Cat Has Had the Time of His Life

    thin line

    Our Daily Bleed...



--
JUNE BLEEDWORK PAGE, grab bag of collected dates names materials for the Daily Bleed Calendar, etc

ANARCHIST ARCHIVE CONTENTS Foreword THE GERMAN DRAMA Hermann Sudermann Magda The Fires of St. John Gerhart Hauptmann Lonely Lives The Weavers The Sunken Bell Frank Wedekind The Awakening of Spring THE FRENCH DRAMA Maurice Maeterlinck Monna Vanna Edmond Rostand Chantecler Brieux Damaged Goods Maternity THE ENGLISH DRAMA George Bernard Shaw Mrs. Warren's Profession Major Barbara John Galsworthy Strife Justice The Pigeon Stanley Houghton Hindle Wakes Githa Sowerby Rutherford & Son THE IRISH DRAMA William Butler Yeats Where There Is Nothing Lenox Robinson Harvest T. G. Murray Maurice Harte THE RUSSIAN DRAMA Leo Tolstoy The Power of Darkness Anton Tchekhof The Seagull The Cherry Orchard Maxim Gorki A Night's Lodging Leonid Andreyev King-Hunger http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/goldman/socsig/socsigtoc.html


-- Jacoby, Henry

Period : 1903-1986 Total Size : 0.35 m. Finding Aid : Preliminary list

Biographical/historical note : Pseudonym: Sebastian Franck; born in Berlin 1905, died in Geneva 1986; trained commercially & as a social worker; member of the anarchist-pacifist Freie Jugend from 1924; cooperated with Ernst Friedrich & his Anti-Kriegsmuseum; influenced by Alfred Adler's 'Individualpsychologie', he held contact with Alice & Otto Rühle; joined the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) in 1930; worked illegally after the Nazi take-over with the dissident communist Landau group, was arrested & served two & a half years hard labor; emigrated to Prague in 1936, then to Paris; member of the Funken- Gruppe & contributor to their Der Funke & Kritische Parteistimme; emigrated to New York, worked with the Office of Strategic Studies (OSS) from 1943 & contributed to The Call & Politics; employed by the Food & Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 1946-1968, eventually as head of her Geneva office; contributed to the independent socialist Funken 1950-1958 as Sebastian Franck & published the autobiographical works 'Von Kaisers Schule zu Hitlers Zuchthaus' 1980 & 'Davongekommen. 10 Jahre Exil' 1982.

http://www.iisg.nl/archives/gias/j/10752720.html


-- FRAMES FOR THE DAILY BLEED WITH LOGO TOP, IMAGES WITH ADDRESS BOTTOM, OR IMAGE LINKS SO WHEN i CHANGE THE EMAIL ADDRESS TO RECOLLECTION INSTEAD OF ESKIMO, i WON'T BE GETTING SPAMMED; A TOP &/OR BOTTOM FRAME TRICK ALLOW ANY CHANGES TO BE INSTANTANEOUS, & ONLY HAS TO BE DONE ON ONE HTML RATHER THAN HAVING TO CHANGE EVERY SINGLE PAGE (HUNDREDS!) OVER A PERIOD OF A YEAR OR TWO HERE IS A SAMPLE OF SOMETHING TO WORK, LOGO WITH LINKS SAsa <body bgcolor="#ffffff"> <p></p> </body> http://www.sasa.ch/nav.html
http://www.sasa.ch/

-- SEARCH & REPLACE ALL INSTANCES OF http://www.recollectionbooks.com/bleed/images/pixel.gif & http://www.recollectionbooks.com/bleed/images/ (SEARCH ON LITERAL TEXT IN BLEED IN ALL FIELDS TO FIND ALL OLD URLS, RESET TO THE SERVER: http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed OR http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/images/BB http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/images/dingbats


Peter Kropotkin, All Star
1866 -- Kropotkin had visited the Lena goldmines early in his life, & indeed his experiences there when two revolts occurred, caused him to quit the military & begin his move towards radicalism & anarchism.

(I don't have the exact dates — ed.).1866: In this year, Peter finally realized that he had to leave the military. This decision stemmed from two events. The first took place when Peter visited the Lena gold mines on an expedition. The conditions here were even worse than those that Peter had experienced in other towns in the Amur region were. A series of letters to his brother conveys Peter's shock at the manner in which workers were treated. He suggested that the only way to remedy the situation would be to drastically alter the existing economic system. The second event occurred in June. A group of Polish exiles staged an uprising with the hope of escaping to China. The Siberian administration quickly took care of the situation by sending in the army. The army restored order, & the five leaders of the uprising were shot. Given, the conditions that he had just witnessed at the Lena gold mines, Peter understood why the Poles would want to escape. Furthermore, he could not justify to himself the use of the army when the revolt posed no real threat to anybody. In the next few months Peter immersed himself in reading, studying works by J.S. Mill, Renan, Heine, Herzen, & Proudhon. http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/kropotkin/chronology.html NEED TO FIND EXACT DATE, OR ASSIGN ONE & ADD THIS TO JUNE


1876 -- By the end of June, Peter had come with an elaborate plan to escape during one of his daily walks on the hospital grounds. Many other people were to be involved in distracting the guards, signaling that the coast was clear for the escape, & to drive Peter away in a carriage. When the day of the escape arrived, disaster struck. His accomplices could not find any red balloons, which was to be the sign that the coast was clear. The escape did not happen on that day, & for that Peter was lucky. A line of peasant carts had been blocking the escape route. If Peter had tried to escape, he surely would have been recaptured.

During the next 24 hours, Peter's friends worked frantically to come up with a new plan. After much work, they made the necessary changes to Peter's original plan. One problem remained, they had to let Peter know what the changes were. This was accomplished by hiding a written summary of the plan inside a watch. Then, one of Peter's close friends, visited him, giving him the watch as a gift. Peter was told to examine the watch carefully. When he did, he found the note. He now knew of the new plan. The next day everything went as planned. Peter escaped from the prison, & none of his accomplices were apprehended. That night, the group celebrated in one of St. Petersburgpis finest restaurants. They guessed (correctly) that the police would never look for them here. The next day Peter left Russia at the Finnish border. From Finland he took a ship to England. Peter's first few month's in England were spent establishing contacts. His main objective was to let Guillaume know that he wanted to work for the Jura Federation again. Guillaume was delighted to hear this & asked Peter to begin writing articles for the Bulletin de la Federation Jurassienne. He also spent some time writing for the Imperial Geographic Society. However, his primary interests laid with the worker's movement. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- see/coordinate LINK TO BLEED REF:
[Further details] http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/kropotkin/chronology.html


?
1884 -- NEED TO POLISH OFF THESE ENTRIES, FIND SPECIFIC DATES

http://www.mineurdefond.com/catastrophe.htm

1884 : 12 000 grévistes à Anzin ; le mouvement, fondé sur le refus du salaire au mérite, durera 56 jours.

1891 : 36 000 grévistes pendant 15 jours dans le Bassin Nord-Pas-de-Calais.

1891 : A Fourmies, l’armée tire sur les mineurs en grève, 9 morts et 60 blessés.

1893 : 42 500 mineurs en grève pendant 49 jours dans le Nord-Pas-de-Calais. Le mouvement se solde par un échec.

1906 : Après la catastrophe de Courrières (Pas-de-Calais), qui fait plus de 1 000 victimes, 45 000 mineurs se mettent en grève pendant 2 mois.

1914 : L’ensemble des bassins se met en grève pendant 2 mois. La loi sur les retraites est appliquée, en plus de l’obtention de la journée de 8 heures.

1936 : Grève générale dans les mines. A l’issue des accords de Matignon, les mineurs obtiennent deux semaines de congés payés, 38 h 40 de travail pour le fond et l’institution des délégués du personnel.

1986 : Grève à Carmaux (Tarn) contre la fermeture de la mine.

1987 : Grève en Lorraine pour le « minimum de production garanti ».

1988 : Violents affrontements à Merlebach (Moselle).

page1/2

http://www.groupecharbonnages.fr/historia/rdv_desmines_dunegreve.html


[Sources]


1885 -- Le 23 août 1948, mort d'Adrienne MONTEGUDET née Victorine VALDANT, à Bayonne. Militante communiste et syndicaliste révolutionnaire puis libertaire.

Née le 12 juin 1885 dans une famille paysanne de la Creuse, elle deviendra institutrice. Mariée à Léon Montégudet, ils militent ensemble au sein du parti communiste et de la C.G.T. A la mort de celui-ci, elle poursuit son militantisme et anime en 1921 les "Comités Syndicalistes Révolutionnaire" à Aubusson. Son activité ne manque pas de lui attirer l'attention des autorités et elle échappe de peu à une révocation. Secrétaire de l'Union Départementale C.G.T de la Creuse, elle poursuivra cette fonction au sein de la C.G.T.U en 1922, après la scission syndicale. Sa rencontre avec un militant d'origine italienne l'amène un temps à Moscou où elle devient professeur de français.

En 1927 elle est de retour en France où elle tente d'impulser une propagande dans le milieu paysan, mais rompt avec le parti communiste. Elle retourne en URSS en septembre 1930 pour le Congrès de l'Internationale syndicaliste rouge, mais se montre très critique envers le régime soviétique et les délégués français qui refusent de voir les réalités.

A partir de 1931 elle collabore à "l'Emancipation" journal de la Fédération de l'Enseignement puis fréquente le groupe de Monatte qui édite "La Révolution prolétarienne". Elle quitte ensuite la Creuse pour Marseille où elle prend part en 1936 aux réunions anarchistes et devient secrétaire du Comité des femmes libertaires. Elle apporte alors son aide aux réfugiés italiens puis espagnols. Au début de la guerre mondiale, elle s'installe à Antibes puis à St-Paul-de-Vence où, en contact avec Célestin Freinet, elle prend en charge un groupe de réfugiés Tchèques (juifs pour la plupart) quelle cachera en Creuse puis près de Bayonne. http://ytak.club.fr/aout4.html


1886 -- Italy: Basta ! Bisogna Abolire lo STAto ! Crimini e Misfatti dello stato italiano dalle origini ai giorni nostri MOVING DATES

1876 - 1886 La meridionalizzazione dello stato italiano : la sinistra al potere

1878 18 Agosto. Le truppe regie uccidono a fucilate Davide Lazzaretti, esponente guida di una comunità religiosa, e alcuni suoi seguaci, alle Forche di Arcidosso (Grosseto). Predicavano l'avvento di una democrazia repubblicana su basi egualitarie e tanto è bastato allo stato per sopprimerli.

Davide Lazzaretti :"lassù sul monte Amiata è morto Gesù Cristo, da vero socialista, ucciso dai carabinier" nato nel Grossetano ad Arcidosso, nel 1834, barrocciaio, ateo e anarchico si era convertito al cattolicesimo nel 1868, ma si mise a parlare oltre che di Dio anche di terra e di giustizia sociale e di libertà, fondando nell'Amiata una sovversiva comune agricola; fu ucciso dai reali carabinieri il 18 agosto del 1878, in occasione di una processione pacifica non autorizzata, con grande sollievo del papa Pio IX e del governo di sinistra allora al potere di Depretis.

http://web.tiscali.it/no-redirect-tiscali/OBESIWEB/storiana.htm

1885 24 Giugno. Le truppe dello stato italiano occupano Saati, a 30 chilometri da Massaua, nonostante le proteste del Negus di Abissinia.

1886 22 Giugno. Lo stato, per mano del prefetto di Milano, scioglie il 'Partito Operaio' e sopprime il suo giornale 'Il Fascio Operaio' ordinando l'arresto dei dirigenti con l'accusa di aver costituito "un'associazione di malfattori".

1887-1900 Autoritarismo statale e avventurismo coloniale : trasformisti e reazionari al potere [^] [Polyarchy] [Basta!] [Indice : crimini e misfatti]


[Source: Crimini e Misfatti] http://www.polyarchy.org/basta/crimini/due.html


1898 -- Does Daily bleed have REFERENCE TO RIOTS REVOLTS OF 1898?, ETC

After the May riots & revolts of 1898 in Italy & Ferrer's week in Barcelona, July 1909, the June revolt of the Romagna & of Ancona was the strongest popular rising in Europe since the Paris Commune & the Spanish insurrections of 1873.


[Source: Max Nettlau, Errico Malatesta: The Biography of an Anarchist.]
http://www.anarca-bolo.ch/a-rivista/290/16.htm



1931 -- 6-12 need to translate Avellaneda, Argentine, un groupe d'activistes anarchistes conduit par Juan Antonio MORAN abat de cinq coups de revolver le major Rosasco qui dînait dans un restaurant. Celui-ci, serviteur zélé de la dictature du Gal Uriburu, était responsable de la répression et de l'éxécution de nombreux militants. Durant l'opération, l'anarchiste LACUNZA trouvera également la mort.




Camarada!
1937 -- NEED exact date? Dr. Juan Negrín (1889-1956), who became prime minister of the Republic in May 1937, remains something of a controversial character. Negrín's apologists see him as the supreme pragmatist, a man forced by circumstances to toe the communist line. His detractors regard him as an opportunist, whose overweening ambition led him to turn a blind eye to communist excesses, including the many political assassinations carried out by the party in the final days of the conflict. http://orpheus.ucsd.edu/speccoll/posters/27.html


1949 -- from: The American Inquisition by Cedric Belfrage

Chapter 10: 1949: "I Appreciate Your Permission To Weep"

Beginning in mid-1947, a New York grand jury spent 12 months of weekdays listening to Elizabeth Bentley & other familiars who had pinpointed Russian spies, & then to the spies. After Hoover's men had visited hundreds of thousands of the spies' contacts, 12 Party leaders were indicted.1 The charge was not spying but "conspiracy to advocate the overthrow of the government by force & violence."

The Smith Act trial at Foley Square initiated a nationwide series over the next years. Far from being an obstacle to the government, the Act's patent unconstitutionality multiplied the agony of the victims, plunging them into a murk of unreality & spinning out their ordeal into ever costlier months & years. Together with deportation, Subversive Activities Control Board (from 1950), Taft-Hartley, Loyalty Board & assorted hearings, the trials compelled heretics to run at furious speed in a vain attempt to stay in the same place. The argument that they did not "advocate force & violence" was doomed in advance, for the government was ready to prove that they did, with scores of familiars & countless excerpts from Marxist texts. Committees proved it — or anything else that was required — simply by framing a question to which they knew there would be no reply. As an added precaution the court always charged "conspiracy."

http://dept.english.upenn.edu/~afilreis/50s/belfrage-permission-weep.html



1956 --

June 1952

Serge Berna, Jean-Louis Brau, Guy-Ernest Debord & Gil J. Wolman secretly form the radical Lettrist International tendency within the lettrist movement.

30 First projection of Guy Debord's film Howls for Sade in Paris.
75 minutes, 35mm, black & white.
Voice-over: Gil J. Wolman, Guy Debord, Serge Berna, Barbara Rosenthal, Jean-Isidore Isou.

(NOTE: POST IN FEBRUARY OR LATE JANUARY)

Early 1953

Guy Debord writes Never Work! on a wall in the rue de Seine.

June 1954

22 Potlatch #1, internal bulletin of the French Lettrist International group, Paris. Editor-in-chief: André Frank Conord.

June 1956

Toutes ces dames au salon! (All the Ladies in the Room!), tract denouncing the exhibition The Oil Industry in the Eyes of Artists, held at the Palais de Beaux-Arts, Brussels, 2 to 14 June, signed by members of the Lettrist International (Michèle Bernstein, Mohamed Dahou, Guy Debord, Jacques Fillon, Alexander Trocchi, Gil J. Wolman), the Les Lèvres nues group (Paul Bourgoignie, Jane Graverol, Marcel Mariën, Paul Nougé, Gilbert Senecaut), the Nuclear Art Movement (Enrico Baj, Sergio Dangelo, Asger Jorn) & several independent artists (Ernest Carlier, Paul Joostens, Herbert Read).

July 1956

Eristica #1. Journal of the International Movement for an Imaginist Bauhaus. Editor: Giuseppe Pinot Gallizio. Editorial Committee: Enrico Baj, Christian Dotremont, Walter Korun.

November 1956

2 Potlatch #27, information bulletin of the Lettrist International, Paris.

Publication in Les Lèvres nues #9 of Guy Debord's article, 'Theory of the dérive,' in which the word 'situationist' makes its first appearance.

http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/



1963 --

1963

January 1963

Les aventures de la dialectique (Adventures of the Dialectic), and, the following week, La Revanche de la dialectique (Revenge of the Dialectic), postcard comics announcing the new mailing address for Internationale Situationniste.

Internationale Situationniste #8. Central bulletin published by the sections of the Situationist International. Editor: G.-E Debord. Editorial committee (Central Council of the SI): Bernstein, Debord, Kotànyi, Lausen. Martin, Strijbosch, Trocchi, Vaneigem.

March 1963

In Paris, the SI meets Tsushi Kurokawa & Toru Tagaki, delegates to Europe of the Japanese Zengakuren movement.

June 1963

22 June to 7 July Destruction of the RSG-6, Exi Gallery, Odense, Denmark. SI exhibition (Thermonuclear Maps by J.V. Martin, Victories by Michèle Bernstein & Directives by Guy Debord). The Situationists & the New Forms of Action in Art & Politics, text by Guy Debord in Danish, English & French.
Clandestine reissue of the English tract Danger! Official Secret RSG-6, published in April by Spies for Peace, revealing the location & secret plans for a government fallout shelter for Region 6.
Belgian situationist Rudi Renson is arbitrarily prevented from crossing the Danish border while traveling to the exhibition.

August 1963

Erection, in Sejs Forest, near Silkeborg, of the stone carved by Asger Jorn in December 1960 in memory of Christian Christensen.

http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/


1964 --

Chronology 1964

June

Signes gravés sur les églises de l'Eure et du Calvados (Etchings on the Churches of Eure & Calvados), Bibliothèque d'Alexandrie, volume II, published by the Scandinavian Institute of Comparative Vandalism under the direction of Asger Jorn, Copenhagen & Paris, one chapter of which will be reprinted as Jorn's brochure De la méthode triolectique dans ses applications en situlogie générale (The Application of the Triolectical Method in General Situology).

July

España en el corazón (Spain in the Heart), tract by the SI (Western European Region) in Spanish & French regarding a new form of propaganda experimented with in Spain (clandestine erotico-political tracts).

Following the engagement of the daughter of the Danish king to the Greek sovereign, the SI distributes a photo of Christine Keeler declaring in Danish: 'As the Situationist International says, it is far more honorable to be a whore like me than the wife of a fascist like Constantin.'

August

Internationale Situationniste #9. Editor: Debord. Editorial committee: Michèle Bernstein, J.V. Martin, Jan Strijbosch, Raoul Vaneigem.

Contre le cinéma (Against Cinema), by Guy Debord, fourth — & final — monograph in the Bibliothèque Alexandrie, published by the Scandinavian Institute of Comparative Vandalism, Århus. Preface by Asger Jorn ('Guy Debord & the Problem of the Accursed').

September

3 'The Situationist International,' note by Michèle Bernstein in a special issue of the Times Literary Supplement on the avant-garde.

http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/


1967 --

1967

January 1967

Et ça ne fait que commencer (And That's Just the Start of It), tract by the SI (signed by Jean Garnault & Théo Frey) & the AFGES (signed by André Schneider & Bruno Vayr-Piova), Strasbourg.

11 Avis (Notice), flyposter announcing the closure of the Strasbourg University Psychological Aid Centre (BAPU) by the AFGES "considering that the BAPU's are the manifestation in the student milieu of a repressive psychiatry's parapolice control, whose obvious function is to maintain [...] the passivity of all exploited sectors."

15 Exclusion of the Garnautins (Théo Frey, Jean Garnault & Herbert Holl), French section. Because of her solidarity with the Garnautins, édih Frey is also excluded.

22 Attention! Trois provocateurs (Warning! Three Provocateurs), tract explaining the exclusion of the Garnautins, signed by Michèle Bernstein, Guy Debord, Mustapha Khayati, J.V. Martin, Donald Nicholson-Smith, Raoul Vaneigem & René Viénet, Paris.

Winter

Sexologie de la misère. Misere de la sexologie (The Sexology of Poverty & the Poverty of Sexology), tract distributed in the university residences of Lyon, Nantes, Paris, Strasbourg & Toulouse.

March 1967

Second edition of On the Poverty of Student Life, Paris. The tract is subsequently published in several languages, including an English edition translated by Christopher Gray & Donald Nicholson-Smith as Ten Days that Shook the University with a postscript ('If you want to make revolution, do it for fun'). An inferior translation by Tony Verlaan later appears in New York, & a third partial translation is published in Seattle. A complete translation is distributed in Sweden, while partial versions appear in radical journals in Spain (Acción Communista) & Italy (Nuova Presenza & Fantazaria).

15 to 24 Ny-irrealisme, Operation Playtime. Exhibition of anti-paintings by Michèle Bernstein (The Victory of the Spanish Republicans) & J.V. Martin (the Golden Ships series), & five Nothing Boxes by René Viénet, Århus, Denmark. J.V. Martin's brochure Ny-irrealism is reprinted in Situationistisk Revolution #2.

June

Resignation of Michèle Bernstein, French section. Bernstein nevertheless continues her association with the SI for around three years.

August

The Explosion Point of Ideology in China, anonymous tract written by Debord denouncing Mao's Cultural Revolution, Paris, reprinted in Internationale Situationniste #11.

http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/


1968 -- Now that the insurgents Have gone back to survival. Boredom, forced labor, & ideologies, We'll take pleasure in sowing Other May flowers to be picked one day. FINAL CHORUS

http://www.neravt.com/left/may1968.htm



1968 -- actually the 6-25, but needs to be redone, updated:

England: The deadline for the Union's demands to be met passed without response from the University, & an occupation of administrative offices in the Parkinson Building began. The students' demands were reiterated at an OGM held in the occupied Parkinson Court the following day (12). This time direct action was fully supported by Jack Straw & Union News. The sit-in continued until the early evening of Friday 28 June, before ending with a march back to the Union Building.

The Outcome The University refused to negotiate formally with the students while the sit-in continued, and conceded none of the students' demands concerning either the Security Adviser or disciplinary procedures. A Committee on Concern with the Activities of the Security Force, appointed by the Senate on 24 June 1968 & chaired by Professor E. Grebenik, concluded that the students' calls for a public enquiry were unjustified. (14) No such enquiry was ever held. In Union News & other student assessments it was acknowledged that, in material terms, the sit-in "achieved virtually nothing". (15)(16)

The Hunt For Red Jack The more famous Jack Straw has subsequently become, the more journalists have hunted for skeletons in the cupboard - always fruitlessly. Jack Straw was recognised in student political circles as hard-working & ambitious, & if he was occasionally compared to Chairman Mao (e.g. "Great Helmsman & Teacher Jack Straw", Union News 3 November 1967) it was certainly not because of any ideological similarities to the Chinese dictator. His role in May-June 1968 is best understood as an example of the tendency for union leaders to appear to adopt a militant stance, not in order to promote radical demands, but rather to reassert control over their members, bolster their own power, & strengthen their negotiating position. This was how Jack Straw's actions were interpreted by Sir Roger Stevens, in an acute assessment of these events. (17)(18) This document also conveys something of the University authorities' sense of shock that anything of this nature could have happened at Leeds.

http://www.leeds.ac.uk/library/spcoll/archive/may68.htm



1968 -- 6-12 to translate Paris '68: Le gouvernement décide la dissolution de plusieurs groupes d'extrême-gauche, ainsi que du "Mouvement du 22 mars" à l'origine de la révolte estudiantine. Les manifestations interdites par la police se terminent en affrontements, des nombreuses barricades sont à nouveau érigées au quartier latin.





1968 -- The Paris, May 68 student coalition fermented & gained momentum around a series of events: the arrest of student members of the National Vietnam Committee, police brutality, & government & university hierarchy impertinence.

Things came to a violent confrontation between student demonstrators & the police on May 10th ('Night of the Barricades'). By May 13 government discontent spread into the labor force & workers began joining in the protest with a series of strikes & factory occupations."By May 24, barely two weeks after the great demonstration of May 13, approximately ten million workers were on strike in France" (p.8). Due to many factors, most prominent being the divisions within the French left, de Gaulle's 5th Republic government was able to diplomatically end the strikes by negotiating with the PCF (the French Communist Party), & the CGT (Confédération général du travail). The uprising was a failure in the minds of the radical French left (called 'gauchistes') whose goal was the overthrow of the de Gaulle government & establishment of socialism. On a symbolic level, however, May 68 represented a moral victory in demonstrating the far reaching effects of a small but united collective front.
http://www.horschamp.qc.ca/9805/offscreen_essays/may68.html

http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/gallery/galleryindex.htm#GeneralStrike


1968 -- The rank & file resisted, while the trade union leaders welcomed the return to order. The PCF welcomed de Gaulle's electoral challenge & did not want to be associated with any 'extremist' attitudes.

After June 7th those still resisting were, as they put it, isolated & therefore subject to the most violent repression yet. One school student was drowned in the Seine in the battle to end the Renault occupation at Flins, & two workers were shot dead at the Peugeot factory in Sochaux.

On the 12th the government banned several student organisations & some 'left' groups. The national union of students called off all street activity to avoid further clashes. The movement was losing its impetus almost as fast as it had grown. Then on the 16th, the Sorbonne was finally retaken by a vast police assault. There were a few clashes in the Latin Quarter, but no barricades. The movement was finally over.




1969 -- Internationale Situationniste 1969

1969

June 1969

Situationist International #1. Review of the American section of the SI, New York, USA. Editorial Committee: Robert Chasse, Bruce Elwell, Jonathon Horelick, Tony Verlaan.

July 1969

Internazionale Situationista #1. Review of the Italian section of the Situationist International, Milan. Editor: Gianfranco Sanguinetti. Editorial Committee: Claudio Pavan, Paolo Salvadori, Sanguinetti.

28 Guy Debord announces his intention to step down as editor of Internationale Situationniste.

September 1969

Internationale Situationniste #12. Review of the French Section of the SI. Editor: Debord. Editorial Comittee: Mustapha Khayati, René Riesel, Christian Sébastiani, Raoul Vaneigem, René Viénet.

http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/


2001 -- A 79 Year Old Woman Who Bowls: An Interview with Diva Agostinelli, Anarchist

Born in Jessup, PA, in 1921, to an Italian anarchist coal mining family, Diva Agostinelli is one extra-ordinary person. I hesitate to say that I think of Diva as role model because, even though she is a "part of history" she continues to teach & learn alongside of radicals, not above them. Diva often, in response to a question, says she doesn't have an answer but then goes onto to relate an experience or situation that lends itself to understanding.

Diva left Jessup when she was 16 & went to Philadelphia where she attended Temple University. Afterwards, she went to NYC & joined the Why? magazine group (later renamed Resistance).

Why? was a group that split off from the Vanguard group & included Audrey Goodfriend, David Koven, & later, David Wieck, Diva's lifelong companion. She worked with this group from 1942 to the mid-50's & met many other people who came in & out of the circle, including John Cage, Murray Bookchin, Paul Maddock [Mattick?], Robert Duncan & James Baldwin.

It was at Why?'s weekly meeting, at SIA hall, in NYC, (run by Spanish anarchists) where Baldwin first publicly read parts of "Go Tell it on the Mountain." The first time Diva met Goodman, he was on the floor demonstrating a Riechian orgasm! But, the famous personalities dim in the face of Diva & her comrades' life long dedication to anarchism. Whether she was on a speaking tour, writing pieces for the magazine, teaching history, or running a school library, Diva has never given in. Consider her mantra, of sorts, when things get rough: If you've succeeded in the real world, then you need to figure out how you failed.

What follows is more of a conversation than an interview. Diva's life doesn't lend itself to a structured session of questions & answers. I spoke with Diva in Troy, NY, (where she has lived for the past 40 years) on March 3, 2001. ~ Rebecca DeWitt

I was going to be Voltairine de Cleyre, Louise Michel, Sofia Perovskaya

Franz Flagler went into the merchant marines; he felt he had to do something. He was working on his ship, trying to get refugees Israel. David Koven joined the merchant marines. I mean people had to do. Cliff Bennet went on the lam before he was sent to jail. David (Wieck)

Diva, David Koven, & Audrey Goodfriend, former members of Why? ?
http://flag.blackened.net/ias/9diva.htm



2004 -- 6/2004 CHECK TO SEE IF ZERZAN LINKS LISTED UNDER RADIO PROGRAMS; ALSO PETER WERBE & DEMOCRACY NOW


2005 -- The writer & somatherapist Roberto Freire is well-known for his books, novels, plays & essays where the anarchist ideas which led to the creation of Soma are always present. His research of an anarchist therapy is now recognized as an original contribution to psychology & he has more than thirty years experience working in various Brazilian states.

Leia mais:

Check out the release of "A Liberdade do Corpo" in the Books & Publications section

Roberto Freire

Apart from creating his own clinical method, Freire has also contributed to literature on the philosophy of pleasure with his concession-less defence of pleasure as a vital necessity. Cléo e Daniel was his first novel, which became a best-seller amongst students in the seventies, selling more than 200,000 copies as a newspaper-book, a daring editorial option at that time. Without a doubt, it was this potent mixture of literature & Freire's own choice of lifestyle which led to the creation of Soma.

Os ingredientes? Não é difícil encontrá-los, claros e diretos, por exemplo nos ensaios "Utopia e Paixão", "Sem Tesão Não Há Solução" e "Ame e dê Vexame": a ideologia do prazer como arma revolucionária de combate ao sacrifício imposto pelas sociedades autoritárias e hierárquicas. O tesão passou a ser a bandeira de luta de Roberto Freire desde seu rompimento com a Psicanálise e com a Psiquiatria tradicional, na década de 1960. Formado em Medicina, Roberto trabalhou em ambulatórios psiquiátricos e fez formação psicanálitica. Afastou-se por divergências ideológicas, achava-as equivocadas e adaptadoras ao sistema social vigente, e aventurou-se pelo jornalismo, teatro e literatura. Como escritor encontrou sua liberdade criativa e reencontrou sua paixão pela Psicologia. No final da década de 60, volta a clinicar e a pesquisar um método terapêutico mais próximo de sua ideologia de vida, o anarquismo no cotidiano.

Today, after more than thirty years working with Soma in various cities in the country, Roberto Freire supervises the work of the somatherapists of the Brancaleone Collective & continues writing. He is due to publish his autobiography Eu é um outro in the next few months as well as new volumes of his series for children João Pão, as aventuras de um menor abandonado.

soma@somaterapia.com.br

Also visit the sites of Roberto Freire's sons www.paulofreire.com.br www.joetuco.com.br

Brancaleone

Brancaleone was created in 1992 as a collective dedicated to the research, development & practice of Soma. Currently, the headquarters are in Rio de Janeiro & is made up of the somatherapists João da Mata, Jorge Goia & Vera Schroeder & of trainee therapists Ana Lopes, Fábio Veronesi & Marcelo Leal.

João da Mata was born in 1968 in Recife, Pernambuco where he began training in Medicine in the eighties. He became a somatherapist at the beginning of the nineties with Roberto Freire. João coordinates therapy groups in São Paulo & Rio de Janeiro where he lives. Together with Roberto Freire, he published SOMA - vol.3 - Body to Body a resumé of the theory & practice of Soma (available in English on this site). In 2001, he published A liberdade do corpo in which he explores the utilization of capoeira angola as an instrument of personal & social transformation within groups of Somatherapy. João is also a photographer & a video documentary maker. He received an award in the festival Brasilidades, promoted by the Museum of Modern Art / Rio de Janeiro for his film 'O Brasil de Walter Firmo'. He also publishes articles in the periodical 'Libertárias', produced by NU-SOL (Núcleo de Sociabilidade Libertária - PUC - São Paulo).joaodamata@somaterapia.com.br

Jorge Goia was born in 1963 & has been a practicing somatherapist since completing his training in 1993 with Roberto Freire. He coordinates groups in Florianópolis, Porto Alegre & Rio de Janeiro where he lives. He graduated in Social Communication from the University of Londrina (Paraná). As a journalist, he worked between 1986 & 1991, editing the news programme "Paraná Norte". He has also been reporter & editor of the TV station Coroados (Londrina), TV Verdes Mares (Fortaleza) & TV Manchete (Fortaleza). In 2001 completed his master's degree in Social Psychology from the State of Rio de Janeiro University (UERJ). His thesis was "Conversations with an anarchist therapist - Roberto Freire & Soma", in which he sought to document the research hitherto undertaken in the practice of Soma & relating this to contemporary French philosophy, mainly the work of Michel Onfray, Michel Foucoult, Gilles Deleuze & Félix Guattari. He is currently doing a PhD in Social Psychology in UERJ, also about Somatherapy. He also writes for libertarian journals & is a photographer & videomaker.jorge.goia@somaterapia.com.br

Vera Schroeder was born in 1973 & graduated in Social Communication, specialising in Marketing at the Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing (ESPM) in São Paulo. In 1995, she began her training with Roberto Freire & currently coordinates groups in São Paulo & Rio de Janeiro where she lives. She worked in Borrifos Artistic Production, producing debates, musical & theatrical shows in cultural centres, universities & schools. From this experience she set up her own production team, "Fulô - Cultural & educational production". She has developed various projects to bring back into focus Popular Brazilian Culture, with special attention on Ariano Suassuna, Paulo Moura & the guitarist Paulo Freire. In September 2002, "Fulô" will produce a series of debates in the Cultural Centre of the Bank of Brazil (CCBB). The series has been entitled "A Política da Palavra" (The Politics of the Word) & will welcome such writers & thinkers as Roberto Freire, Margareth Rago, Edson Passetti, Carlos Heitor Cony & Ferreira Gullar, amongst others. She has been published in the Canadian magazine "Adbusters" & "Letralivre" in Rio. vera@somaterapia.com.br

http://somaterapia.com.br/ingles/roberto_texto.html



2006 --
    Introduction
     
  1. In imperial Japan sexual equality had many champions, though definitions of what constituted equality varied markedly. The following discussion concerns three women who were among the most radical of its advocates: Kanno Suga (1881-1911), Itô Noe (1895-1923) & Kaneko Fumiko (1903-1926). All three, it will be noted, died young. Not one of them, moreover, died from natural causes but, rather, at or in the hands of the State. This may come as no surprise since all were anarchists or (in the case of Fumiko) strongly influenced by anarchism; as we shall see below, two of the three were even self-confessed traitors who believed in political violence as a necessary strategy. These three women did not fall foul of state power due specifically to their advocacy of sexual equality, yet this was an intrinsic part of the political standpoints & identities they embraced. If it had not been for their resistance to hierarchical notions of male-female difference & their demands for equal recognition & treatment by society, their fates may have been different. The self-denial & self-effacement traditionally expected of women was, for each of them, not an option, for it ruled out the possibility of a true subjecthood & destiny of her own choosing.
     
  2. Not unusually, tradition in Japan held that femaleness & an individual identity & destiny were oxymoronic. Thus, when the Tokugawa (1603-1867) authorities chose to execute a woman, she would be given a man's name. This was not unlike the view of progressive medieval Buddhists that enlightenment was not, after all, out of the reach of women. In male bodies, transformed at the point of death through the grace of Amida Buddha, they might gain immediate entry to the Pure Land. Either style of 'annihilation' meant dying a 'man'. However, after the Meiji imperial restoration of 1868, Western-style modernity brought with it a new view of women as modern citizens. The Meiji Constitution, Civil Code & political assembly laws fell far short of according them equality in terms of their rights or duties to the nation, yet the new criminal code promulgated in 1880 spelt a certain equality for women in granting them equal access to criminality.
     
  3. Under the Meiji (1868-1912) criminal code, no longer was the 'name of woman' incompatible with the severest of penalties. As a woman the anarchist-feminist, Kanno Suga, could in 1912 be sentenced to death for the intent, not an attempt, to assassinate the Meiji emperor. As a woman she could be, & was, lawfully executed.[2] This was together with eleven male comrades, anarchists & other socialists—or, not quite together, since Suga was garrotted separately from them, one day later. Years later in 1926, another woman, Kaneko Fumiko, was sentenced to death, once again for lese-majesty, for conspiring to import bombs from the mainland to use on the imperial family. Politically, Fumiko identified with nihilistic egoism, a position strongly associated with individualistic anarchism influenced by European moral nihilists such as Nietzsche & Max Stirner. For egoists then in Japan, the assertion of the individual will, self-determination & the liberation of the Self were all-important. In some cases this position may have led to a lack of social conscience or narrow self-centredness that ruled out collective political action, but this was not the case with Fumiko. None the less, for her it was largely the assertion of the individual Self & will, through political resistance, that would lead to the mitigation, if not necessarily the destruction, of State & bourgeois power.
     
  4. What was just as central to egoistic thinking was the importance of an individual identity. Having a name was important to Fumiko partly because she had grown up a musekisha [legally unregistered person] (a person not registered legally in a family register, not even as an 'illegitimate' child). Thus, it was fortunate that being sentenced to death no longer necessitated having her identity effaced. In her prison memoir she was scathing about the effects on a child of having no legal existence until the age of nine, being denied entry to schools & facing other forms of discrimination.[3] Fumiko, it might be noted, had her death sentence commuted to life imprisonment. Not long after that, however, she took what she saw to be her own life in her prison cell. At first the special circumstances of her death in prison were thought suspicious by some, yet Fumiko's threats to kill herself during her testimonies left little doubt that she did take her own life—even if torture & beatings were not uncommon in Japanese prisons then, sometimes resulting in death. Intimates such as her (socialist) lawyer & anarchist comrades then & later believed she had killed herself, as a political statement. She had retorted whilst ripping to shreds the imperial pardon commuting her sentence to life imprisonment: 'You toy with people's lives, killing or allowing to live as it suits you.... Am I to be disposed of according to your whims?'[4]
     
  5. Fumiko had been arrested immediately after the Great Kantô earthquake of 1923 at the same time as patriots, including civil & military police, were doing the state the favour of ridding Japan of known or likely subversives. Those murdered included the former Bluestocking (Seitô editor & anarchist-feminist publicist , Itô Noe, who like Fumiko had been greatly inspired by egoism.[5] Noe's murder was not a legal one but, even if it had been, by now there was no danger of her losing in death the highly individualistic identity that had been important to her. In all three cases, these women were accorded the 'right' of execution, whether lawfully or unlawfully, together with their male partners.
     
  6. Inhering in these events are multiple ironies, one of which has already been suggested: the fact that women had few rights under the law & no equality, except when it came to equal 'discipline & punishment' in the sense outlined above. A further irony lay in the likelihood that in all three cases, the main targets of the authorities were the women's male partners. Suga was one of a handful of guilty defendants amongst the total of twenty-six sentenced either to death or 'life' & was even accused by lawyers in the case of being the 'ringleader' of the Meiji high treason plot—a charge that was somewhat exaggerated. Yet the undisputed leader of the anarchist wing of the early socialist movement was her lover, the anarchist theorist, Kôtoku Shûsui, who had been responsible for introducing anarchism to Japan. Kanno's interrogations reveal that the authorities were intent on ridding themselves of him, regardless of the fact that he had lost interest in the assassination plans well before their arrests.[6] Noe's partner, Ôsugi Sakae, was the subsequent leader of Japanese anarchism by the 1920s. He was a flamboyant figure whose popularity in radical Left circles derived from his being a theorist & active publicist. Since by then he had embraced anarcho-syndicalism, his influence was particularly strong in the radical wing of the union movement. Ôsugi was infamous in other circles, however. According to the mainstream press he was a dangerous troublemaker, & was the sort of radical leader targeted in the government's attempts to introduce in the early 1920s a bill to control the 'twin evils of anarchism & communism.' There must have been jubilation in some quarters on the day of his death. The captain of the squad of MPs who strangled him, Noe & a small nephew 'extra-legally' was brought to trial but let off virtually scot-free. Finally, Fumiko's partner, Pak Yeol, was not only the leader of a small group of nihilists & anarchists, but he was Korean rather than Japanese. Korea had been a Japanese 'protectorate' since 1905 & a colony since 1910, & the police kept a particularly vigilant watch on Koreans in Japan—especially students & others involved in political groups.
     
  7. The circumstances of the arrest of this group of mainly Koreans are therefore complicated both by Pak Yeol's nationality & by the fact that they were arrested just after the earthquake. After this natural disaster a massacre of some actual Japanese subversives occurred, together with potential subversives numbering hundreds of Chinese & thousands of Koreans. Clearly, most were simply ordinary laborers & the like who were unfortunate enough to become scapegoats—caught & lynched amidst the post-earthquake panic & public hysteria. Pak & Fumiko's group had called themselves the 'Futeisha' ['society of outlaws, rebels or malcontents'], satirising the way Koreans were referred to by the authorities as troublemakers. If it had not been mostly comprised of Koreans, the group probably would not have been arrested, supposedly for their own 'protection'; furthermore, the charges may not have escalated from vagrancy, to an explosives control law violation, & then to treason, with which Pak & Fumiko were ultimately charged. Pak was not entirely innocent of the charges of trying to import explosives, even of hoping to use them on the emperor or crown prince.[7] However, sympathisers had good cause to suspect a 'lawful' conspiracy to use his case both as warning to others not to resist Japanese imperialism & as a post-hoc justification of the massacre of mostly Koreans. The Japanese authorities had been censured by the foreign press & diplomats for allowing such an atrocity to occur, so the case enabled them to claim that Koreans had indeed been plotting subversion: the Pak Yeol/Futeisha case was proof positive of the real danger of Koreans' 'causing trouble' amid the post-earthquake destruction & mass confusion, trying to take advantage of it for their own rebellious ends. Ultimately, Pak's death sentence, like Fumiko's, was reduced to life imprisonment, ostensibly through the 'benevolence' of the Japanese emperor. Nevertheless, it was Pak, not Fumiko, who had always been the main target of the authorities.
     
  8. The authorities' actions (both lawful & unlawful) with respect to Suga, Noe, & Fumiko underscored a further irony. For such actions revealed a recognition that women, too, could constitute a danger to state & society in their own right. Despite hegemonic constructs of feminine nature as passive, & regardless of woman's lack of a true subjectivity of her own, independent of a male Other (emperor, parents, husband, child), she could still be almost as fearsome a potential force of disorder as a man.[8] In the minds of law—and policy-makers & conservative ideologues—woman was undeniably different, yet still she could be accorded a certain sort of 'equality' when it came to social control through force or through the force of ideas.
     
  9. In the discussion that follows, I begin with an account of how law in imperial Japan was underscored by the conviction that women, being essentially different, required even fewer rights & freedoms than those granted to men. Indeed, as I shall show, they were singled out for special attention when it came to denying them free political expression, membership & assembly. Their duties to emperor & nation were styled as different, too, though some sought to represent womanly (mothering & other nurturing) duties as equal in national import. Woman's essential difference did not save them, however, when it came to legal or extra-legal punishment for 'thought crimes' that were grave enough when committed by men, but 'unheard of' & treacherous indeed when perpetrated by women. Woman, it seems, was not always a fount of virtuous, ego-less passivity after all: despite the reinforced negative ideal of womanhood that had taken shape by 1912, the end of Meiji, she (still) had her 'yin'/dark & destructive side.[9]
     
  10. Following this account of government policies on women & dominant gender constructs, I consider how the written & unwritten 'law' on feminine difference, & the limited 'rights' & 'equalities' that went with it, did not go uncontested. Amongst those women who engaged in their own reinventions of feminine subjectivity & interpretations of sexual equality were Suga, Fumiko & Noe, each of whom advocated an 'out-law' equality that laid claim to an independent subjecthood, yet 'sameness' with their men. This included the demand that, being positioned the same politically, they should not receive special treatment due to their womanhood; they should be treated the same by state & society. & that they were ultimately—at least when it came to the political consequences of their resistance. Though some interpreters have found psycho-biographical approaches too tempting to resist, I doubt that any of the three had a 'death wish',[10] even Fumiko who was the most explicit of the three in demanding equality with her partner, especially in death. Perhaps she was not the only one of the three who felt a grim satisfaction at being accorded by the state this rare measure of equality. Unfortunately, however, their battle for equality with their men was continued beyond their deaths by various commentators, some of whom very nearly negated what they had achieved. This constitutes one final irony to be discussed in the concluding pages of the paper—the fact that well-meaning contemporaries & 'sympathetic' scholars alike have continued to gender each woman in terms of an essential feminine difference rather than sexual equality.
     
  11. The approach I take in this paper has been inspired, in large part, by my reflections on the relationship between the identity politics of these Japanese women & two broad styles of feminism often distinguished as feminisms of (sexual)) 'equality/sameness' & feminisms of (sexual) 'difference'. As used here, the latter category of 'feminisms of difference' does not refer to an emphasis on class, racial, ethnic or other differences between women, but rather to arguments for an essential sexual difference between women & men. An emphasis on an essential difference did not originate with Western 'second-wave' radical feminists & separatists (from the 1960s), though it has often been associated particularly with them—as well as with the 'French feminists', Julia Kristeva, Luce Irigaray, Hélène Cixous, & other post-/neo-Freudians or Lacanians. Their works on psycho-sexual difference & their influence are widely known.[11] Though difference-oriented feminists have added their voices to feminist critiques of traditional gender constructs of feminine/masculine difference, whether they have succeeded in transcending the essentialism that inheres in conventional constructs or have merely inverted the hierarchies involved in such binarisms is open to question. It is a question that is neither within the scope of this paper, however, nor relevant to its particular focus on feminisms of equality.
     
  12. As already intimated, there is no doubt that Suga, Noe & Fumiko all subscribed to a feminism of equality or 'sameness'. What is not so clear, however, is the question of whether one would necessarily expect anarchists to do so, especially those who adhere to individualistic anarchism. Amongst postwar second-wave feminists the tendency to emphasise women's equality to men to an extent tantamount to claiming that women are at base the same, was common amongst both liberal & socialist feminists. Morwenna Griffiths, author of a work that sets out distinctions between feminisms, especially with regard to conceptions of the self & identity politics,[12] notes that, according to the 'liberal' view, the self is 'not gendered ... [but] individuated by its particular needs & desires'; & these are much 'the same for both sexes'. Thus far, this approach is suggestive of all three women. What would not have been acceptable to them, however, is the latter part of this liberal proposition cited by Griffiths as follows: there being 'no male or female, only persons ... as soon as the playing field is levelled [legal equality achieved], everyone can go ahead & realise their own ambitions, meet their own needs, & have perfect freedom to become unequal individuals'.[13] This is not a revolutionary, nor even particularly radical vision. Even Fumiko, the least convinced of the three that a revolution in Japan (such as had occurred in Russia) would bring social equality in its wake, would have seen this proposition to be a bourgeois cloak for ongoing economic or class inequalities. Like Suga & Noe, Fumiko's was the sort of feminism of 'equality/sameness' rightly associated more with socialism. Socialism in its various forms, however, is left out of the equation by Griffiths because her model of different feminist approaches to the self or individual identity hinges upon modernist versus postmodernist (liberal & post-liberal or poststructuralist) feminisms.[14]
     
  13. The association between 'equality feminism' & both liberalism & socialism, the latter usually being seen to include anarchism, has been common but not necessarily universal. This, too, is a model. Fumiko might be seen to be an exception to the rule because, despite the fact that she was a more determined & consistent advocate of sexual equality than were Suga or Noe, she was also the least 'socialist' of the three. She & Noe, both, subscribed to a highly individualistic form of anarchism, but unlike Noe, Fumiko was not so concerned with trying to square egoism with collectivist (anarchist) struggles & goals. Fumiko was also less 'socialist' in being less idealistic & utopian than either Noe or Suga in her belief that socialist revolution would bring in its wake a new ruling class & renewed oppression of the masses. The fact that her 'socialism' is in question does not mean that she was less class-conscious than they, nor any less opposed to capitalism. The issue of whether individualistic anarchists are rightly included in the broad ranks of socialists along with collectivistic anarcho-communists or syndicalists, or whether their individualism makes them ultra-radical liberals, is open to debate. Either way, however, the general association between equality feminism & socialism & liberalism still stands: all three of these prewar Japanese advocates of what can now be seen to be a feminism of equality or sameness fit the pattern. Each of them, furthermore, demanded from the state, society, male comrades & partners a sexual equality that, arguably, was tied to a vision of social equality that was more far-reaching & meaningful than that typically held by liberals, feminist or otherwise, then or since.


    The 'Law' on Sexual Difference & 'Equal' Rights
     
  14. In imperial Japan, as elsewhere, gender constructs rested upon public-private binarisms: the Meiji maxim 'good wife, wise mother' [ryôsai kenbo] hinged upon a public-private dichotomy that was almost as strict as in earlier samurai society. Meiji law standardised restrictions on women's rights to a public voice, to property, & so on, while the State also attempted to force upon Japanese people of all classes, the so-called feudal family, the prototype of which was the rigidly stratified & phallocratic samurai ie. Through the new civil code of 1898, the government sought to lock even peasant women into this strictly patriarchal ie, treating them like legal minors subject to the authority of male family heads & educating them in the ways of premarital & marital chastity.[15] The latter did not apply to men, who under Meiji law could not be divorced on the grounds of adultery. Before Meiji, premarital sex as a prelude to the free choice of spouse was common in peasant society; divorce, too, had often been initiated by peasant women. However, the state's attempts to subject sexual & marital practices to a homogenisation (or 'samuraisation'[16]) both through law & ideological propagation was having some impact on village life even by the end of the period, 1912.[17] Though there had been some legal rights accorded to females—the right since 1872 to at least an elementary education, for example, & some new employment opportunities of varying quality for women of different classes—the question of whether the post-1868 Meiji 'revolution' represented progress for Japanese women of all classes is therefore moot.
     
  15. Related to such legal changes was the fact that the new 'good wife, wise mother' construct had gained ground particularly after the passage of the Law on Political Associations & Assembly in 1890. Under its Article Five, women were treated as a special case—required symbolically to join the exalted ranks of public servants whose ostensibly non-partisan duty to the State required them to be banned from 'political' activity. Actual & potential good wives & wise mothers were now permitted to dedicate themselves to a selfless service of modern public goals so long as they were those identified as such by the State. The only women who could be politically active in public & remain unmolested by police were those, in the Patriotic Women's Society, for example,[18] who did 'charity' work in support of war efforts from the time of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-05. Other philanthropic organisations such as Japan's own temperance union, the proto-feminist Kyôfûkai [Women's Society for Moral Reform], also tended to blur the boundaries between charitable work & politics in their fight against prostitution & concubinage.[19]
     
  16. Paradoxically, then, women who stepped over the line drawn by the state between patriotism & politics or pro- & anti-state activities were accorded equal punishment. Kanno Suga, for example, had begun serving a prison term in 1910 for a publications offence; it was while she was in prison that she was also charged with treasonous conspiracy & sentenced to death with other comrades. What was not equal was the fact that female democrats or socialists did not have the right to be as active politically as their male colleagues, given the provisions of Article Five. According to this legislation women could not join political associations or attend political meetings. In short, the state & conservative ideologues accorded women similar or different treatment, & applied varying constructs of womanly identity—as force of light or darkness, source of disorder or fount of virtue —at their own convenience.
     
  17. In some respects, the emerging hegemonic ideal of a modern woman appeared to be an advance on traditional gender constructions that had primarily been negative. Now, for example, a mother had the capacity to be wise; indeed, she was encouraged to be so. Through the new universal education system she could receive the sort of education that would enable her to educate the children she bore her husband in the 'moral' duties of modern citizenship. This applied even to his (sic) sons, so it seems that the old samurai idea that too much contact with women would result in the effeminisation of boys was losing its force.[20] Women gained a small measure of equality with the legal right to at least an elementary education; & before long higher education was also available to females—but in special colleges with a specialised feminine curriculum. Yet the new good wife-wise mother was still, essentially, a non-person because the negative logic behind the construct remained unchanged. Her Self was still, as in Confucianism & Buddhism, a non-self. Self-effacement & self-denial continued to be demanded of her, though she was granted a wider field of masculine figures for whom she could sacrifice herself. Gone were the days when a woman had 'no lord but her husband' (and his sons & paternal relatives) to venerate & obey; she could now serve the emperor, as well as his vast array of agents in public authority. In the new patriarchal 'family state' [kazoku kokka], headed symbolically by the emperor in the guise of national father-figure, it seemed that a woman could for the first time have a formal public role. But, whether she be housewife, factory girl, philanthropist or patriot, the role still had to be one of service. In reality, this was still a private role, writ large. Androcentric definitions of feminine (non)identity were now employed to show how the traditionally virtuous (i.e., samurai) woman who was nurturing & self-sacrificing could, in a modern nation, be dutiful daughter, virtuous wife & wise mother even to her national 'family'.[21]


    Resistance to Difference; & Out-law Equalities
     
  18. Little wonder, then, that feminists from the late nineteenth century in Japan directed much of their social critique at this ideological construct of 'good wife, wise mother' or at its legal counterpart, the family [ie]. They resisted it in practical ways in their everyday lives, too, often with great hardship—by working & living independently of their families, by choosing their own partners, or by stepping outside the realm of the conventional wife & mother in becoming politically active.
     
  19. Kanno Suga, Itô Noe & Kaneko Fumiko all moved in prewar Japan's small Leftist circle, & they all lived the final years of their lives in Tokyo. Suga's short career as a journalist, then increasingly radical socialist-feminist & finally anarchist was terminated just before Noe's Bluestocking & anarchist career began. Noe & Fumiko were contemporaries in Tokyo in the early 1920s but, while Fumiko appears to have been acquainted with Ösugi through lecture meetings & had probably met Noe, it is unlikely that she knew her well. The two had much in common ideologically, however, in their shared commitment to egoism. Partly through Ôsugi's writings, egoism had become popular in Japan's radical leftist circle in the second decade of the 20th century (after Suga's time), though by the twenties it had partly been displaced in Ôsugi's own thinking by anarcho-syndicalism. Though historians have tended to assume that Noe necessarily followed Ôsugi's lead, perusal of her late writings reveals a primary identification with egoism, particularly in an essay published in a feminist magazine in April 1923, Josei Kaizô , which she entitled 'The Happiness of Revivifying the Ego.'[22] Whilst anarchism was commonly seen to be the State's anthithesis or potential negation, at the individual level Noe & Fumiko could not have embraced a doctrine more absolutely opposed to the dominant gender construct of self-effacing feminine (non)-identity than moral nihilism or egoism.
     
  20. The insistence of both Noe & Fumiko on what we would now call a feminism of equality/sameness was apparently more inspired by egoism than by feminism.[23] Certainly, both of the two self-proclaimed egoists said as much, though in reality their egoism may not have been easily separable from feminist principles. This was suggested in their writings or testimonies where Noe & Fumiko each went to great lengths to emphasise their equality with their respective male partners: first & foremost, they were their comrades, not mere (common-law) wives, lovers or even friends or companions. The egoist political-personal partnerships they idealised were far from the 'good wife, wise mother' ideal; nor was this the 'bourgeois companionate ideal'[24] of love-matches or marriages. In Fumiko's case this 'comradeship' was extended to claiming to be an equal threat to society & demanding a sentence equal to Pak's, even though she expected it to be the death penalty.
     
  21. Fumiko let it slip late in the Supreme Court proceedings in 1926 that, in order to receive the same penalty as Pak, she had actually gone so far as to exaggerate her guilt in order to receive the same penalty as Pak.[25] She had not, after all, conspired with him to import bombs to use on the imperial family. He had tried to keep from her the knowledge of his attempts to procure explosives for this purpose. If he did this in an attempt to protect her, it does not suggest that he was in fact treating her as an equal. During the preliminary proceedings in 1923, Pak agreed with interrogators that Fumiko had been involved in the conspiracy only after being made aware of how she had implicated herself in it. There was good reason, therefore, for the authorities to doubt Fumiko's equal guilt of the lese majesty charge. Yet still she achieved her aim; & the fact that she was sentenced to death & then to life imprisonment together with Pak probably had much to do with her behaviour & threats whilst in custody. For example, when she finally admitted her lack of guilt with respect to the specific charge, she nevertheless added that she would have wholeheartedly supported Pak's plans to assassinate members of the imperial family (the prime symbols of class & racial inequalities), had she known of them. Fumiko was often scathing in her condemnation of social inequalities & injustice, class & racial discrimination, the authorities & even the imperial family, & she warned her captors more than once that they would come to regret it if they released her from prison. In fact, she was so impassioned in her stand, hostile & cynical toward figures of authority that the authorities subjected her to a psychological examination. Yet she was found to be quite sane.
     
  22. The claim to equality/sameness on the part of both Fumiko & Noe also extended to de-emphasising specifically female aspects of their experience. Noe was unlike Fumiko in being self-consciously a feminist & the mother of several children, yet in her late writings Noe styled herself as 'essentially' an egoist & partly for that reason, perhaps, seemed to want to avoid the subject of motherhood. She discussed the children mostly in relation to Ôsugi's ('ideal anarchist') fatherhood & their ideal revolutionary partnership. Partly, this avoidance may have been due to a desire to dissociate herself from either the conservative ideal of the 'good wife, wise mother' or from feminist maternalists whose demands for state welfare protection for working mothers she had already opposed. As Vera Mackie has pointed out, for some maternalists mother's love was so creative & powerful that it was 'the fount of all that is good, the seedbed of human compassion', & even 'the source of patriotism [and] the source of social order'.[26] Noe may have wanted to avoid being associated with this (patriotic) claim to maternal/feminine difference & superiority, but what was clearer was her apparent need as an egoist to lay claim to a selfhood independent of state & society, husband & children. The 'difference' from Ôsugi that she underlined was in the area of contributing to the Cause differently, & was the product of radical individualistic notions of the unique 'I': it did not hinge upon notions of sexual difference. The same can be said of the other self-styled nihilistic egoist, Fumiko. She recounted in one testimony that at the beginning of her political-personal partnership with Pak she had insisted that their relationship be based on mutual respect: he was to forget she was a woman & treat her just as he would any comrade.[27]
     
  23. As for Suga, it would seem that she had not always been consistent in laying claim to an equality with Kôtoku & other male comrades. Though it seems out of character for her, according to one of the defendants' lawyers, in Suga's final statement in court she attributed the conspirators' failure to realise their plans for rebellion to her 'womanly lack of spirit'.[28] If the lawyer did faithfully reproduce her words, it would seem that she was suffering from the humility expected of a woman in such a situation, especially one presuming to speak for male comrades. Elsewhere, however, her emphasis was on the commitment to anarchist struggle they shared & on the victory they would share even amidst apparent defeat. Their 'sacrifice' or their martyrdom would serve to help the Cause live on. Together with this recourse to a shared & equal triumph, Suga underlined her own personal victory, for her character was such. She said in her prison diary on January 1911, that she had 'never been prepared to accept defeat.' Furthermore, like Noe later, the one area in which Suga emphasised her difference from her sexual partner, Kôtoku, was in their different but equal contributions to the Cause. This was a difference based on her inclination to radical 'direct action' rather than theorising (this being what Kôtoku was suited for: proselytising, including communicating the news of their struggle & the trial to comrades in the international anarchist movement); it had not stemmed from her womanhood.[29]
     
  24. In their individual ways, Suga, Noe & Fumiko each resisted dominant essentialist notions of male/female difference. In the first instance, they did this by belonging to political associations & by working for radical social change together with male partners & other comrades. It should be recalled that this was against the law for women whose higher 'service' to the public or national good placed them above the divided world of politics. Women, it seems, were to be 'equal' in their contributions as modern citizens, so long as they contributed to the hegemonic notion that Japan was uniquely endowed with social 'harmony'. In addition, however, Suga, Noe & Fumiko all responded directly in their writings & testimonies to an androcentric view of women that held that in order to be true women they should sacrifice them (already non-) selves to the interests of a range of paternal figures, as well as to the welfare of their children. At this time, in this 'family state' the name of woman had to be effaced because, despite the fact that the state's antitheses or enemies could now conceivably be female, woman's identity was 'up for grabs' by anyone but woman herself.
     
  25. Those who attempted to define or, more, to assert their own 'true' selves risked being dismissed as 'hysterics' or worse. Witness the court's doubts about Fumiko's sanity, as well as the tendency during the earlier treason trial for even the defendants' lawyers to be unsympathetic to Suga, the so-called 'ringleader' of the plot, & to blame her for the plight of her comrades. She was the archetypal feminine figure of evil & destruction, it seems, while others who were equally guilty (excluding Kôtoku) would doubtless have been seen as 'sincere men of will'. It was common then & later in Japan for people to admire at least the 'sincerity' demonstrated in acts of violence, political assassinations & the like, even if they were carried out by political rivals or enemies. Being a woman, however, Suga could not share in this samurai-style popular heroism.
     
  26. It must be noted that this lack of sympathy for Suga long extended to her treatment in works of history—where her romantic liaisons & even her chastity or, rather, her lack of it, have too often been of more interest to scholars than her political writings, ideas & actions.[30] Perhaps they should have heeded Suga's own retort about men of her time which was basically a comment on hypocritical sexual double standards: they would do well to look to their own chastity & become 'good husbands & wise fathers', she said, before harping on chastity & virtue just for women.[31] To my mind, whilst each woman's representation of her sexual partnership is justifiably of interest, scholars have overlooked the part that such a representation played in her positioning of herself politically & her contestation of gendered discourses of difference. Even in relatively recent sources,[32] the romances of these anarchist women are the main focus. What this has meant is that these women have been represented in ways that diametrically oppose the political ends to which they presented themselves in relation to male partners they claimed as comrades & equals.
     
  27. Representations of Fumiko as the Japanese 'woman who sacrificed herself for Pak & Korea' are perhaps the most glaring examples of gendered constructions of her character, motives & political stand that directly contradict her own political project. On the one hand her socialist lawyer eulogises about the 'pure womanly self-sacrifice' that led her to 'die for Pak & Korea';[33] on the other Fumiko herself denies, in her prison memoir & testimonies, that the struggle for Korean liberation was her own, heaping scorn in egoistic fashion on any sort of self-sacrifice and, on a number of occasions, putting a Stirneresque view that 'the own will of me is the State's destroyer.'[34] Often, she indicated a rejection of altruistic self-sacrifice for anyone or anything (e.g., the masses), just as Noe had done a few years earlier. Yet, as noted above, Fumiko was even more sceptical than Noe of standard altruistic & utopian ideals of (communist or anarchist) revolution, & the elitism involved in them. For Fumiko, resistance constituted 'jiga shuchô', the assertion of the individual ego or will, which was the only way to counter state & ruling class power. Thus, she styled herself in the mode recommended by Stirner or Nietzsche: living life to the full (through resistance), & dying proudly in the knowledge that death, too, was for oneself & 'one's own free choice':

    One's limbs
    may not be free
    and yet—
    if one has but the will to die,
    death is freedom.[35]

    This was one of Fumiko's prison tanka, traditional short poems of 31 syllables. The 'glorious, pure self-sacrifice of woman' indeed!


    Conclusions
     
  28. In denying that they were different because of their sex & in laying claim to an 'out-law' equality that was beyond the imagination of most contemporaries, Suga, Noe & Fumiko played a part in determining their own destinies. They put themselves outside the 'law' on feminine difference in a variety of ways and, by so doing, risked more than losing a contest over their true identities—more than mere social censure anyway. Noe put herself at risk by becoming the partner of the most infamous anarchist of the day and, worse, by publicising her pride in their revolutionary partnership, commitment & achievements. Both she & Fumiko set up a contrast between their own sexual/familial relationships & conventional relationships that were 'warped' by society & relations of power. To cite another of Fumiko's poems:

    Bent over,
    watching others from beneath
    my thighs—
    the state of the world
    I need to look at, upside-down.[36]

    In Fumiko's writings the inverted, or distorted, or warped nature of modern society was a common theme.[37] This may have derived from a Marxian-style assumption of the social alienation suffered under capitalism, or perhaps from an anarchist tendency to counterpose this to a true, original way of Nature in which people could be fully human & free. Similarly, a couple of years earlier, Noe had noted in a journalistic article entitled 'A Couple's Life of Love,' that the same society that saw her & Ôsugi's anarchist life together as abnormal accepted the sort of family in which people were raised 'cowering & warped' as if in a prison.[38]
     
  29. The two 'traitors', Suga & Fumiko, refused to give the authorities the satisfaction of throwing themselves on their mercy & begging for forgiveness. The same can be said of Noe who more than once expressed fears in her writings for Ôsugi in particular, but also for the family as a whole. The two 'traitors', Suga & Fumiko, refused to give the authorities the satisfaction of throwing themselves on their mercy & begging for forgiveness. All three remained committed & defiant despite the real dangers they faced. Naturally, there were other women in their time who also demanded to be treated as equal both by comrades & political antagonists in various struggles for social justice & change. However, Suga & Fumiko took this demand to its logical conclusion when they were in prison facing the death penalty. To save themselves they might have gone the way of claiming an essential sexual difference, even the 'feminism of difference' that then existed in Japan, namely, the maternalism that emphasised, among other things, woman's intrinsic & superior peace-loving qualities. They could have thrown themselves on the sort of paternalism that might bring mercy to individuals whose prime contribution to the state was seen to be biological. ('Fancy executing actual or potential "mothers of the nation"!') To do so, however, would endanger the sort of equality to which each laid claim—an anarchistic position that ruled out special protections for women, especially those granted by a State. This, moreover, was a state whose pretensions to 'benevolence' all were sceptical of, but none more so than Fumiko, egoist par excellence.[39]
     
  30. Fumiko was, undeniably, the most dismissive of any difference in essentials between men & women & the most determined advocate of an out-law equality that would extend even to death, with her Korean ('outlaw') male partner. But she had had the examples of Suga & Noe to follow. She must have known of Suga's execution in the Meiji high treason case along with her lover & ten other comrades, & she certainly knew of the fate of Ôsugi & Noe. The following poem may have been dedicated to them:

    Sadly
    I recall the vow
    I made
    to the spirits of departed friends.
    It's SEPTEMBER 1st![40]

    SEPTEMBER 1 was the day of the earthquake in 1923 & it was shortly after it that Noe & Ôsugi were murdered & Fumiko herself arrested. Whether the reference was to them or to murdered Korean friends, one wonders what sort of 'vow' she might have made on this day of commemoration. It is impossible to know for certain. It would be consistent with her declarations elsewhere if it were a pledge to avenge those murdered, or to ensure that her destiny/death would be of her own choosing. Alternatively, it could have been a vow to die, one way or another, like Suga & Kôtoku or Noe & Ôsugi, together with her equal partner in 'crime' or, rather, in out-law passions & (identity) politics.
     
  31. Enemies & sympathisers alike would seem to have been intent on effacing not the proper names[41] but the political identities so painstakingly constructed by these three women. Yet still their own voices can be heard through all the gendered hype about 'woman' in their own time & since. One might recall that Suga-the-'woman' necessarily lacked a true will or rebellious spirit (read: manly 'sincerity'). The same defence lawyer who reported Suga's (?) words about her failure stemming from her 'womanly lack of spirit' was generally very sympathetic toward the Meiji high treason defendants, but saw her as 'absurd'. Noe-as-'woman' apparently had a passive follower-mentality, even if she was attracted to anarchism & acquainted with egoism before meeting Ôsugi & retained more of a commitment to egoism than he did—possibly because it had a particular utility for her feminism of equality. Overshadowed, no doubt, by the in/famous Ôsugi & too busy with the children to spend as much time on her own political career as she would have liked, Noe was still intent on carving out an egoist identity of her own in 1923—the year of her death.[42] Finally, & most laughably, perhaps, there was the 'Fumiko' to whose pure womanhood her lawyer attributed her capacity for self-sacrifice for her man & his country.
     
  32. The socialist lawyer, Fuse Tatsuji, made these remarks to a welcoming committee of comrades on the day Pak was finally released from prison at the close of the war in 1945, nearly twenty years after Fumiko's death. On that day Fumiko, the nihilistic egoist, would have been turning in her grave (which was, by the way, in Korea, her ashes having been taken there by comrades!) to hear his well-meant but very inventive eulogy to her. His assessment of the two's relative contributions to the struggle might appear to be near-equal. After all, even if Pak had battled his destiny & emerged victorious, as indicated in the title of Fuse's biography of him,[43] he was merely to be congratulated on his 'wonderful, farsighted survival', while all were to pay 'homage' to Fumiko's 'pure-hearted & stubborn' death in prison. According to Fuse, her taking what she saw as her own life whilst in prison symbolised a 'glorious love of her comrades that crossed ... national boundaries.' As is often the way with constructs of feminine nature, this 'homage' to woman was double-edged. Not only was Fumiko being enlisted as a martyr to a Cause (Korean nationalism) she had specifically rejected as not her own, & gendered in terms of self-sacrifice which went against the grain of her egoism; she was also being represented in terms of a sexual difference from Pak that she herself had denied. Yet, for Fuse, Fumiko's difference from Pak was apparently based on more than merely her 'womanly' impulse to self-sacrifice. Pak's 'farsighted' political stand of opting to survive his prison term was, it would seem, the more pragmatic & therefore rational of the two. One need hardly ask what it was, according to this picture of Fumiko, that lay behind her 'purehearted & stubborn' preference for death over surviving, as Pak had done, in order to carry on the struggle. If in doing so he was able to resist his 'destiny', did it mean that Fumiko had submitted to her fate? Is it 'woman's' fate to be ruled by the emotions? To return in closing to an observation I made at the beginning of the paper, in imperial Japan sexual equality had almost as many definitions as champions. Few of its champions, however, had the capacity to comprehend how far-reaching, indeed how farsighted women such as Fumiko, Noe or Suga were in their advocacy of it.


    Endnotes

    [1] This essay is similar, in part, to a recent paper on Itô Noe entitled 'Anarcho-Feminist Discourse in Prewar Japan: Itô Noe's Autobiographical Social Criticism' which I contributed to Anarchist Studies (U.K.) 9, 2 (October 2001): 97-125. This was focussed upon her egoistic resistance in her late writings & her 'autobiographical' style as itself egoistic resistance. A full-length work on the other two women discussed here, Kanno Suga & Kaneko Fumiko is: Hélène Bowen Raddeker, Treacherous Women of Imperial Japan: Patriarchal Fictions, Patricidal Fantasies, London & New York: Routledge, 1997.

    [2] Kanno Suga's prison diary, 'Shide no michikusa' (A Pause on the Way to Death) has been translated in Hane Mikiso, ed., Reflections on the Way to the Gallows: Rebel Women in Prewar Japan, New York: Pantheon, 1988, pp. 58-74. Cf. Bowen Raddeker, 'Death as Life: Political Metaphor in the Testimonial Prison Literature of Kanno Suga,' Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 29, 4 (1997): 3-12.

    [3] Kaneko Fumiko, Nani ga watashi o kôsaseta ka [What made me like this?], Tokyo: Chikuma Shobô, 1984, p. 53. This prison autobiography is available in English translation: Jean Inglis, trans., Kaneko Fumiko: The Prison Memoirs of a Japanese Woman, New York & London: M.E. Sharpe, 1991. Cf. Bowen Raddeker, 'The Past Through Telescopic Sights—Reading the Prison-Life-Story of Kaneko Fumiko,' Japan Forum 7, 2 (Autumn 1995): 155-69.

    [4] Cited in Setouchi Harumi, Yohaku no haru [Blank Spring], Tokyo: Chûkô Bunko, 1975, pp. 335-36.

    [5] On the Bluestockings see Sharon Sievers, Flowers in Salt: The Beginnings of Feminist Consciousness in Modern Japan, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983.

    [6] This was according to Kanno's police interrogations & trial testimonies, for example: Kanno's Sixth Preliminary Court Interrogation, 13 June 1910, reproduced in Kanno Sugako Zenshû [The Collected Works of Kanno Sugako], III, Shimizu Unosuke, ed., Tokyo: Kôryûsha, 1984, pp. 248-50.

    [7] Fumiko, certainly, & possibly also Pak tended to exaggerate their guilt, so it is difficult to separate bravado from reality. However, their & the group's testimonies (the authenticity of which were not questioned by defence lawyers then or later) show that there were such plans afoot. See, for example, Kaneko Fumiko, 'Tokyo District Court Preliminary Interrogation,' no. 3 (22 January 1924), in Pak Yeol, Kaneko Fumiko Saiban Kiroku [Records from the trial of...], Tokyo: Kokushoku Sensensha, 1977, pp. 15-19.

    [8] Sharon H. Nolte & Sally Ann Hastings, 'The Meiji State's Policy Toward Women, 1890-1910,' in Recreating Japanese Women, 1600-1945,ed. Gail Lee Bernstein, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1991, pp. 151-74.

    [9] This sort of point was made in Nolte & Hastings, 'The Meiji State's Policy Toward Women, 1890-1910.'

    [10] Hane Mikiso (Reflections on the Way to the Gallows) has taken a psychobiographical approach to Fumiko's character, suggesting that she had a 'death wish' & was somewhat unbalanced. However, this ignores her determination to resist & to be accorded the same treatment as her male, Korean partner.

    [11] Different feminisms (liberal, socialist, radical, & also the 'poststructuralist'/psychoanalytic feminism of Kristeva, Irigaray & Cixous) are discussed in: Chris Weedon, Feminist Practice & Poststructuralist Theory, Cambridge MA & Oxford UK: Blackwell, 1987. See, especially, pp. 14-19, 63-73.

    [12] Morwenna Griffiths, Feminisms & the Self: The Web of Identity, London & New York: Routledge, 1995.

    [13] Griffiths, Feminisms & the Self , p. 77.

    [14] Griffiths' model of two broad types of feminism, modernist & postmodernist, is based upon different conceptions of the Self as either an essentialised, 'core' or centred Self inspired by liberal-humanist individualism or an acentric/decentred Self (or multiple/dispersed Selves) inspired by theorists associated with poststructuralism such as Roland Barthes & Jacques Derrida. Her liberal vs 'post-liberal' approach leads her to overlook socialist feminism, as noted. Even more problematic is where a brand of 'socialist' feminism such as individualistic anarchism/egoism might fit into her schema. This is alluded to below, & I have discussed it in more detail in connection with Itô Noe in Bowen Raddeker, 'Anarcho-Feminist Discourse in Prewar Japan,' pp. 115-20.

    [15] Cf. Robert J. Smith, 'Making Village Women into "Good Wives & Wise Mothers" in Prewar Japan,' in Journal of Family History 8, 1 (Spring 1983): 70-84; Mariko Asano Tamanoi, 'Songs as Weapons: The Culture & History of Komori [Nursemaids] in Modern Japan,' Journal of Asian Studies 50, 4 (November 1991): 793-817.

    [16] Jean-Pierre Lehmann, The Roots of Modern Japan, Houndmills & London: Macmillan, 1982, pp. 97-8.

    [17] Such trends notwithstanding, ethnographic studies of village life much later in the 1930s still revealed more independence for peasant women in the area of sexual & marital practices: see Ella Lury Wiswell & Robert J. Smith, The Women of Suye Mura, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983; & Smith, 'Making Village Women into "Good Wives & Wise Mothers" in Prewar Japan.'

    [18] Sheldon Garon, 'Women's Groups & the Japanese State: Contending Approaches to Political Integration, 1890-1945,' in Journal of Japanese Studies 19, 1 (Winter 1993): 5-41.

    [19] As Christian opponents of concubinage & prostitution, these moral reformers had sometimes moved in the same circles as early Christian socialists, inviting state suspicion. On the Kyôfûkai, see Sievers, Flowers in Salt: Beginnings of Feminist Consciousness (especially Chapter Five, 'The Women's Reform Society'), pp. 87-113.

    [20] Winston L. King, Zen & the Way of the Sword: Arming the Samurai Psyche, Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 1993, pp. 144-48.

    [21] Nolte & Hastings, 'Meiji State's Policy toward Women.'

    [22] Itô Noe, 'Jiko o Ikasu koto no Kôfuku,' reprinted in Itô Noe Zenshû II [Collected Works, in 2 vols], Tokyo: Gakugei Shorin, 1986, pp. 495-505.

    [23] Bowen Raddeker, 'Anarcho-Feminist Discourse in Prewar Japan,' pp. 114-15.

    [24] Vera Mackie, Creating Socialist Women in Japan, 1900-1937, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, p. 52.

    [25] A copy of this statement made on 26 February 1926 in the Supreme Court in Fumiko's handwriting is included in Trial Records, pp. 739-48.

    [26] Yamada Waka, one of the more conservative of the 'Bluestockings,' cited in Mackie, Creating Socialist Women, p. 190.

    [27] Kaneko, Preliminary Court Interrogation, no. 4 (23 January 1924), in Trial Records, p. 20.

    [28] Defence lawyer, Hiraide Shû, cited in Itoya Toshio, Kanno Suga: Heiminsha no Fujin Kakumeika Zô [Kanno Suga: Portrait of a Woman Revolutionary of the Commoners' Society], Tokyo: Iwanami Shinsho, 1970, p. 197.

    [29] Kanno's Sixth Preliminary Court Interrogation (13 June 1910), in Collected Works, III, pp. 248-50.

    [30] Earlier sources were often over-influenced by the dismissive & judgmental treatment of Suga by a jilted lover, Arahata Kanson. An exception to this rule, fortunately, is the editor of the above-cited edition of her collected works, Shimizu Unosuke.

    [31] Kanno Suga, 'Hiji Deppô' ['Rebuff,' published 15 April 1906], reproduced in Kanno's Collected Works, II, pp. 111-14.

    [32] Sources in Japanese on Suga, Noe or Fumiko have often sported titles such as 'Hangyaku to Ai to' (Treason & Love), in Shisô no Kai e (Kaihô to Kakumei), 21, Josei—Hangyaku to Kakumei to Teiko to, ed. Suzuki Yûko, Tokyo: Shakai Hyôronsha, 1990, pp. 30-52.

    [33] Fuse Tatsuji, Unmei no Shôrisha, Pak Yeol [Victor over Destiny, Pak Yeol], Tokyo: Seiki Shobô, 1956, pp. 25-27.

    [34] Max Stirner, The Ego & His Own, London: Jonathan Cape, 1971.

    [35] Akai Tsutsuji no Hana: Kaneko Fumiko no Omoide to Kashû [Red Azaleas: Reminiscences of Kaneko Fumiko & her Collected Poetry], Tokyo: Kokushoku Sensensha, 1984, p. 39

    [36] Akai Tsutsuji no Hana: Kaneko Fumiko no Omoide to Kashû, p. 29.

    [37] Kaneko, Nani ga Watashi o kôsaseta ka? [Prison autobiography], pp. 91-95.

    [38] Itô Noe, 'Ai no Fûfu Seikatsu—Watashitomo o musubitsukeru mono' ['A Couple's Life of Love—What Binds us Together,' first published in Josei Kaizô, April 1923], in Collected Works, II, pp. 475-80.

    [39] Even before her arrest Fumiko had criticised Japanese pretensions to paternalistic benevolence toward Koreans. She wrote in one of the group's newspapers that those assimilationists who were so 'showy' in parading their 'love of humanity' needed first to transform Japanese colonists & the colonial authorites in Korea (where she had lived for some years as a child) into humans with whom Koreans could assimilate. Later during the trial she emphasised that under the supposedly 'godly' imperial rule by the loving 'father of the nation', children in Japan were crying with hunger, suffocating in the coal mines, being crushed to death by factory machines. 'Fumiko,' 'Omotta koto, Futatsu-Mittsu' [A Few Things on My Mind'], in Kokutô, 2 (10 August 1922): (full page numbers of article please, p. 1 reprinted in Trial Records, p. 810; & her 12th testimony (14 May 1924), in Trial Records, pp. 57-62.

    [40] Kaneko, Red Azaleas, p. 33.

    [41] Re 'proper names', it should be noted that Fumiko had even before her arrest signed her name as 'Pak Fumiko', doubtless as a political statement against discrimination against Koreans & probably also against the father who had disowned her for living with a 'base' Korean. She also legally married Pak while in prison & wore Korean national dress into the Supreme Court, as he did, to show their contempt for the legal proceedings of Japan's imperialist state. I doubt that nationality, per se, would have been important to her, however, since she had distanced her more radical 'nihilism' from the movement merely for Korean independence.

    [42] Bowen Raddeker, 'Anarcho-feminist Discourse in Prewar Japan,' pp. 114-15.

    [43] Fuse Tatsuji, Unmei no Shôrisha, Pak Yeol (readers are reminded that the title of Fuse's biography of Pak was 'Victor over Destiny').




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2006 -- MOVEABLE, NAMES FROM ARTICLE, A history of Spanish libertarian youth paper "Ruta"; Translation published in 'The Cienfuegos Press Anarchist Review' Number 4, 1978 as 'Contributions to the history of anarchism "Ruta"' by Victor Garcia (Translated by Paul Sharkey)

Run names against Encyclopedia index to add, dates to Bleed, etc.; check that the papers are in the periodical dbase

. THERE ARE LARGE EXTRACTS ALREADY IN BLEED WORK

'Juventud Libre' (Free Youth) 'Ruta's' management was successively in the hands of Fidel Miro, Jose Peirats, Manuel Peres, Santana Calero, Benito Milla, & Benjamin Cano Ruiz.

The last of 'Ruta's managers inside Spain, where it lasted until 26 January 1939, when the fascists took Barcelona, was Benjamin Cano Ruiz.

columns featured the finest pens of anarchist thinking. Felipe Alaiz had a column at the foot of the magazine's centre pages. The paper managed to keep to its regular weekly schedule. There was the eccentric doctor Diego Ruiz, Higinio Noja Ruiz, a writer who, had come from the coal pits & whose work was a marvel to us all on account of its profundity & extent. There was the poet Elias Garcia & Fontaura, & Cristóbal whom we lost track of in exile after fleeting appearances in the columns of 'Ruta' in France & of 'Cultura Proletaria' of New York. Not forgetting Lucia Sanchez Saornil, the founder of the feminist movement Mujeres Libres, & Soledad Estorach, another member of that movement & Carmen Quintana likewise;, Vicente Rodriguez Garcia (known as Viroga) another lively mind cut down in the fullness of its powers in the early years of exile; Ivar Chevik, a fine Catalan who hid his real name, Roig, behind this Slav-sounding nom de plume. & there was Liberto Sarrau whose regular column "Retractos al minuto" (up to the minute portraits) gave a sort of tongue in cheek biographies of swollen headed libertarian militants or ones who had slipped down what Sébastien Faure called the "slippery slope." Along with Amador Franco, Liberto Sarrau made up the youngest duo of writers whose work appeared in 'Ruta'.

'Ruta' had the backing of other anarchist papers like 'Ideas', 'El Quijote', 'El Amigo del Pueblo', 'Acracia' & other organs

'Muret Plenum' of 9 October 1944 in which it was laid down that the collaborationist path of the civil war in Spain was to be continued.

The first director of this exiled Ruta was a Catalan libertarian, Francisco Botey, from Maresma, staunch in his libertarian outlook in which there was no peace for deviations.

'Ruta', helped by 'Impulso' from Toulouse, & 'Solidaridad Obrera' & 'El Rebelde', both from Paris

Once again it had the backing of old, familiar contributors like Felipe Alaiz, Jose Peirats, Benjamin Cano Ruiz, Liberto Sarrau, Cristobal Garcia & Amador Franco & its pages were opened now to new talents like Raul Carballeira, Cristobal Parra, Moises Martin, Jose Galdo, Mejias Pena, Liberto Lucarini, Liberto Amoros. G. Germen & A. Roa, with Antonio Tellez outstanding as a talented illustrator without whom 'Ruta' would not have been what it came to be in that stage of its exile, deserving of a special mention.

lot of libertarians had a stand in this work, but particularly outstanding were a group of young people like Juan Cazorla, Raul Carballeira (killed on Montjuich on 26 July 1948 in an encounter with hundreds of killers operating under Qrlintela, the head of the Social Brigade, plus Guardia Civil & the "greys" or uniformed police) Liberto Sarrau, Mejias Pena, Liber Forti & others.

... publishing first hand reports from inside Spain, from the pen of Julian Fuentes, the pseudonym of a young libertarian who was its correspondent inside Spain up to the time when he too was captured in Barcelona.

1. 'Piel Roja' (Red Skin) is still a nickname for anti-collaborationist libertarians, while the moderates & advocates of collaboration are known as 'pajaros carpinteros' (woodpeckers) a term lifted from Rudolf Rocker's work: 'The Curse of Practicality'.

While Peirats

1948 'Ruta's publication was suspended, something which young libertarians in France attempted to remedy with the publishing of 'Neueva Senda' (New Route) as an internal bulletin with the choice of name attempting to maintain some connection with 'Ruta' (Road), but the paper died out a few years later. had been staying in America 'Ruta' had published long articles by him, which were later collected & published as 'Estampas del Exilio en America' (Portraits from Exile in America). The illustrations for issues of 'Ruta' were by Jesus Guillen, "Guilember" arguably, along with Antonio Lamolla, the most outstanding painter & illustrator 'Ruta' was able to call upon.

Venezuela: Apart from Victor Garcia, who has occupied the position of editor in chief since its inception, its contributors have included such renowned anarchists as Gaston Leval, Octavio Alberola, Benjamin Cano Ruiz, Fontaura, Jose Vallina, Carlos Zimmerman, Lone, Elgen Relgis, Marcelino Garcia, Ismale Viadiu, Munoz Cota, Cosme Paules, Vladimir Munoz, Pedro Bargallo, Felix Alvarez Ferreras, Floreal Castilla, Hermoso Plaja, Jose Peirats, Campio Carpio, Serrano Gonzalez, Solano Palacio, Panayot Chivicot, Tato Lorenzo & others. In connection with the first stage, mention must be made of the contribution made by Vicente Sierra, a tireless worker whose A.B. Dick offset

newcomers like Tomas Cano Ruiz, Angel Cappelletti, Nicolas Walter, Paul Avrich, David Wieck, Jose Ribas, Francisco Olaya, Murray Bookchin, Juan Gomez Casas, Carlos M. Rama, Eduardo Vlvancos, Salvador Cano Carrillo, Carlos Diaz, Floreal Castilla, Quipo Amauta . . . http://struggle.ws/revolt/spain/ruta.html



2006 -- added to german wiki

muehsam *[http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/Encyclopedia/NettlauMax.htm Max Nettlau page] Anarchist Encyclopedia (englisch) *[http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/Encyclopedia/RockerRudolf.htm Rudolf Rocker page] Anarchist Encyclopedia (englisch) *[http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/Encyclopedia/MalatestaErrico.htm Errico Malatesta page] Anarchist Encyclopedia (englisch)




2006 -- MOVEABLE, MOVE TO BLEEDWORK Clastres Pierre, anthropologue anarchiste

Clastres (1934-1977)est le créateur de la notion de Mode de Production Domestique (MPD). Il montre, que par son organisation anarchique, le MPD fonctionne comme une machine anti-production, hostile à la formation de surplus, condition nécessaire à l'instauration d'un pouvoir séparé de type étatique. Oeuvres et textes.

Chronicle of The Guayaki Indians by Pierre Clastres, Paul Auster (Translator)

"Clastres was a French anthropologist who lived with the Guayaki, a little-known Paraguayan Indian tribe, in the early 1960s. A decade later, novelist Paul Auster, then living in Paris, was so impressed by Clastres' extraordinary chronicle, he dedicated himself to translating it for publication, a mission doomed to failure for 20 years, long enough for Clastres to die & for the Guayaki to vanish. Auster tells this sad tale in his introduction, which is essentially a missing chapter from his memoir, Hand to Mouth , & ends by concluding that at least we have the book. But this is no mere consolation prize, this is cause for jubilation.

Clastres comes alive in Auster's clarion translation. His frank respect for the Guayaki enlivens his insightful first-person account of their experiences together, while scorn for Western stereotyping of "savages" simmers beneath his riveting interpretation of their cosmology. Clastres' illuminating report on Guayaki life preserves the spirit of a lost culture that was in profound accord with the earth."

http://perso.wanadoo.fr/libertaire/archive/2000/228-mai/clastres.htm


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2006 -- MOVEABLE BLEEDWORK; Mexican anarchist chronology, copy saved in archives http://www.antorcha.net/biblioteca_virtual/historia/com/casaobreromundial.html


2006 -- Lista de anarquistas portugueses / list of portuguese anarchists Origem: Wikipédia, a enciclopédia livre.

José Correia Pires, Adriano Botelho, Aurélio Quintanilha, Francisco Quintal, Jaime Brasil, Antonio Pinto Quartin, Jorge Quaresma, Sebastião de Almeida, Fernando Barros, Adolfo Lima, Hilário Marques, Júlio Gonçalves Pereira, Armindo Sarilho, José Augusto de Castro, Augusto Godinho, Joaquim Moreira da Silva, António Dias Fontes, Mário Ferreira, Cristiano de Carvalho, José Rodrigues Reboredo, Margarida Barros, Virgínia Dantas, Luis Portela, Aníbal Dantas, Raul Zacarias, António Libório, Arnaldo Simões Januário, Deolinda Lopes Vieira, Clemente Vieira dos Santos, Miquelina Sardinha, Serafim Cardoso Lucena, Manuel F. Correia, Jaime Rebelo, António José Ávila, Campos Lima, Darwin Castelhano, António Teixeira Júnior, Almeida Costa, José de Almeida, Adolfo de Freitas, José Vaz Rodrigues, Valentim Adolfo João, António Alves Pereira, Manuel Joaquim de Sousa, José Francisco, Américo Martins Vicente, Artur Modesto, Augusto Tiago Ferreira, Luís Redondo, Pedro Ferreira da Silva, Álvaro A. de Oliveira, Helena Gonçalves, Mário Azevedo, Soares Lopes, Abílio Ribeiro, João Martins, João Silva, Miguel Correia, Alberto Dias, António Aleixo, José Marques da Costa, José António Machado, Alexandre Belo, Adriano Pimenta, Luísa Adão, Lígia de Oliveira, Eduardo Pereira, José Benedey, Mário Castelhano, Custódio da Costa, Álvaro da Costa Ramos, Miguel Alves, Pedro Matos Felipe, Emidio Santana, Abílio Gonçalves.

brazilian: José Oiticica (1882 - 1957)
Maria Lacerda de Moura (1887 - 1945) - Anarquista Feminista
Domingos Passos
Florentino de Carvalho (1889 - 1947) http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lista_de_anarquistas_brasileiros http://pt.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Lista_de_anarquistas_brasileiros&action=edit http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lista_de_anarquistas_portugueses


2006 -- The platformist Fédération communiste libertaire (FCL), in Pattieu’s assessment, was more pragmatic. It articulated an official position of “critical support” for the MNA. It also cultivated links to the small anarchist movement that existed in Algiers in 1954. & it avoided condemning the FLN. Members of the FCL, like the Trotskyists, invested real hope in what they perceived to be a workers’ revolution which they believed would spread beyond Algeria, & Pattieu suggests that in spite of their official “critical” stance, this enthusiasm prompted their more or less unconditional support for the revolution. This support seems to have mainly taken the form of propaganda: flyers, posters, and newspapers. Members of the FCL used their paper, Le Libertaire, to publish articles & communiqués in support of the anti-colonial uprisings in Algeria from 1954 onward. Consequently, the state seized issues of Le Libertaire seven times between 1954 & 1956. The five editors of the paper were repeatedly prosecuted by the Ministry of the Interior. FCL activists were detained & interrogated on numerous occasions by French police in relation to the publication. Anarcho-communist Pierre Morain, for example, was prosecuted on charges related to the distribution of pro-revolutionary flyers & to the publication of two pro-MTLD articles in Le Libertaire. As a result, he spent a year & a half in jail. Ultimately, the criminalization & surveillance of the FCL activists contributed significantly to its dissolution in 1956, well before Algerian independence.
http://www.infoshop.org/inews/article.php?story=04/06/22/0244797


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3000 -- jean shepherd http://www.spacelab.net/~bkaye/Shep.html


3002 -- Wal-Mart Public Secret Site of the Day:

"Work, buy, consume...... http://209.76.37.160/core/catalog/index.html


3500 -- Henry David Thoreau anarchist

Writer of one of the greatest & most influential classics of American radicalism: " Civil Disobedience", which was written as a lecture for the Concord, Massachusetts, lyceum in January 1848. Over the years it has served a powerful inspiration for Tolstoy, Gandhi & the Industrial Workers of the World, as well as for contemporary activists in the civil rights, anti-war & radical environmentalist movements.

"How does it become a man to behave toward this American government today? I answer, that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it.... Under a government which imprsons any injustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison." - Thoreau


3500 -- Peter Alexeyevich Kropotkin (1842-1921) anarchist

Born in Moscow to an aristocratic family, Kropotkin was originally destined for a military career. After his education at a select military school where his interests in Russian politics & natural science became firm, he chose service with a Siberian regiment where his experiences in studying reform were to shape his thought.

As an official in Siberia, in 1862, he made important geographical & anthropological investigations that yielded valuable results in correcting distortions in map representation. At the social level, he concluded that State action was ineffective while mutual aid was of great importance in the struggle for existence. He made a reputation in science & in his thirtieth year was faced with the decision of proceeding with his career or indulging political impulses. He renounced a scientific career.

Kropotkin joined the International in 1872 but was soon disappointed with its limitations. The well-known events that led to a split brought the Interntional to two opposite paths. The federative & libertarian wing drew Kropotkin's loyalties. Returning to Russia, after having fully worked out his theories & in order to propagate them, he was there arrested.

After a dramatic escape in 1876 he made his way to England & then to Switzerland to rejoin the Jura Federation, to Paris & back to Switzerland to edit Le Revolte.

The assassination of the Czar led to his expulsion. He fled to England & resumed his researches on the French Revolution. Discouraged by the political atmosphere, he & his wife returned to Paris. With others they were arrested in 1882 & tried in a spectacular public trial in which the accused conducted a brilliant defense enabling them to preach anarchism to Europe.

Returning to Russia after the 1905 Revolution, the remainder of his life was devoted to his writings. Among the best known of his works are, The Conquest of Bread; Fields, Factories & Workshops; Mutual Aid; & the unfinished Ethics.

(from Irving Horowitz, The Anarchists, 1964, Dell Publishing) "All things for all men, since all men have need of them, since all men worked to produce them in the measure of their strength, & since it is not possible to evaluate everyone's part in the production of the world's wealth... All is for all!"

KROPOTKIN, PETER ALEXEIVICH (1842 -1921)

Kropotkin, born into the Russian nobility, was known as the "Anarchist Prince." He eschewed authority of any kind and, like fellow anarchist Bakunin, advocated spontaneous & communal action to displace the authority of the State. He argued that the principles of 'self-interest" & 'survival of the fittest" were Darwinian distortions of human nature, & that the principle of "mutual aid" was the fundamental drive of human nature & social evolution.

MAJOR WORKS

MUTUAL AID {} THE CONQUEST OF BREAD {} THE STATE: ITS HISTORIC ROLE MODERN SCIENCE & ANARCHISM

NOTABLE QUOTES

"All things for all men, since all men have need of them, since all men worked to produce them in the measure of their strength, & since it is not possible to evaluate everyone's part in the production of the world's wealth... All is for all!"

"In order that the revolution should be something more than a word, in order that the reaction should not lead us back tomorrow to the situation of yesterday, the conquest of today must be worth the trouble of defending; the poor of yesterday must be worth the trouble of defending; the poor of yesterday must not be poor tomorrow."

"Lenin is not comparable to any revolutionary figure in history. Revolutionaries have had ideals. Lenin has none."

"Vladimir Ilyich [Lenin], your concrete actions are completely unworthy of the ideas you pretend to hold."

'sociability is as much a law of nature as mutual struggle... mutual aid is as much a law of animal life as mutual struggle."

"The two great movements of our century — towards Liberty of the individual & social co-operation of the whole community--are summed up in Anarchist-Communism."

"[U]nless Socialists are prepared openly & avowedly to profess that the satisfaction of the needs of each individual must be their very first aim; unless they have prepared public opinion to establish itself firmly at this standpoint, the people in their next attempt to free themselves will once more suffer a defeat."

http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/Encyclopedia/KropotkinPeter.htm


3500 -- Ralph Chaplin IWW quote ARCHIVE Mourn not the dead

Mourn not the dead that in the cool earth lie-- Dust unto dust-- The calm sweet earth that mothers all who die As all men must; Mourn not your captive comrades who must dwell-- Too strong to strive-- Within each steel bound coffin of a cell, Buried alive; But rather mourn the apathetic throng — The cowed & the meek — Who see the world's great anguish & its wrong & dare not speak!

— Ralph Chaplin

We respect the Industrial Workers of the World as one of the social & political movements in modern times that draws no color line.

— W.E.B. DuBois, June 1919



http://www.iww.org/


3500 --

Biographies

Biographies

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