Our Daily Bleed...
Our Daily Bleed...
JUNE JULY AUGUST OCTUBRE / OCTOBER / OCTOBRE / OKTOBER / OTTOBRE / OUTUBRO
1944 - Summer - Spanish Groups of anarchists & Socialists who had made the resistance in France (where were esuli from the end of the civil war) are gotten ready to to continue the war of liberation in their Country.
First objective is that one to constitute one “belt armada” on the Pyrenees. They are dispersed in the frontier zones, settling itself here & here like peasants, laborers & employs to you. From these groups the frontier leaves a long attempt of invasion all & above all through It goes it them of Aràn. The attempt comes rejected from the pro-Franco army, than capture 3 or 4 mila “invading”.
October - reduced Nuclei of socialist libertarie guerrillas operate in the Asturias, the Leon, Galizia, the Levant, in Andalusia, Catalogna, Aragon & Estremadura.
1944 - Estate - Gruppi di anarchici e socialisti spagnoli che avevano fatto la resistenza in Francia (dove erano esuli dalla fine della guerra civile) si apprestano a continuare la guerra di liberazione nel loro Paese.
Primo obiettivo è quello di costituire una "cintura armada" sui Pirenei. Si disperdono nelle zone di frontiera, installandosi qua e là come contadini, operai ed impiegati. Da questi gruppi parte un tentativo di invasione lungo tutta la frontiera e soprattutto attraverso la Valle di Aràn. Il tentativo viene respinto dall'esercito franchista, che cattura 3 o 4 mila "invasori".
Ottobre - Nuclei ridotti di guerriglieri libertarie socialisti operano nelle Asturie, nel Leon, in Galizia, nel Levante, in Andalusia, Catalogna, Aragona ed Estremadura. http://www.chez.com/ascasodurruti/Biographies/biograF.htm
Note: Mirrored page, no longer online, a Google cached version http://www.chez.com/ascasodurruti/Biographies/biograF.htm
 DICTIONARY OF ANARCHIST MILITANTS
BUATOIS FA Buatois était adhérent à la Fédération Anarchiste dans les années 1950.
lire la suite de l'article vendredi 8 décembre 2006 par R.D.
BUCCIARELLI, Giuseppe
Né vers 1898 - mort le 18 JULY juillet 1933
USI Exilé en France, Giuseppe Bucciarelli est mort le 18 juillet 1933 après avoir été renversé par une voiture. Il a été enterré à Fontenay le 26 juillet.
lire la suite de l'article samedi 9 décembre 2006 par R.D.
BUENO GIL, Miguel
Né vers 1882 - gazé le 18 AUGUST août 1944
MLE – CNT – (Andalousie) & Berga (Catalogne)
Militant de la FAI très connu dans la région de Berga, avait commencé à militer en Andalousie avant d’aller en Catalogne travailler dans les mines de Figols. Le 1er mai 1929 il aurait été l’auteur d’un attentat à la bombe. Sa participation à l’insurrection de janvier 1932 lui valut d’être emprisonné.
Il s’était exilé en France à la fin de la guerre civile.Il était le père d’Alfonsina Bueno la première femme de José Ester Borras. Pendant l’occupation, et bien qu’il ne participat pas directement à la résistance, il était en contact avec son gendre qui participait au réseau Pat O’Leary dans le groupe de Francisco (...)
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vendredi 8 décembre 2006
par R.D.
BUENO, Luis
Marseille (Bouches-du-Rhône)
Emigré à Marseille, Luis Bueno était en 1917 membre du groupe de langue espagnole des "Amis de Ce Qu’il faut dire" (CQFD).
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vendredi 8 décembre 2006
par R.D.
BUFFARD
CGTSR
En 1934, Buffard était membre de la commission administrative de la CGTSR.
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vendredi 8 décembre 2006
par R.D.
BUGGIA
CNTF - Reims (Marne)
Buggia militait à la CNTF à Reims dans les années 1950.
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vendredi 8 décembre 2006
par R.D.
BUISSON
Alger
Membre du groupe anarchiste communiste d’Alger, Buisson avait été poursuivi avec Feuillade en 1887 pour « délits de paroles ».
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par R.D.
BULLERI, Piero “TRE PIEDI” ; “VARO” ; “BOMBONIERA”
Membre du groupe Germinal de Volterra, Piero Bulleri avait été condamné par un tribunal fasciste à six ans de prison pour « activités subversives ». Dès sa libération il s’intégrait à la résistance comme partisan dans la 23è Brigade Garibaldi.
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par R.D.
BURIAUX, L.
Ouvrier métallurgiste - CGTSR - Bordeaux (Gironde )
En 1936 L. Buriaux était membre du syndicat des métaux de la CGTSR de Bordeaux.
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samedi 9 décembre 2006
par R.D.
BURKLÉ, Paul
UA - CNTF - Strasbourg (Bas-Rhin)
Cans les années 1930 Paul Burklé militait au groupe de Strasbourg de l’Union Anarchiste. Dans les années 1950 il était membre de la CNTF.
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par R.D.
BURTIN, Henri
Coiffeur - SIA - Troyes (Aube)
En 1939 Henri Burtin militait à la Solidarité Internationale Antifasciste (SIA) de Troyes (Aube).
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par R.D.
BUSICO, Gaetano
Né en 1924
FAI - Carrare
Militant anarchiste italien Gaetano Busico avait participé en 1944 à la guérilla en Espagne dans la zone de Valleta del Segre.
Membre de la Commission de correspondance de la Fédération anarchiste italienne (FAI) à Massa-Carrare, il faisait partie le 8 NOVEMBER novembre 1949 du groupe de compagnons qui attaquaient le consulat franquiste de Gênes en solidarité avec de jeunes libertaires emprisonnés en Espagne. Jugé en AVRIL / APRIL 1950 il était remis en liberté en juin 1951.
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par R.D.
BUSSET, Daniel
Cheminot - CNTF (FTR) - Vitry (Val-de-Marne)
Ouvrier aux ateliers SNCF de Vitry, localité où il résidait, Daniel Busset était membre de la Fédération des travailleurs du Rail (FTR) de la CNTF. Il avait été délégué au 2è congrès de la FTR le 25 SEPTEMBER septembre 1948 et en octobre avait été élu secrétaire général adjoint du bureau de la FTR. Le secrétaire était alors R. Beaulaton. En 1950 son adresse figurait sur les listes de domiciles anarchistes à surveiller.
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par R.D.
BUTH, R.
Ouvrier du bâtiment - Allemagne
R . Buth représentait en 1927 l’Allemagne à la Fédération Internationale des Travailleurs du Bâtiment (FITB) adhérente à l’AIT et dont le siège était à Paris (33 rue de la grange aux belles). Les autres membres du bureau étaient G. Blanken (Hollande), B. Lansink (secrétaire général) et Henri Bouyé (France)
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par R.D.
BUTTARD, Michel
FA - Paris
En 1971 Michel Buttard était le secrétaire aux relations intérieures de la Fédération Anarchiste
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http://militants-anarchistes.info/spip.php?rubrique27 |
Dictionnaire Biographique C (google translations from the French; see the online cite for French versions, from Le Centre Ascaso-Durruti http://ascaso-durruti.chez-alice.fr/ )
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Dictionnaire Biographique B (google translations from the French; see the online cite for French versions, from Le Centre Ascaso-Durruti http://ascaso-durruti.chez-alice.fr/ )
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Dictionnaire Biographique D (google translations from the French; see the online cite for French versions, from Le Centre Ascaso-Durruti http://ascaso-durruti.chez-alice.fr/ )
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Uomo politico (Barletta 1846 - Nocera Inferiore 1892). Rampollo della nobile famiglia dei marchesi Cafiero, ricchi latifondisti pugliesi, dopo aver
conseguito a Napoli la laurea in giurisprudenza, fu addetto d'ambasciata nella legazione italiana in Belgio. Disilluso tuttavia dagli ambienti
politico-diplomatici, abbandonò la pur promettente carriera nel 1865 intraprendendo numerosi viaggi in Europa: nel 1867 incominciò a frequentare
i circoli rivoluzionari parigini e strinse a Londra con Marx ed Engels dei rapporti che avrebbero conservato per lui tracce durature. Acceso di entusiasmo, Cafiero divenne ben presto propagandista della Prima Internazionale nell'Italia meridionale. Recatosi a Napoli nel 1871, riorganizzò la sezione napoletana dell'internazionale e collaborò ai nove numeri del
settimanale d'ispirazione bakuniniana "La Campana", uscito con il sottotitolo "Risorgimento della plebe" dal 7 GENNAIO / JANUARY al 10.3.1872. Nell'agosto
1872 presiedette la conferenza di Rimini (Primo congresso della federazione
italiana dell'associazione internazionale dei lavoratori) che sancì la prevalenza della tendenza antiautoritaria rispetto a quello che, nel fervore delle
polemiche, era stato definito il "comunismo autoritario tedesco" formulato da Marx. Era ormai in fase di maturazione l'orientamento verso l'anarchismo di
Cafiero, che si era anzi recato in Svizzera, allo scopo specifico di conoscere personalmente Bakunin. La personalità del grande agitatore russo esercitò su
Cafiero un profondo fascino: con Andrea Costa ed Errico Malatesta, egli
divenne uno dei principali esponenti delle idee libertarie, nella prima epoca di
sviluppo del socialismo italiano, pronunciandosi a favore della "propaganda
del fatto", dell'azione diretta, cioè, esplicantesi sul piano insurrezionale o della
pratica terroristica anche individuale. Assolutamente disinteressato e proteso
alle esigenze della lotta di classe allora particolarmente violenta, Cafiero
procedette in pari tempo, dopo la morte dei genitori da cui aveva tra l'altro
ereditato ca. 200 ha di fertili poderi, alla liquidazione totale del suo
patrimonio devolvendolo alla propaganda rivoluzionaria e al soggiorno di
Bakunin in Italia: fu anzi proprio l'uso piuttosto disordinato fattone dal
rivoluzionario russo e dai suoi amici che incrinò i loro rapporti nei pochi anni
che precedettero la sua morte, avvenuta nel 1876. Implicato nei fatti
insurrezionali del 1874, Cafiero fu prosciolto l'anno seguente per
insufficienza di indizi. Ma la sua teorizzazione di "un prossimo futuro
movimento a base di bande armate" doveva trovare, nell'incandescente
situazione sociale seguita all'unificazione del Sud, applicazioni immediate
seppur effimere: insieme col Malatesta, Cafiero ebbe funzione preminente
nell'insurrezione del Matese, nell'aprile 1877, costituendo la cosiddetta
"banda di San Lupo" e subendo in conseguenza ca. 17 mesi di carcere
preventivo; soltanto il 25 Agosto 1878 un verdetto assolutorio gli restituiva, in
precarie condizioni di salute, la libertà. Appunto durante la prigionia, egli
elaborò il suo famoso e fortunato compendio del primo volume del Capitale
apprezzato dallo stesso Marx e pubblicato dal Bignami nel 1879. Dopo la
scarcerazione trascorse un periodo all'estero, riavvicinandosi al Costa che
aveva frattanto abbandonato il movimento anarchico; del resto, il lavoro del
Compendio aveva segnato anche per Cafiero l'inizio di un graduale, e assai
travagliato, ritorno al marxismo. Nel 1883 la sua fibra già minata da lotte e
persecuzioni cedette nella crisi inguaribile dell'infermità mentale; ricoverato
per vari anni nel manicomio fiorentino di S. Bonifacio, fu poi inutilmente
trasportato nella sua terra natia ed infine morì nel manicomio di Nocera
Inferiore. INDIETRO President to the anarchical conference of Rimini,
http://www.cronologia.it/storia/biografie/cafiero.htm http://www.brigantaggio.net/Brigantaggio/Storia/Cafiero-Malatesta.htm#b
1907 -- US: Anarchist "firebrand" Emma Goldman spends the day with "the Little Anarchist", picking & putting up 25 quarts of blackberries. http://www.jwa.org/exhibits/wov/goldman/egart.html
http://www.jwa.org/archive/goldman/egfire3.jpg
1912 -- Santibáñez, Lazaro Gutiérrez de Lara, Prudencio Casals, Luis Méndez & Pioquinto RoIdán (34). Several of affiliated his separated when tying with Antonio I. Villarreal in their attempts to also create the National Confederation of Workers & because of the activities made by the Reorganizadora Meeting of the Liberal Party.
due to which an important group of them escindió, letting attend the meetings of this party. If of in case the number of affiliated with the Socialist Party distaba much of being numerous, with this division was practically annulled. Some intellectuals of the time who considered Socialists did not let do escarnio of him. It is the case of Rafael Perez Taylor, who assured that: the practical & experimental application (of this party) was reduced to a few individuals that we could define with the name of soñadores of the socialism, as well as is poets, philosophers, cronistas, romantic, etc. (35).
Santibáñez, Lázaro Gutiérrez de Lara, Prudencio Casals, Luis Méndez y Pioquinto RoIdán (34). Varios de sus afiliados se separaron al vincularse con Antonio I. Villarreal en sus intentos por crear la Confederación Nacional de Trabajadores y también a causa de las actividades realizadas por la Junta Reorganizadora del Partido Liberal. Al parecer, la composición interna del Partido Socialista no era del todo homogénea, pues al celebrar una conferencia el 23 de junio de 1912 surgieron divergencias ideológicas debido a lo cual un grupo importante de ellos se escindió, dejando de asistir a las reuniones de dicho partido. Si de por sí el número de afiliados al Partido Socialista distaba mucho de ser numeroso, con esta división quedó prácticamente anulado. Algunos intelectuales de la época que se consideraban socialistas no dejaron de hacer escarnio de él. Es el caso de Rafael Pérez Taylor, quien aseguraba que:
la aplicación práctica y experimental (de dicho partido) estaba reducida a unos cuantos individuos que podríamos definir con el nombre de soñadores del socialismo, así como hay poetas, filósofos, cronistas, románticos, etc. (35).
Esta división inspiró e impulsó a los idealistas de corte anarquista a formar su propio grupo, lo que llevaron a cabo el domingo 30 de julio, después de reunirse y tomar esta decisión Eloy Armenta, Luis Méndez, Juan Francisco Moncaleano, Jacinto Huitrón, Pioquinto Roldán, Rodolfo Ramírez, J. Trinidad Juárez y Fernando González. Es así como con esta fecha se dio origen al grupo anarquista Luz. http://www.antorcha.net/biblioteca_virtual/historia/com/casaobreromundial.html
Like the group of Amadeo Ferrés, the members of the Group Light also gave to more importance to the diffusion of their doctrine that to the practice of this one through suitable organizations, although their members had already acquired certain experience within other groupings, but - & this is the important thing to that he was one of the more direct receiving groups of the anarchism spread by the Mexican Liberal Party, because in its trajectory had to confront itself with numerous magonistas veterans, like were it Lazaro Gutiérrez de Lara, Manuel Sarabia, Antonio I. Villarreal, Santiago R. of Vega & Antonio Diaz Soto & Gama, who although distanced of Ricardo Flores Magón for those dates - 1912- principles, continued making activities directed to the organization of the workers.
// Al igual que el grupo de Amadeo Ferrés, los integrantes del Grupo Luz dieron más importancia a la difusión de su doctrina que a la práctica de ésta a través de organizaciones adecuadas, a pesar de que sus integrantes habían ya adquirido cierta experiencia dentro de otras agrupaciones, pero también -y esto es lo importante- a que fue uno de los grupos receptores más directos del anarquismo difundido por el Partido Liberal Mexicano, pues en su trayectoria tuvo que confrontarse con numerosos veteranos magonistas, como lo eran Lázaro Gutiérrez de Lara, Manuel Sarabia, Antonio I. Villarreal, Santiago R. de la Vega y Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama, que aunque distanciados de Ricardo Flores Magón para esas fechas -principios de 1912-, continuaban realizando actividades encaminadas a la organización de los trabajadores.
1920 -- Health Companion, the truth is that I do not know much of ingles reason why I have of responderte in Spanish, I hope that me entiendias. The date of the facts was the 27 of 1920 July, & happened the that tragic day was the fire of the FOM (Working Federation of Magallanes), prvocado by the military & white guard (policia deprived of the bourgeoisie in that epoca). The photos correspond to other facts, because the union movement in patagonia, already had been time before this massacre. good, of very brief form I respond your question. I hope that them he has been util. Thanks for the Link
Health,
love & Freedom. In Punta Arenas , the extreme south of our country , the FOM , of a strong ... same year that in the Argentine Patagonia the FORA workers were massacred . ...
Federación Obrera de Magallanes, Signatories to Labour Agreement ...
Despite formal negotiations, such as the one featured below, there was further bloodshed in July 1920, when the FOM headquarters in Punta Arenas was ...
Federación Obrera de Magallanes (F.O.M.), founded 1911
[Workers' Federation of Magallanes]
In the period immediately following World War I, relations between capital & labour were strained throughout the whole of Southern Patagonia. For instance, in Chile, there was a confrontation at the Puerto Bories freezing works during January 1919, with 8 fatalities: thanks to the intervention of the Red Cross, worse was averted. Despite formal negotiations, such as the one featured below, there was further bloodshed in July 1920, when the F.O.M. headquarters in Punta Arenas was attacked & burnt, with the loss of another 5 lives.
The consequences of this labour unrest for Argentine Patagonia were far more profound. The strikes of 1921-22 were brutally repressed by an army detachment: it is estimated that upwards of 1,000 rural workers were executed. The ranchers applauded the return of "law & order", & a veil of silence was drawn over these events. In recent years, they have been documented & analyzed more openly: such as in the four-volume work by Osvaldo Bayer, "Patagonia Rebelde".
Labour Agreement for Rural Workers, signed November 1919 http://patbrit.org/bil/ranchers/obnames.htm gallery UPDATE WAR THAT WON'T DIE
article continues:
A period of 40-odd years, from 1931 to 1975, has become a rich historical seam for Spanish film-makers to mine as Spain struggles to come to terms with a past that had previously been refracted through a right-wing lens. Under the dictatorship of General Francisco Franco, Spanish cinema was utilised as a myth-making machine to spin stories about the past. Cinema became a propaganda tool as the government turned out cine cruzada, or civil-war films, which venerated the Church, the family & the fascist state. The only cinematic version of history permitted, cine cruzada is best exemplified by the 1941 film Raza (Race), a triumphalist account of the war based on a script by the victorious dictator himself. It encapsulates the attitude of those in power: they had won the war, now they needed to win the history. Even foreign films favourable to a republican viewpoint, such as the 1943 version of Ernest Hemingway's novel For Whom the Bell Tolls, were refused distribution. Facing the sharp scissors of the censor, oppositional film-makers who remained in the country utilised allusion, metaphor & symbolism in an attempt to raise alternative historical accounts of the past. But from within these artistic strictures emerged two of the most acclaimed films to touch on the conflict: Saura's 1965 film La Caza (The Hunt) & Victor Erice's classic expressionist work from 1973, El Espiritu de la Colmena (Spirit of the Beehive). Set in the period following the conflict, both films deny easy interpretation, but many of those Spaniards fortunate enough to have seen them in cinemas at the time viewed them as harsh condemnations of the regime. A recurring theme in Saura's work is the problems associated with re-capturing a long-suppressed past through recourse to memory. This is evident in Cousin Angelica which recalls the war from the perspective of a child of republican parents. Similarly, Saura's 1970 film, El Jardin de las Delicias (The Garden of Delights), relates the story of an amnesiac businessman whose peseta-chasing family attempt to force him to recollect his financial transactions. After years of cinematic distortion of history, Saura's films raise crucial questions about the vital necessity of remembering the past; yet, simultaneously, they point to the inherent fallibility of human memory itself. After Franco's death in 1975 & the subsequent relaxation of censorship laws, cinematic representations of the war changed beyond all recognition. Over the following two & a half decades, events that were previously referred to obliquely took centre-stage in Spanish cinema. In the years immediately following the dictator's demise, some film-makers turned towards documentary in a direct attempt to recuperate this repressed historical period. In 1977 La vieja memoria (The Old Memory) was released - an experimental documentary directed by Jaime Camino that utilises eyewitness testimonies from a wide range of veterans of the conflict. It seeks the "truth" of the past, but a different type of "truth" from the monolithic accounts characteristic of Francoist cinema. By presenting conflicting, subjective versions of the same period, The Old Memory moves from a documentary style to a more open-ended narrative that invites a plurality of response. The same year saw another landmark documentary, Por Que Perdimos la Guerra? (Why Did We Lose the War?), directed by Diego Santillan, the son of a wartime anarchist leader, which presents a series of interviews with sympathisers of the anarchist trade union, the CNT. Fiercely critical of the British & French governments' refusal to sell arms to the beleaguered republic, the film also takes a bitter swipe at Stalin & the Spanish Communist Party (PCE). With more than a little justification, Santillan suggests that Stalin was keener to establish a pact with fascism than to further the revolutionary uprising that had prevented Franco's immediate seizure of power. Both these documentaries marked a new stage in representations of the conflict, but the appeal of documentary cinema was relatively short-lived & Spanish film-makers mainly utilised fictional cinema to deal with the past. In 1985, Luis Garcia Berlanga's La Vaquilla (The Little Cow) was released. Set on the Aragon front during the war, the significance of the film stems from its status as one of the first comedies set during that period. In that sense it foreshadows two of the films best known to foreign audiences: Fernando Trueba's Oscar-winning Belle Epoque (1993) & Saura's Ay, Carmela! (1990). Set on the cusp of the establishment of the second republic & the abdication of the monarchy in April 1931, the world created in Belle Epoque is a million miles removed from the lived experience of rural life in 1930s Spain. The film creates an imaginary world where no one worries about work or money, where there is an abundance of good food & wine, & where personal freedom is closely identified with sexual liberation - a world that is in the process of shaking off the repressive force of the Catholic church & where people can begin to live their lives free from patriarchal restrictions. As with Butterfly's Tongue, this is sugar-coated history. Republican Spain seen through rose-tinted glasses; a harsh & bitter world, magically transformed into an idyllic pre-modern utopia about to be cruelly crushed by fascism. There is a refusal to engage with a concrete historical past, & what is presented in both films is a nostalgic recreation of a republican Spain that never was. These two films highlight the fact that right-wing myths of the past are slowly being undone but they are being replaced with myths of a different kind. If both Belle Epoque & Butterfly's Tongue recreate romanticised worlds, Ay Carmela! presents a different image of Spain altogether. Set in 1938, when the republic looked defeated, Carmela & her compatriots are performers in a republican theatre company who are captured by Franco's troops & faced with the dilemma of whether to perform before a group of fascist soldiers. Saura uses the situation to present a meditation on questions dealing with artistic & cultural freedom: how much is it possible to compromise in the face of censorship & dictatorial control? What do you do in the face of inevitable doom? These are undoubtedly questions of specific relevance to those who struggled to make films under the dictatorship, but they also raise questions about the here & now, & indicate how the civil war is visited to comment on the concerns of the present. It was not only Spanish films that entered the battle over Spain's past. Ken Loach's Land & Freedom was released in 1995 amidst a flurry of critical praise & political debate. Using as its starting point George Orwell's classic autobiographical account, Homage to Catalonia, Land & Freedom focuses on the bitter internal struggles within the republican movement that assisted the fascists' victory. Like Why Did We Lose the War?, by re-examining the debates over the need for a revolutionary war to defeat Franco, Loach attempts to rehabilitate the war's revolutionary dimensions, suggesting that the conflict was more than a simple struggle between fascism & democracy. The closing slow-motion shooting of Blanca, a metaphorical representation of the betrayal of the revolution by the Spanish communists, caused bitter controversy & kick-started a reappraisal of the conflict inside Spain. The furore provoked by Land & Freedom confirms the importance of cinematic images to contemporary audiences' understanding of the past. Like it or not, as the importance of the written word is steadily replaced by the immediacy of the visual image, cinema will increasingly become an arena for the contestation of differing versions of history. Currently in pre-production, Antonio Banderas is preparing to direct Malaga Burning!, an adaptation of a 1937 novel set in his hometown in 1936. We wait with bated breath to see what myths will be created - or exploded - when Hollywood gets its hands on the Spanish civil war.
See Source: "La Masacre en la Federación Obrera de Magallanes", Carlos Vega Delgado, Punta Arenas, 2002
1937 -- The lesson which the collectives have left behind them, however, is a stimulating one. In 1938 Emma Goldman was inspired to praise them thus: "The collectivization of land & industry shines out as the greatest achievement of any revolutionary
period. Even if Franco were to win & the Spanish anarchists were to be exterminated, the idea they have launched will live
on." On July 21, 1937, Federica Montseny made a speech in Barcelona in which she clearly posed the alternatives: "On the
one hand, the supporters of authority & the totalitarian State, of a state-directed economy, of a form of social organization
which militarizes all men & converts the State into one huge employer, one huge entrepreneur; on the other hand, the
operation of mines, fields, factories & workshops, by the working class itself, organized in trade-union federations." This
was the dilemma of the Spanish Revolution, but in the near future it may become that of socialism the world over. http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/1931/guerin/AnSpain.html
1947 -- (11) Eliseo Melis Diaz (old militant anarchist who by you compel police officers had turned informer) In 1947 knowing itself already with fehacientes tests that Eliseo Melis Diaz was informers of the police, the CNT of exile decides to eliminate it & for it they are commissioners Even Manuel, Antonio Gil Oliver & others. These enter Spain by Prats de Molló & have a first confrontation with the Civil Guard in Sant Pau de Seguries. The elimination of Melis took place the 12 of July of the 47 & the events took place in the seat of Buensuceso of Barcelona where they had been mentioned, with his struggles & excursions they arrived until the C/Montalegre nº 3 where Melis attempt to take refuge in a vestibule, nevertheless Even I reach to him & Gil finished off it, being left wounded Manuel Even, dying to the four hours in the hospital of San Pablo. Eliseo Melis Díaz (viejo militante anarquista que por coacciones policiales se había convertido en confidente) En 1947 conociéndose ya con pruebas fehacientes que Eliseo Melis Díaz era un confidentes de la policía, la CNT del exilio decide eliminarlo y para ello son comisionados Manuel Pareja, Antonio Gil Oliver y otros. Estos entran a España por Prats de Molló y tienen un primer enfrentamiento con la Guardia Civil en Sant Pau de Seguries. La eliminación de Melis se produjo el 12 de julio del 47 y los sucesos se produjeron en la plaza de Buensuceso de Barcelona donde se habían citado, con sus forcejeos y correrías llegaron hasta la C/Montalegre nº 3 donde Melis intento refugiarse en un portal, sin embargo Pareja le alcanzo y Gil lo remató, quedando herido Manuel Pareja, muriendo a las cuatro horas en el hospital de San Pablo. http://www.manelaisa.com/texto/Articulos/PagArticulos20.htm
1954 -- UPDATE Russell Blackwell
Date: Fri, 31 May 2002 18:12:42 -0500
From: "Manet on Eighth"
1958 -- Short history of the International of Anarchist Federations (IAF ...
... which was hold in London (between July 25 & August 1, 1958 ... The comrades, who met
at the London congress, agreed that "The anarchist International had for ...
flag.blackened.net/liberty/ifa-hist-short.html - 8k - Cached - Similar pages flag.blackened.net/liberty/ifa-hist-short.html
1974 -- THIS CONTINUES FROM THE ENTRY IN BLEED THIS DATE:
1974 --
