. Usà el Fou membre del comitè nacional de CNT (1927-29). Codirector de la "Revista Nueva" i director de "La Mañana" de Lleida (1930-31). Conseller de Sanitat Pública i Assistència Social de la Generalitat (26.09.36 - 17.12.36) i membre del Consell d'Economia de Catalunya representant la FAI (1936 i 1938). S'exilià a l'Argentina.
  • CAMPOS, Manuel. Àlias Torinto..
    (1896-1939). Spanish militant CNT militant. Captured & executed by the fascists, June 6, 1939. (Biografies de Sindicalistes)

  • Manuel Campos
    INDEXED with dedicated page; TO DO: may want to compare events, info to add to the page...****

    Abad de Santillán, Diego. Reyero (Burgos) 1898 - Barcelona 1983. (fotografia) Pseudònim de Sinesio García Fernández. Dirigent anarquista. Militant de la CNT i de la FAI. Escriptor. Assistí al II congrés de l'AIT, reconstituïda a Amsterdam, on fou elegit membre del secretariat el març de 1925. Residí a l'Argentina, on col.laborà amb l'organització, de la Federación Obrera Regional, i on dirigí el diari "La Protesta" (1927). A Espanya s'integrà, des del 1931, en diferents grups anarquistes. Dirigí els periòdics "Tierra y Libertad", ""Tiempos Nuevos"" i "Solidaridad Obrera". Representà a la FAI en el Comitè Central de Milícies Antifeixistes de Catalunya (com a encarregat d'organització), el juliol de 1936. Fou vocal del Consell d'Economia de la Generalitat (agost 1936) i conseller d'Economia, des del 17 de desembre de 1936 al 3 d'ABRIL / APRIL de 1937. S'exilià a l'Argentina (1939). Donà suport a l'escissió de la CNT (1945) fent costat a Horacio Martínez Prieto, Manuel Buenacasa i Juan López. Retornà a l'estat espanyol cap el 1977. Publicà, entre d'altres obres i traduccions, Los Anarquistas y la revolución de octubre. Barcelona, 1935. La revolución y la guerra de España (1938). ¿ Porqué perdimos la guerra ? Editorial Imán, Buenos Aires, 1940. Contribución a la historia del movimiento obrero español (1962-65). Historia del movimiento obrero español. Editorial Zero, Madrid 1967. Memorias, 1897-1936. Editorial Planeta, Barcelona, 1967. Memorias (1977).