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-- Beautiful is the chance encounter, on an operating table, of a sewing machine & an umbrella.

~ ~ Lautreamont

It stands to reason that self-righteous, inflexible, single-minded, authoritarian true believers are politically organized. Open-minded, flexible, complex, ambiguous, anti-authoritarian people would just as soon be left to mind their own fucking business.

~ ~ R.U. Sirius, from How To Mutate & Take Over The World

I'd go down on a leper if I thought it would end the Viet Nam war.

~ ~ Mick Jagger, 1968

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-- According to Gore Vidal's memoir *Palimpcest*, John & Bobby K. privately referred to Baldwin as "Martin Luther Queen." --


-- "Hawk's Nest Coal Company Strike, January 1880" "`Tell the Boys to Fall in Line'" ... 32/4/224 "A Judicious Mixture: Negroes & Immigrants in the West Virginia Mines, 1880-1917" ... 34/2/141 "`Grim Visaged Men' & the West Virginia National Guard in the 1912-13 Paint & Cabin Creek Strike" ... 41/2/111 "A Temptation to Lawlessness: Peonage in West V http://www.wvlc.wvnet.edu/history/journal_wvh/wvh50-2.html


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Vietnam: 1,500,000 How Many More?
-- "History is made at night. Character is what you are in the dark." — Lord John Whorfin, "The Adventures of Buckaroo Bonzai: Across the 8th Dimension" ?



-- Ruggiero Romano. (1923-2002) dies, Paris, France. École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales in Paris. I do not locate myself, because I am an individualistic anarchist... & my model of society is with an almost nonexistent state. The State works bad in all the countries, to eliminate it completely would be ideal... Braudel’s disciples included Italian pioneers, Ruggiero Romano. One of the most important exponents of the economic historiography in the second half of the 20th Century


-- (it) A-Rivista Anarchica n.289: Gli anarchici contro il fascismo (Pt.VI) From worker-a-infos-it@ainfos.ca (Flow System) Date Mon, 12 May 2003 10:52:06 +0200 (CEST) ________________________________________________ A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E http://www.ainfos.ca/ http://ainfos.ca/index24.html ________________________________________________ Gli anarchici contro il fascismo 1919-1945 (e oltre). Sulle barricate, in carcere, al confino, in Spagna, nella clandestinità. ANARCHICI AD IMOLA Gli anarchici imolesi dal primo sorgere del movimento fascista fino e durante la Resistenza. Il 1920 segna la riorganizzazione definitiva degli anarchici imolesi che danno vita a due folti gruppi: il gruppo giovanile anarchico e l’USI. In tutto i giovani che si impegnavano attivamente erano una ottantina: organizzavano dibattiti, conferenze, comizi e cercavano di realizzare una stretta unità con i giovani socialisti. L’attività sindacale era diretta soprattutto verso quelle categorie come i muratori, gli infermieri, gli imbianchini, i Francesco Barbieri, i metallurgici ed i camerieri che non erano seguiti dalla Camera del Lavoro (aderente alla CGL) impegnata com’era nell’agitazione agraria e quindi nell’organizzazione delle categorie agricole. La preparazione rivoluzionaria degli anarchici cresceva ogni giorno, per cui non si trovarono sprovvisti di fronte al fascismo. Infatti il 28 ottobre 1920 Dino Grandi, allora giovane avvocato di Mordano (comune vicino ad Imola), poi uno dei più grandi gerarchi fascisti, subisce un attentato: gli vengono sparati contro quattro colpi di rivoltella che, (purtroppo) non lo colpiscono. Si attribuisce il fatto agli anarchici e i socialisti declinano ogni responsabilità. In effetti gli autori dell’attentato risultano essere veramente anarchici che, nel momento in cui il fascismo nascente si appoggia a giovani studenti infiammati di patriottismo e di spirito reazionario e di odio verso il socialismo, hanno intuito in Grandi un possibile futuro nemico. Il 1920 si conclude con il tentativo, da parte dei fascisti di crearsi le premesse per poter penetrare in Imola, ma fino al giugno del 1921 i fascisti ad Imola non hanno voce in capitolo. Gli anarchici partecipano, con i giovani socialisti, che poi passeranno in massa al PCd’I, alla formazione delle "guardie rosse" a cui è affidato il compito di difendere Imola dalle squadracce provenienti da Bologna. I fascisti infatti avevano già "assoggettato" Castel S. Pietro e si servivano di questo comune come base per le incursioni nei paesi vicini e soprattutto per distruggere il mito di "Imola rossa" e della combattività degli imolesi, dovuta alla cinquantennale propaganda anarchica e socialista e al grande prestigio che aveva avuto Andrea Costa. I fascisti bolognesi fanno vari tentativi fin dal novembre, sempre sconsigliati però dalla autorità locale e dagli stessi capi socialisti perché l’eccezionale livello di mobilitazione del popolo avrebbe provocato una "carneficina". Ma il 14 dicembre una colonna di fascisti in camion tenta di venire ad Imola. Il servizio di informazione scatta immediatamente e tutta la popolazione armata, chiamata dal campanone comunale che suona a stormo, scende in piazza. Le cinque squadre di "guardie rosse" si dispongono nei punti strategici della città e gli anarchici collocano due mitragliatrici all’ingresso di Imola, sulla Via Emilia, in modo da prendere i fascisti in un fuoco incrociato. Anche questa volta i fascisti non vengono, pare che Romeo Galli, socialista, telefonasse al Sindaco di Ozzano per pregarlo di dissuaderli. Ma i fascisti avevano intuito quale era il mezzo più efficace per entrare a Imola: lasciare che una snervante attesa fiaccasse la difesa degli imolesi. Figure squallide Così, con l’appoggio dei popolari, fanno le loro prime apparizioni fino a lanciare un attacco in grande stile. Il 10 aprile, durante una processione organizzata dal Partito Popolare, arrivano i fascisti provenienti da Castel S. Pietro: l’esercito e i carabinieri occupano il centro per difendere dal popolo gli squadristi. Il 28 maggio i fascisti danno l’assalto al Circolo ritrovo socialista, naturalmente di sera. Un gruppo di essi, nascosto nell’ombra dei giardini pubblici, si prepara ad attaccare con pugnali, bombe a mano e rivoltelle. Mentre parte di essi entrano nel circolo, altri, fuori, sparano all’impazzata per impedire alla gente di accorrere. Il bilancio dell’assalto e di sette feriti e la distruzione di parte delle suppellettili, registri, ecc., poste nei locali in cui aveva sede anche la redazione del settimanale socialista "La lotta" e la sezione socialista. La reazione comincia a prendere piede apertamente anche ad Imola, i capi socialisti fuggono a S. Marino e torneranno solo a settembre, a bufera momentaneamente passata. Così la reazione armata fascista colpisce le avanguardie mentre la massa è disorientata e impaurita. Il 26 giugno i fascisti con Dino Grandi, Gino Baroncini, ecc. inaugurano il gagliardetto di combattimento sotto gli occhi soddisfatti della gretta borghesia locale. I fascisti locali, figure squallide, in alcuni casi addirittura malati di mente, trovano appoggio negli agrari che li esaltano, li ubriacano con soldi e vino, e lo stretto collegamento col gruppo già forte del fascismo bolognese li fa sentire improvvisamente padroni della piazza quando in 100 contro uno protetti dalla polizia, si scagliano contro le avanguardie rivoluzionarie. I primi ad essere colpiti sono gli anarchici, poi i socialisti ed infine la reazione si abbatte su tutto il proletariato. Il 10 luglio vi sono i fatti della Birreria Passetti in cui, fallito il tentativo di alcuni fascisti di uccidere l’anarchico Primo Bassi (1892-1972), si costruisce una montatura per accusarlo della morte del rag. Gardi, estraneo ai fatti e rimasto ucciso nella sparatoria. Racconta Primo Bassi: "Il 10 luglio 1921 una squadra di fascisti imolesi iniziava le prime azioni di violenza indiscriminata. Alle ore 10 di sera, incontrato un muratore - tal Campomori - lo colpirono con randellate al capo sino a che, sanguinante, poté rifugiarsi nella birreria Passetti, in quel momento affollata di clienti. Fu allora che notai un giovincello che, battendomi un giunco sulla spalla, mi invitava ad uscire. Accondiscesi, ma dopo pochi passi nell’ampio cortile fui circondato dalla squadra che pretese perquisirmi e quando, palpate le tasche, furono persuasi fossi inerme, iniziarono la bastonatura. Con una spinta mi aprii il passo verso l’uscita e, guadagnando l’uscita sotto le percosse, fui raggiunto da una randellata allo zigomo sinistro che per poco non mi abbatté al suolo. Voltandomi di scatto fu allora - solo allora - che l’istinto di conservazione prevalse in me. Il fascista Casella mi era quasi addosso con l’arma in pugno ed io - già estratta la pistola dalla cintura dei pantaloni - gli sparai contro colpendolo ad una gamba. Sparai ancora in aria un colpo e mentre attorno era tutta una sparatoria fuggii per via Aldovrandi per consegnarmi ai carabinieri sopraggiunti, ferito da una pallottola di rimbalzo. Accompagnato in caserma prima ed all’ospedale poi, fui tempestato di pugni sino a che un infermiere, il socialista Maiolani, non intervenne a redarguirli. Intanto all’interno della birreria un cittadino - voluto poi fascista - era stato colpito dal basso all’alto da un colpo di rivoltella, decedendo. I fascisti si impadronirono di quel morto ed iniziarono una violenta reazione contro uomini e cose". La stessa sera numerose squadre di fascisti percorrono le vie della città, sparando all’impazzata con lo scopo di impaurire. Caccia al sovversivo Poi assalgono la sede dell’Unione Sindacale, distruggendo sistematicamente tutto ciò che trovano: devastano gli uffici delle leghe, la redazione del giornale anarchico "Sorgiamo", il circolo ritrovo, la ricca biblioteca. Tutto ciò che non si può dare alle fiamme nel piazzale sottostante è reso completamente inservibile. Il lunedì continua per le vie di Imola la caccia al sovversivo. Viene arrestato il maestro anarchico Ciro Beltrandi per aver sparato all’ex repubblicano Mansueto Cantoni, diventato segretario del fascio locale. Viene picchiato selvaggiamente coi calci di moschetto alla schiena, tanto da morire nel 1941 a Bruxelles in seguito alla tubercolosi, provocata dalle botte fasciste. Anche il responsabile de "Il Momento", giornale della Federazione Provinciale Comunista Bolognese e organo della Camera del Lavoro di Imola, Romeo Romei viene aggredito e, ferito gravemente al petto con un colpo di rivoltella lasciato per terra moribondo; Ugo Masrati, bracciante agricolo anarchico, mentre è tranquillamente addetto in un’aia come paglierino ai lavori di trebbiatura, viene assassinato dai fascisti. Alla tipografia Galeati, pena l’incendio, si impedisce di stampare il periodico anarchico "Sorgiamo". Si vieta alle edicole di vendere giornali "sovversivi", come "Umanità Nova" e "Ordine Nuovo". Ma il movimento anarchico non è ancora definitivamente abbattuto, bisogna quindi ancora colpirlo, ancora assassinare. La sera del 21 luglio ’21 cinque fascisti si recano in un’osteria alle Case Gallettino con lo scopo ben preciso di colpire un altro anarchico che si era sempre distinto per il suo coraggio, Vincenzo Zanelli, detto Banega, muratore, anarchico. Arrestato per i moti del carovita del luglio 1919, era stato di nuovo arrestato nel 1921 senza un’imputazione precisa e rilasciato dopo 20 giorni. Da allora non era più stato lasciato in pace dai fascisti. Raggiunto con altri due anarchici - Farina e Tarozzi - dai fascisti, viene colpito ma, mentre gli altri due anarchici disarmati fuggono, egli a terra si difende e uccide il suo aggressore, il fascista Nanni, di professione ladro. Ormai quasi tutti gli anarchici imolesi più in vista sono eliminati. L’uccisione del giovane fascista Andrea Tabanelli serve da pretesto per manovre contro gli anarchici: caduta la prima accusa contro l’anarchico Diego Guadagnini, viene accusato il cugino Enrico Guadagnini e i fascisti fanno altre rappresaglie: compiono un altro assalto alla sede dell’USI e ammazzano a randellate in testa Raffaele Virgulti, mutilato di guerra anarchico. uccisi, carcerati o confinati Messi in condizione di non nuocere i compagni migliori come Diego Guadagnini e Primo Bassi (condannato a 20 anni nonostante che la perizia balistica avesse dimostrato che il proiettile che uccise Gardi non apparteneva all’arma di Bassi), uccisi tanti dei migliori come Leo Bianconcini, Vincenzo Zanelli, Raffaele Virgulti, carcerati o confinati tantissimi altri come Tarozzi, Baroncini, Farina, Errani, i fratelli Tinti, Tonini, ecc., il movimento anarchico imolese darà il suo contributo alla lotta di Liberazione in Italia nel 44-45 e, precedentemente, in Spagna nel 1936. Gruppi Anarchici Imolesi ANARCHICI A PIOMBINO L’attivo impegno degli anarchici piombinesi contro il fascismo, prima e durante la Resistenza. Nei primi mesi del 1921, quando già in tutta la Toscana si è scatenata l’offensiva fascista, Piombino non conosce ancora la violenza squadrista e ancora per più di un anno resisterà al cerchio nero che la stringe. A differenza di altri luoghi, a Piombino il fascismo nasce all’ombra delle ciminiere con il denaro dei "dirigenti" dell’ILVA e della Magona, le due fabbriche siderurgiche più importanti della città, occupate nel ’20 dagli operai armati. Questi due colossi industriali non forniscono solo i finanziamenti, ma anche i gregari per le azioni teppistiche trasformando in squadracce nere le guardie dei due stabilimenti, gente abituata da sempre all’odio antioperaio. Tuttavia questi primi fenomeni del l’ondata fascista non trovano lo spazio per ingrandirsi e attecchire perché circoscritti da una classe lavoratrice estremamente combattiva e rivoluzionaria, fortemente influenzata sia dagli anarchici, sia dagli anarcosindacalisti della locale Camera del Lavoro federata all’USI. Per avere un’idea di questa influenza basta guardare i risultati delle elezioni politiche del ’19, con 3.483 schede bianche contro 1.487 voti socialisti, su un totale di 6.098 votanti ed alla composizione delle Commissioni Interne dell’ILVA e della Magona con 15 delegati anarcosindacalisti dell’USI contro i 5 delegati socialisti e comunisti della FIOM. È così che alla fatidica "marcia su Roma" nell’ottobre del ’22, il fascismo piombinese non arriva nemmeno a cento teppisti. Prima del ’22 i fascisti locali non osano tenere i loro raduni nella città; anzi ogni volta che lo squadrismo pisano, senese o fiorentino compiva qualche "impresa" doveva subire l’ira degli anarchici e degli Arditi del Popolo. Il lento affermarsi del fascismo a Piombino in certa misura è da attribuirsi anche all’azione sprovveduta della CGL e del Partito Socialista che, assieme agli esponenti dei vari partiti, degli industriali e dei fasci di combattimento, forma un Comitato Cittadino per pacificare la città e risolvere la crisi dell’industria siderurgica che minacciava di chiudere, licenziando tutte le maestranze. Questo riconoscimento ufficiale delle forze socialiste verso il nascente fascismo è l’equivalente locale della stessa politica che a livello nazionale porterà al Patto di Pacificazione fra fascisti e socialisti. Sarà proprio il Comitato Cittadino che, purgato dagli elementi socialisti, prenderà in mano l’amministrazione di Piombino dopo la conquista della città. Ovviamente a questo Comitato Cittadino sia gli anarchici che la Camera del Lavoro federata all’USI rifiutano di partecipare, ribadendo che non è possibile nessuna pacificazione sia con gli industriali sia con i fasci di combattimento, ma che anzi è dovere rivoluzionario scendere nelle piazze e combattere per soffocare la violenza fascista. Furono infatti proprio gli anarchici e gli anarco-sindacalisti i maggiori sostenitori e attivisti degli Arditi del Popolo. Per iniziativa del deputato socialista Giuseppe Mingrino si era costituito a Piombino il 144° battaglione degli Arditi del Popolo, cui aderivano gli anarchici e l’ala comunista del Partito Socialista, che dopo poco esce dal partito per formare il Partito Comunista. Presto però i comunisti usciranno da queste formazioni operaie di difesa ed anzi una circolare dell’esecutivo del PCd’I diffida tutti i militanti dall’entrare negli Arditi o anche solo di avere contatti con loro. Dopo questa defezione, gli Arditi del Popolo a Piombino saranno costituiti quasi esclusivamente da elementi anarchici e anarcosindacalisti e saranno loro a sostenere le lotte dure e spesso sanguinose che impediranno, nella metà del ’22, ai fascisti di entrare a Piombino. L’attentato al socialista Mingrino, il 19 luglio 1921, fa scattare per la prima volta gli Arditi. Essi attaccano il "covo" dei fascisti piombinesi ma lo trovano deserto, quindi casa per casa e nei luoghi di lavoro catturano i fascisti e costringono un loro capo, il direttore del Cantiere navale, a firmare un atto di sottomissione. Le Guardie Regie corse in aiuto dei fascisti vengono sopraffatte e disarmate. Solo dopo alcuni giorni la reazione degli Arditi termina e le forze dell’ordine riescono a riprendere il controllo della città. Intanto il 2 agosto socialisti e fascisti firmano a Roma il Patto di Pacificazione. Gli Arditi affiggono a Piombino un manifesto: "Non vi può essere nessuna possibilità di pace, in questo momento, tra il proletariato piombinese e i suoi sfruttatori... gli arditi del popolo resteranno vigili ed armati contro gli sgherri neri". Il 3 settembre l’anarchico Giuseppe Morelli sorpreso ad affiggere manifesti contro il Patto di Pacificazione reagisce con la pistola alle guardie regie ed ai fascisti, rimanendo ucciso nel conflitto. Durante la notte, prevedendo la reazione degli anarchici, la Polizia irrompe nelle abitazioni e nei luoghi di lavoro (durante i turni notturni) arrestando oltre 200 compagni. Privati gli arditi e gli anarchici dei loro militanti politici e sindacali più attivi, i fascisti capirono che quello era il momento per sferrare il loro attacco. Prima incendiarono la sezione socialista, poi la Camera Confederale e la tipografia la Fiamma, e quindi si diressero verso la Camera del Lavoro sindacale, ma si scontrarono con una pattuglia di giovani anarchici, fra cui: Landi, Lunghi, Venturini, Marchionneschi, Panzavolta, Franci, Messena Lucarelli. Giungevano nel frattempo gruppi di operai e la polizia fu costretta ad arrestare i fascisti per salvarli dalla sana ira popolare. Racconta Armando Armando Borghi: "Una conferenza la tenni a Piombino, presente il deputato comunista Misiano. I fascisti lo avevano scacciato dal Parlamento, minacciandolo di morte, e lui si era rifugiato sotto la protezione degli anarchici, nella cittadina toscana, tenuta ancora dai nostri alla fine del 1921". I fascisti tentarono la conquista di Piombino il 25 aprile del ’22, ma giunti alla periferia della città, trovarono gli anarchici e gli Arditi che rapidamente misero in fuga le camice nere. Frattanto, dopo la riapertura degli stabilimenti siderurgici, manovrando abilmente con le assunzioni discriminate per rendere più debole la compattezza operaia (Piombino anche allora era una città-fabbrica) le direzioni aziendali preparavano il colpo definitivo, essendosi anche assicurata la totale collaborazione del Comitato Cittadino. Un’altra vittima fu il giovane anarchico Landi Landino (21 maggio 1922), che i fascisti tenevano presente come il principale artefice delle loro "ritirate". Il 12 giugno (dopo un incidente appositamente creato dove rimaneva ucciso uno studente fascista e per i funerali del quale giunsero in città i fascisti di tutta la zona) gli squadristi e le guardie regie inviate da Pisa a "ristabilire l’ordine" si impadronivano della città. Dapprima occupano il Comune e la Pretura, poi i fascisti assaltano e distruggono le sedi del Partito Socialista e della CGL. Per tutta la notte e tutto il giorno dopo, con centinaia di assalti, le squadracce tentano la conquista della Camera Sindacale dell’USI e della tipografia del giornale anarchico "Il martello", sempre respinti. Solo dopo un giorno e mezzo di combattimento, fascisti e guardie regie riescono a piegare anche gli anarchici. Il fascismo era passato anche a Piombino ed i compagni più in vista trovarono scampo nell’espatrio; altri dovettero subire persecuzioni e angherie durante tutto il regime fascista. Prendiamo ad esempio le vicende di due compagni: Egidio Fossi e Adriano Vanni. Egidio Fossi, condannato nel ’20 dalle Assise di Pisa a 12 anni e 6 mesi, 2 anni dei quali trascorsi in segregazione a Portolongone, gli altri in varie galere. Venne liberato per amnistia nel mese di ottobre 1925, fu poi perseguitato ripetutamente, ammonito e minacciato dai fascisti, finché espatriò clandestinamente in Francia. Anche all’estero non sfuggì alla persecuzione e comincio così la vita randagia del fuoriuscito, braccato anche dalla polizia francese. Alla notizia che in Spagna il popolo era insorto contro il tentativo di "golpe" franchista, non mise tempo in mezzo e raggiunse nell’agosto 1936 la colonna italiana Francisco Ascaso; partecipando a tutte le azioni sul fronte aragonese di Huesca, rimanendo a combattere in Spagna fino al marzo del 1939; fu poi internato nel campo di concentramento di Gurs e mandato nelle compagnie di lavoro. Nel 1940 fu fatto prigioniero dai tedeschi, venne quindi tradotto in Italia e assegnato al confino di Ventotene per 5 anni. Fu liberato nel settembre 1943; poté rientrare a Piombino nel 1945, dove riprese il suo posto nelle file anarchiche e come operaio all’Italsider. Adriano Vanni, condannato insieme a Egidio Fossi e scarcerato nello stesso periodo fu subito bastonato a sangue dai fascisti; dovette riparare all’estero, ma anche qui ebbe vita difficile. Rientrato in Italia dopo qualche anno, cominciarono di nuovo le persecuzioni del regime e le bastonature dei delinquenti in camicia nera. Partecipò attivamente alla sommossa della popolazione contro i nazifascisti del 10 settembre 1943. La lotta partigiana lo vide fra i più validi animatori della resistenza e assieme ad altri libertari operò in formazioni che agivano nelle zone all’interno della Maremma; fece parte anche del nucleo periferico del CLN. A liberazione avvenuta, nonostante si ritrovasse faccia a faccia con molti dei suoi aguzzini del ventennio, ebbe la forza morale di non vendicarsi. Altri compagni dovettero prendere la via del fuoriuscitismo da Piombino, come Franci Dario, Bacconi, (dirigente dell’USI), Agnarelli Smeraldo, e altri ancora. A Torino si trasferirono compagni come Guerrieri Settimo, Baroni Ilio (caduto nelle formazioni GAP), Bellini e Cafiero. I compagni che riuscirono a rimanere a Piombino non rimasero immuni da ammonizioni e minacce e, quando venivano personalità del regime, erano prelevati dalle loro abitazioni e tenuti in carcere per 3 o 4 giorni. Federazione Anarchica Piombinese A - rivista anarchica anno 33 n. 289 aprile 2003 http://www.anarca-bolo.ch/a-rivista http://www.ainfos.ca/03/may/ainfos00268.html


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En diciembre / DECEMBER (1939) Sabater es “liberado” por la organización de su partido y destinado como montador en la construcción de una fábrica de pólvoras en Angulema; después pasaría a otra de gasógenos con igual cometido. En 1943 se traslada con su mujer y su hija a Perpignán. El alcalde de Prades, de filiación anarquista, le facilita una documentación en regla y la Organización le concede un préstamo con el que compra los útiles necesarios de fontanería y alquila el «más» Casenove Loubette, en el término de Coustouges, a menos de un kilómetro de la raya fronteriza con la provincia de Gerona. Desde este punto, al parecer sin importancia, Sabater va a elaborar la planificación de los distintos golpes de mano que le harían famoso.

Su nueva ocupación de agricultor le obliga a hacer algunos viajes a Ceret, Saint Laurel, Arlés-sur-Tech y por último Perpignán, donde la Organización, que ya ha pensado seriamente en él, le pone en contacto con un viejo camarada el Roseta, otro anarquista de acción, militante en la División Durruti, Es a partir de este momento, comienzos de 1945, donde va a jugar un papel importante como auxiliar de los que pasan a la acción en el terrorismo barcelonés, donde el “Quico” se convertiría en el guerrillero urbano más audaz de la C.N.T-F.A.I. Su profundo conocimiento del terreno, le proporcionaría la zona de paso ideal para la huida hacía su oculto «Mas» Casenove Loubette, o para la infiltración en la Ciudad Condal, Debido a esta peculiar característica, los grupos de acción y las partidas permanecían el tiempo preciso para descansar en algún punto de apoyo, proveerse de alimentos, dejar o tomar las armas, según les conviniese, o aplastarse en algún seguro escondite, a la espera del momento propicio para saltar bien hacia Francia, bien hacía Barcelona, su campo de acción preferido

La primera vez que entró en España después de la contienda, lo hizo para guiar y proteger a una delegación cenetista. Lo acompañaban Jaime Pares Adán “Abisinio” y Juan Salas Millón “Roget”, responsable este último de que Sabaté retomara el camino de la lucha antifranquista. Llegaron hasta Hospitalet, contactaron con los grupos libertarios y , efectuaron los primeros golpes económicos. En uno de ellos, dejaron escrito su mensaje: “No somos atracadores, somos resistentes libertarios. Lo que nos llevamos servirá para dar de comer a los hijos de los antifascistas que habéis fusilado y que se encuentran abandonados y sufren hambre. Somos los que no hemos claudicado, ni claudicaremos y seguiremos luchando por la libertad del pueblo español mientras tengamos un soplo de vida.” También se dedicaron a reconstruir puntos de apoyo, tanto en Barcelona como en el campo, y a distribuir depósitos de armas. Alcanzados los objetivos, regresaron a Francia.

De vuelta a Barcelona Quico decide hacer acopio de fondos pues estaba falto de medios económicos y la Organización no estaba muy holgada de efectivo. En compañía de “el Abisinio” se presenta en Hospitalet, donde dan dos atracos donde obtienen 90.000 pesetas, además de una máquina de escribir, a continuación reciben el encargo del Comité de Resistencia de la C.N.T., de “liberar” a tres correligionarios que habían sido detenidos. El 20 de octubre, cuando eran trasladados a la cárcel, Sabater y “Roset”, atacan a la pareja de Policía Armada que los custodiaba, mientras “el Abisinio” permanecía al volante de un coche para facilitar la huida.
A continuación se presentó en Toulouse, donde el Comité Nacional en el exilio, exigía su presencia. La misión que le acaban de encomendar, es la de introducir en España una importante cantidad de armas para incrementar los grupos terroristas. Esta vez le auxiliaría como segundo “Caraquemada”, residente en Francia desde hacía algunas semanas.

Posteriormente se produce la detención en Gerona de un importante enlace. Por los interrogatorios la policía se entera que el grupo de Sabater, tenía un punto de apoyo en Barcelona en una lechería de la calle Santa Teresa. “Quico” que había hecho el viaje a pie desde Gerona a Barcelona donde llegó el 2 de mayo, ignoraba que la lechería estaba vigilada. Detenido el dueño por la Policía pudo saberse la situación de los escondites de “el Abisinio”, de “Roset” y de “Quico”, El 9 de mayo, Jaime Pares Adán “el Abisinio”, al entrar en casa de su hermana, en la calle Travesera de Gracia, era muerto por la Policía; un segundo anarquista era detenido al entrar en la lechería de la calle Santa Teresa. “Quico” y “Roset”, se ocultaron por algún tiempo. El primero fue a Hospitalet donde le aguardaba su hermano José, puesto en libertad condicional en el campo de Albatera. Pasados unos días “Roset” fue también detenido en su domicilio.

La muerte de “Abisinio”, acribillado a tiros el 8 de mayo de 1946 cuando entraba en su casa barcelonesa, inició simbólicamente el importante listado de muertos confederales. En las bajas libertarias influyeron sobremanera las actividades de los confidentes policiales al servicio del jefe de la BPS, el comisario Eduardo Quíntela Bóveda, que había conseguido atraerse a dos anarquistas relevantes, Eliseo Melis Díaz y Antonio Seba Amores. En la posguerra, Melis, auxiliado por Seba, había logrado dominar el comité regional de Cataluña de acuerdo con el comisario Quíntela, el máximo responsable de la lucha antiguerríllera en Barcelona junto con Pedro Polo Borreguero, que estaba al frente de la Brigada de Servicios Especiales de la policía. El corolario de esas infiltraciones fueron las detenciones continuadas de militantes anarquistas, incluidos comités en pleno. Como consecuencia de las sucesivas caídas, los confidentes se convirtieron en un objetivo prioritario de los resistentes confederales.

Los hermanos Sabater (José y Francisco), se reúnen más tarde en el Monte, regresando por fin a Francia. La plana mayor anarquista estudia a fondo las causas del fracaso de su mejor grupo de acción y descubre que han sido posiblemente traicionados por un viejo anarquista llamado Elíseo Melís Díaz, al que deciden eliminar. Se comisiona para ello a Manuel Pareja quien entra en España con un nutrido grupo hacia el mes de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY de 1947. La infiltración la hacen ahora desde Prats de Molló, en San Pablo de Seguríes la Guardia Civil mantiene una refriega con ellos. Cae muerto uno y apresan heridos a dos. Pero Pareja y Antonio Gil, consiguen escapar. El 26 de abril, la Policía, continuando las investigaciones derivadas de la detención del enlace de Gerona, descubre en Servia del Ter un arsenal consistente en 100 cartuchos de dinamita, varios revólveres, lápices explosivos, 15 escopetas, un fusil, una metralleta, un teléfono de campaña, una emisora, un catalejo y varios sellos de caucho de la Organización.

La eliminación de Melís habíase preparado minuciosamente. El 12 de julio. Pareja y Gil acuden a unos salones de billar en la plaza Buensuceso. Invitan a Melís a que les acompañe. Este les sigue. Cuando se dirigen a la calle Montealegre, al grupo se unen “El Yago” y Ramón González que moriría meses más tarde, en 13 de junio (1948) en Barcelona en un tiroteo con la Policía. En la calle Montealegre, Melís decide sacudirse la escolta. Da un empujón a Pareja y se mete en un portal, a la vez que le hiere mortalmente con su pistola. Sin embargo Pareja, pudo alcanzarle y Gil, le remató instantes después.

Cumplido el encargo de eliminar a Melís, el M.L.R. (Movimiento Libertario de Resistencia) organizado en marzo de 1947, con el propósito de convertirse en la Rama Militar de la acracia, hizo una siembra de propaganda, advirtiendo a las fuerzas represoras que “al terrorismo gubernamental”, responderían con el “terrorismo popular”, ajusticiando a los delatores en la calle, en sus casas y donde los encuentren, como sí fuesen alimañas.

Después de ejecutar a Melis y de un atentado fallido contra Seba, que no dio ocasión a que lo intentaran de nuevo, poniendo tierra por medio, los libertarios consiguieron ponerse de acuerdo para eliminar al perseguidor por excelencia de los anarquistas, el comisario Quíntela.

La fecha quedó fijada para el 2 de marzo de 1949 y participaron en la acción los hermanos Francisco y José Sabaté Llopart, Carlos Vidal, Mariano Aguayo, Wenceslao Jiménez Orive, José López Penedo y Simón Gracia. La fortuna estuvo del lado de Quiniela. Aunque su coche fue repetidamente ametrallado, ese día ocupaban el vehículo Manuel Pinol Ballester, secretario del Frente de Juventudes del distrito universitario, y José Tella Bavoy, jefe de deportes del mismo organismo. Murieron Pinol y el chófer, Antonio Norte Juárez, mientras que Tella resultó herido.

He aquí el relato del teniente coronel de la Guardia Civil Francisco Aguado sobre la realización del atentado:
“Pasada la una de la tarde, “Quico” con mono azul, simulaba arreglar una avería en el motor de la camioneta. Poco más arriba estaba estacionado un coche Fiat donde se encontraban los componentes del resto del grupo. José Sabater al volante de la camioneta simulaba prestar atención a los movimientos del falso mecánico. A no mucha distancia, paseaba distraídamente otro del grupo. En el Fiat, con las metralletas dispuestas, se encontraban “Wences”, Simón Gracia, del grupo de Sabater y José López.

Poco antes de dar las dos de la tarde, el pacifico paseante se quitó el sombrero. Era la señal convenida. “Quico” extrajo del motor de la camioneta su metralleta, se plantó en medio de la calzada y comenzó a disparar sobre un coche negro que se acercaba, hasta detenerlo unos metros antes de llegar a su altura. Sus ocupantes salieron aturdidos por ambas puertas, pero entonces desde el Fíat fueron ametrallados sin piedad. Todo les había fallado a los terroristas. El coche agredido no era el del comisario Quiniela, sino otro del mismo modelo”

Estos hechos recrudecieron si era posible el odio entre Quintela y los guerrilleros. Por parte del policía su animadversión llegó a alcanzar rasgos patológicos. La captura de Francisco Sabaté Llopart “Quico” rebasó los límites profesionales para convertirse en una verdadera obsesión personal. Hasta tal punto que, cuando fue cercado y herido, este antiguo comisario, jubilado en Galicia, se desplazó a Barcelona con su perro “Bloodhound” para asistir al desenlace. Era como rematar una tarea inacabada que consideraba personal.

Manuel Sabater Llopart "Manolo"

José Sabater Llopart, hermano mayor de Quico Sabater (Francisco Sabate (El Quico))

Sentencia de muerte de Manuel Sabater y Saturnino Culebras Ortiz

En marzo caía herido José Sabaté, el hermano mayor del “Quico”, y fue evacuado a Francia —previas curas en Martorell y en Abrera—, acompañado por Francisco Martínez Márquez (“Paco”), Santiago Amir Grueñas (“el Sheriff”) y otro compañero.
El primero de los Sabaté en caer iba a ser el hermano pequeño —Manolo—, de veinte años de edad, el cual aprovechando el encarcelamiento de “Quico”, en Francia, y la ausencia de José, logró convencer a otros componentes de un comando armado que le dejaran ir con ellos a España. Así cruzó la frontera, con el grupo de “Caraquemada”, en junio de 1949. Poco después de entrar en territorio español los guerrilleros sostuvieron una refriega con la Guardia Civil y Manolo sería capturado cerca de Moya (Barcelona), pueblo que, con Bañolas, fue uno de los refugios más seguros de la guerrilla libertaria. Manolo Sabater fue juzgado y fusilado el 24 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 24 de 1950 con otro guerrillero llamado “Culebras”. A mediados de octubre del mismo año, José era muerto en una refriega con la policía en las calles de Barcelona.

Estas muertes afectaron profundamente en adelante la vida de “Quico” y al dolor de estas pérdidas se unió un nuevo motivo de aflicción. Como consecuencia de las torturas y de su inexperiencia en la clandestinidad, el pequeño de los Sabaté había facilitado información a la policía, actitud que le valió el desprecio y el olvido de su hermano, un hombre inflexible hasta la falta de humanidad. Verdadera muestra del carácter del guerrillero. La desaparición de sus hermanos fue el argumento utilizado por Federica Montseny para descalificar la acción subversiva de “Quico”, aduciendo que confundía ideales con venganza. Una explicación similar utilizó años después Marcelino Massana: “Creo que vivió excesivamente obsesionado por la muerte de sus hermanos José y Manuel. Sus muertes le impedían aceptar el sosiego y su destierro en Dijon.”

Por una vez parece que va existir cierta coordinación en las acciones guerrilleras: se ha establecido en Barcelona contacto entre Facerías y “Quico”, éste distribuye los encargos. Facerías y Adróver colocarían una bomba en el consulado de Bolivia, sito en la calle Gerona, numero 148; «Quico», «Paco» y otro más, lo harían en los de Perú y Brasil, ubicados en la calle Muntaner, número 273 y en la Rambla de Cataluña, número 88 respectivamente.

Poco después, Francisco Denis “Catalán”, era detenido en Gironella, se trataba de un veterano anarquista acostumbrado a repasar la frontera. Poseedor de muchos secretos sobre el terrorismo ácrata, se los llevó para siempre, Mientras era conducido a Manresa, se envenenó con una ampolla de cianuro que llevaba consigo.

En junio de 1949, “Quico” regresa a su «más» de Casenove Loubette, Había “solicitado” de ]a Organización unas vacaciones. Creyó que los franceses habían olvidado sus cuentas pendientes (tenencia ilícita de armas) con las autoridades del país vecino. Detenido por los gendarmes el tribunal de apelación de Montpellier, lo condenó a seis meses de cárcel y cinco años de destierro en Dijón. Hasta 1955, cumplido su confinamiento “Quico” no vuelve a aparecer por Barcelona.

En 18 de ENERO / JANUARY 18 de 1951 se produce en Lyon un atraco a un coche postal.
Ciertas sospechas recayeron también sobre Sabater, que aunque confinado en Dijón, este confinamiento no era observado muy rigurosamente. Después de interrogatorios y diligencias, “Quico” fue puesto en libertad por el juez de Lyon en 13 de noviembre de 1952, pero no quedó libre totalmente hasta tres años más tarde en que fue sobreseído su expediente. Exactamente el 16 de noviembre de 1955.Para entonces, la opinión acerca de España en el extranjero, había cambiado bastante.

Tanto “Quico” como los de su grupo disponían de buen armamento. En cuanto a la propaganda habían impreso un periódico titulado El Combate, portavoz de los Grupos Anarco-sindicalistas. El primer número estaba fechado en mayo de 1955.
“Quico” entra en España con otros tres compañeros más. De ellos, dos se ocultaron en Tarrasa a la espera de ser llamados por Sabater.
El 3 de mayo los cuatro suben a un taxi en la avenida José Antonio. Amenazan al taxista con una pistola y este los transporta hasta la calle Mallorca, El taxi para frente a la sucursal del Banco de Vizcaya. Del vehículo descienden el “Quico” y dos más. Cerca está una pareja de Policía Armada que para nada se apercibe de lo que está pasando en el Banco. Todo lo hacen silenciosamente. En un instante, se apoderan de 700.000 pesetas.

Quico intentó aumentar la recluta de sus hombres. Para ello conectó con el secretario del Comité Regional de Cataluña, un confederal pacífico. La entrevista quedó fijada para las tres de la tarde en un punto determinado de Pueblo Nuevo. Astutamente, Sabater desde un taxi dio unas vueltas por la zona de la entrevista unos minutos antes de la hora fijada. Cuando llegó el secretario del Comité Regional, volvieron al taxi pero “Quico” se dio cuenta que alguien les seguía. Sabater, ante el asombro de su acompañante, con la culata de la metralleta, rompió el cristal trasero del coche y se dispuso a hacer fuego sobre el vehículo. “Quico” manda parar el taxi cerca del Hospital de Santa Cruz, momento que aprovecha el secretario del Comité Regional de la C.N.T. de Cataluña para salir a toda prisa, tomar otro y desaparecer. “Quico” monta la metralleta y apoyado en una esquina, de espaldas a la pared aguarda la llegada del coche de la Policía que le ha seguido, al que dispara una ráfaga cuando lo tiene cerca. El conductor es herido.

Poco después, asalta un coche que casualmente pasaba por allí y ordena a su conductor se dirija a la parada de taxis sita frente al Hospital de Santa Cruz. Toma y deja varios coches, hasta que consigue escapar a la persecución.
El 28 de septiembre Franco se encuentra en Barcelona en viaje oficial. “Quico” aprovecha la importancia del día para utilizar su mortero lanzador de propaganda, artilugio este que llevaba mucho tiempo desarrollándolo y que por fin va a poder dedicarlo al uso que se había propuesto. Busca un taxi con ventana en el techo. Explica al conductor que se trata de hacer campaña afecta al régimen, invitando a los barceloneses se sumen a los actos. Y Sabater, desde el taxi lanza unas cargas de octavillas en español y catalán, en las que puede leerse: “Pueblo antifascista: Son ya demasiados los años que soportas a Franco y a sus sicarios. No basta hacer la crítica de este corrompido régimen de miseria y de terror. Las palabras son palabras. La acción es necesaria. ¡Abajo la tiranía! ¡Viva la unión del pueblo español! Movimiento Libertario de España. Comité de Relaciones”

En el mes de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY de 1956, Sabaté había presentado la Alianza Democrática de Resistencia Antifranquista (ADRA), mediante la que se dirigía a todos los antifranquistas, con la excepción habitual de los comunistas, y en la que especificaba el objetivo de la misma: el derrocamiento del régimen.

El 21 de marzo de 1956 eliminó a un policía que le iba siguiendo, y seguidamente tuvo que volver a Francia: la frontera francesa constituía la referencia del anarquista barcelonés. En noviembre de 1956 regresó de nuevo a España con ángel Marqués Urdí y Amadeo Ramón Valledor, que había luchado en la guerrilla antifranquista en León. El 22 de diciembre / DECEMBER realizaron un atraco a la empresa Cubiertas y Tejados y consiguieron cerca de un millón de pesetas. En esta acción Marqués Urdí resultó detenido. Con muchas dificultades, Sabaté y Ramón Valledor, después de permanecer escondidos durante un mes en un piso de la ciudad, lograron llegar a Francia en FEBRERO / FEBRUARY de 1957, acompañados de una joven amiga del primero.

Detenido el 12 de diciembre / DECEMBER de 1957 en Francia, los jueces lo condenaron a ocho meses de cárcel y cinco de confinamiento. Pasó por los penales de Perpignan y Montpellier, y salió en libertad el 12 de mayo de 1958. Le restaban los cinco años de confinamiento, que empezó a cumplir en la ciudad de Dijon. Pero un auto del 5 de noviembre de 1959 lo requería de nuevo para comparecer ante la justicia francesa. Entre la cárcel en Francia y la lucha en Cataluña, decidió continuar la resistencia en Barcelona y desoír los consejos de quienes le pedían que se marchara a América.

Parece ser que por aquellas fechas, Sabaté recibió ofertas de colaboración armada y táctica por parte de los Yugoslavia y de Argelia, pero “Quico” siempre temeroso de que los comunistas pudieran atacar las esencias ácratas, no aceptó sin la conformidad del Comité Confederal. Cuando éste aceptó la oferta Sabaté ya estaba embarcado en su última misión sin otra ayuda que sus propios medios.

La situación de Sabaté era critica. Al margen de Vila Capdevila, que hacía la guerra por su cuenta en las montañas catalanas, era el único que permanecía abiertamente en la lucha. Las redes de apoyo ya no eran fiables, y existía la certeza de una colaboración estrecha de las policías francesa y española con el propósito de eliminarlo. El biógrafo de Sabaté, Antonio Téllez Sola, sostiene la hipótesis de que la policía francesa tenía bajo estrecha vigilancia al maquis catalán y que le permitía pasar a España para que fuera liquidado definitivamente por las fuerzas de represión franquistas.

Francisco Conesa Alcaraz, uno de los guerrilleros abatidos en Mas Clará

Otra vista de la casa donde fueron sorprendidos

La ratonera de Mas Clará

Desde 1947, los servicios de información franceses pasaban a los españoles informes sobre los guerrilleros instalados en el país vecino: muchos resistentes comprobaron que los estaban esperando al cruzar la frontera, Además, la sede de la CNT estaba infiltrada por los servicios de información franquistas, sobre todo desde la llegada a París del policía Pedro Polo Borreguero, nombrado adjunto de la Embajada española en París.

“Quico” Sabaté entró el 17 de diciembre / DECEMBER de 1959 en territorio español, y la Guardia Civil ya estaba avisada. Aquel sería su último viaje al país que tanto quería. Una vez más la peripecia de su persecución volvía a adquirir los tintes del mejor cine negro, con la diferencia que aquí los protagonistas morían de verdad y la sangre era hemoglobina y no salsa de tomate.

Distintos son los relatos que hemos manejado sobre la última etapa de la vida de este guerrillero de leyenda pero con ligeras variantes, ninguna importante, todas son coincidentes.

Antonio Miracle, Rogelio Madrigal y Martín Ruiz Montoya

Venían con “Quico” en este último viaje Antonio Miracle Guitart, Rogelio Madrigal Torres, Francisco Conesa Alcaraz y Martín Ruiz Montoya. Después de distintas peripecias, el 3 de ENERO / JANUARY 3 fueron detectados en el Mas Clará, Casot de Folgas, entre Bañolas y Gerona,...y allí fueron cercados. No tenian más que dos opciones: o aplastarse en un bosque o refugiarse en una masía.

Esta primera hubiera sido la mejor solución. Pero no fue así: increíblemente optaron por meterse en aquella ratonera que era el Mas Clará, una casa situada al fondo de una hondonada. Instalados allí, reclamaron comida para reparar fuerzas y para avituallarse para seguir camino, en vista de la miseria de aquella gente, que apenas tenían para ellos, mandaron a la mujer al pueblo para que trajera víveres suficientes para el grupo.

Aunque la buena señora cumplió la orden de no delatarlos, pues tenían como rehén a su marido, la insólita cantidad de alimentos que requirió la mujer, levantó las sospechas de los comerciantes los cuales dieron cuenta de sus sospechas al alcalde, quien a su vez las puso en conocimiento de la Guardia Civil, lacual ya estaba alertada desde hacía días, en poco más de dos horas rodearon la masía unos trescientos hombres. Dirigió el asedio el teniente coronel Rodrigo Gayet Girbal, jefe de la comandancia.

Dentro de la masía cundía el nerviosismo y la mayoría de los guerrilleros —el único que no despegó los labios fue el más joven— eran partidarios de no seguir adelante y de regresar a Francia. Y que Sabaté repitió varias veces aquello de: “Yo no retengo a nadie...” Pero quizás ya era demasiado tarde pues el cerco se estaba completando.

Cuando la fuerza pública les conminó a rendirse, “Quico” distribuyó a sus hombres por la planta baja y el piso, ordenando a la joven pareja que se escondiera en un rincón y que no se moviese de allí. Y comenzó el tiroteo, que duraría hasta las seis de la tarde. Al anochecer, “Quico” dijo que había que salir, y tratar de pasar a través de las líneas enemigas.

Salieron dos: el más joven y otro. En seguida se oyó un tiroteo y los dos regresaron heridos. El joven, en un brazo, levemente, el otro con un tiro en la cabeza. Luego salieron otros dos y solo volvió uno, también herido. “Quico” salió y recuperó al compañero, también mal herido, que no hacía más que gritar, delirando ya: “¡No salgas “Quico”, no salgas, que te matarán!”.

“Quico” se asomaba a una ventana de vez en cuando, disparaba una ráfaga, y luego hacía de enfermero. El herido le dijo que gritase que se rendían y que él —“Quico”— aprovechase la ocasión para escaparse. Le decía que los dejase que, como estaban heridos, no les pasaría nada. “Quico” no hacía más que repetir: “No digas tonterías, ¿cómo voy a dejaros en este estado?” Pero al fin venció el sentido común y lo convencieron e intentó la salida.

Antes de abandonar la casa, al más joven, después de vendarle el brazo, y como vio que podía valerse por sí mismo, lo ayudó a esconderse en el horno de piedra, del que le aconsejó que no saliera hasta que no hubiese pasado el peligro.

“Quico” soltó primero una vaca y se protegió con ella, pero la bestia cayó fulminada a pocos pasos de la casita y “Quico” regresó con un raspón en el cuello, en el que se aplicó una gasa con esparadrapo y probó otra vez con la segunda y última vaca del establo. Y consiguió pasar, después de un breve tiroteo, en el que resultó herido en una nalga y en el pie izquierdo, mientras resultaba muerto un capitán de la Guardia Civil.

Parece increíble, pero así fue: “Quico” consiguió deslizarse por entre aquel tupido enjambre de guardias, y escapó del cerco. Pero la muerte le esperaba unos dias después.

La huída espectacular de Francisco Sabate ("Quico")

A partir de aquí la historia de su huida se hace cada vez más increíble.
La Guardia Civil le ha perdido la pista. Se pusieron todos los medios para recuperar su pista, todo fue inútil ni siquiera dio resultado
el rastreo de un perro policía tras olfatear un pañuelo que “Quico” había perdido. Sin embargo, la pista se orientó de forma marcada hacia Gerona. Los reconocimientos durante el día 4 tampoco dieron resultado. De todas formas, debido a su estado, no podía estar muy lejos.

En la noche del 4 al 5, Sabater cruza el río Ter por un vado aguas arriba del Puente de la Dehesa de Gerona. Esto se pudo comprobar posteriormente por manifestaciones del personal ferroviario, que declaró que cuando subió al tren en la estación de Fornells de la Selva, tenía las ropas mojadas. Sobre las tres de la madrugada del día cinco, llamó a una casa próxima a Fornells de la Selva, pero no le fue franqueada la puerta.

Al iniciar su marcha un tren de viajeros con destino a Barcelona, Sabater subió al convoy. Amenazó con pistola y metralleta a maquinista y fogonero y les conminó enérgicamente que no detuviesen el tren hasta la Ciudad Condal. El maquinista trata de convencerle que era totalmente imposible. Los viajeros tendrían que bajar en las estaciones intermedias y terminarían por accionar el aparato de alarma deteniendo automáticamente el tren. Por otra parte en el empalme de Massanet-Massanas. había que cambiar la máquina de vapor, por otra eléctrica.

Sabater que va en la locomotora, ordena al maquinista que en las detenciones rebase al máximo los puntos donde haya luz, con el objeto de evitar ser descubierto. Como no había comido desde el mediodía del día tres, obligó a maquinista y fogonero le entregaran sus bocadillos, que ávidamente los consumió. Luego se subió a la escalerilla de detrás de la máquina para encañonar más cómodamente a ambos ferroviarios.

Llegado el momento del cambio de máquina, Sabater aprovecha el instante en que ambas quedaban una frente a la otra y de un salto pasa al tren eléctrico. Maquinista y fogonero participan los incidentes al factor de la estación y seguidamente se alerta a toda la línea férrea. Los conductores de la máquina eléctrica no se apercibieron al principio de la presencia de “Quico”. Al pasar el convoy por Hostalrich, donde no había parada,

Sabater, a pesar del dolor de sus heridas, iba tumbado sobre el techo del furgón de equipajes. Al rebasar la estación de Guialbes, Quico Sabater que ya había bajado hasta la máquina, se introdujo en su pasillo y, cuando el ayudante del conductor se dispone a cerrar la puerta, muy sorprendido ve que alguien le encañona con una pistola por la espalda.

Sabater le reclama por algún sitio para ocultarse. Pero esto no era factible, ya que existían muchos puntos peligrosos, debido a la alta tensión de la línea. El ayudante informó al maquinista la presencia de tan inesperado viajero, Sabater le dijo pertenecía a la resistencia y que esperaban refuerzos de América. Dada la circunstancia de que en Sant Celoní había que efectuar un cruce, cuando el tren aminoró la marcha, un kilómetro antes de llegar a la estación, Sabater abandonó el convoy.

Al detenerse, el maquinista informó al factor de la presencia de Sabater, quien a su vez lo comunicó al sargento comandante del puesto de la Guardia Civil de San Celoni, de servicio con dos guardias en las inmediaciones de la estación.

Lugar donde cayó muerto Quico Sabater, en el Carrer de Santa Clota, Sant Celoni

Malherido en una nalga, una pierna y en el cuello, apenas podía mantenerse en pie debido a la fiebre y la gangrena. En busca de un médico, desesperado, acabó forcejeando con un vecino, Francisco Berenguer Rosa, que advirtió la metralleta debajo de su ropa. Los somatenistas de San Celoni habían sido puestos en alerta y una patrulla integrada entre otros, por el cabo del somatén local y secretario de la CNS, Abel Rocha Sanz, oyó las voces de Berenguer y entre Rocha y el guardia civil Antonio Martínez lograron acabar con su vida en la calle de Santa Clota, no sin antes entablar un fuerte tiroteo con Sabater, que se defendió hasta la muerte. Eran las 8 de la mañana del 5 de ENERO / JANUARY 5 de 1960.

Aquí termina la vida de un hombre que luchó por sus ideales de la única manera que sabía hacerlo, a pecho descubierto y con el arma en la mano. Mientras muchos, muchísimos, llevaban una vida cómoda y regalada en la “dulce” Francia ganando batallas con la mejor estrategia de café, Sabaté, se recorría los caminos de Cataluña para acudir puntual a los puntos donde era necesaria su presencia. Cuantas cosas se hubieran logrado con menos farisaicos “escrúpulos” de pureza ácrata y una ayuda más generosa. De toda aquella lucha nada material consiguió para él, su mujer subsistía gracias a su trabajo fregando suelos, vivió la dureza del monte y la peligrosidad de las ciudades. No cabe duda que García Márquez tuvo que inspirarse en estos hombres para escribir “Crónica de
una muerte anunciada”

http://es.geocities.com/paisajes_guerrilla/catalonia.html


?
-- DAILYDOO MOVEABLE The Strike of Loonies a documentary video by Mariana Arruti examining the anarchist led strike of the Argentinian Ship-Building Workers Federation in 1956, known as "the longest strike of the century." http://www.pagina12.com.ar/2001/01-02/01-02-12/pag13.htm


Anarchy is okay for you!
-- DAILYDOO MOVEABLE IMAGE MOVEABLE BLEEDWORK ANARCHY IS OK FOR YOU



-- DAILYDOO MOVEABLE IMAGE CAGE


-- DAILYDOO MOVEABLE placeholder Anarchist, soñador and romantic poet: thus he was the boy who wrote up the text that became our Nacional Hymn Manuel Delgado The music of the National anthem accompanies to us from 1852 when the young person Manuel Maria Gutiérrez, director of bands, composed for president Juanito Mora. But official letters in fact did not have. A called Colombian Juan Manuel Llerás wrote one first letter in 1872, whose first words said: “Citizen. The sun of the free ones has raised radiating the zenith” Little later, the priest Juan Sentry box wrote up another one, and his first estrofa said: “I will sing of the dear mother country the honor, freedom and splendor. With the filled soul of joy I will sing of the mother country the honor” And a called Spanish Juan Fernandez Ferraz did one third, very confused military man and, who said: “Of the mother country the love inspires to us we elevate a triunfal hymn to him of shooting in the warlike lira we celebrate its triunfal glory” But towards 1900 the press initiated a campaign demanding a hymn. He was as well as in 1903 an aid was made 40 poets, and the court chose one that said: “Noble mother country your beautiful flag expression of your life gives us…” “Noble patria tu hermosa bandera expresión de tu vida nos da...” the letter of a young called poet José María Zeledón. Pero Billo, as east young person knew itself poet, he was very little indicated for the Costa Rican society. He was an anarchist had by the powerful classes, anticlerical, and in addition, adversary of the president of then Esquivel Ascent. The new letter began to sing itself in schools and schools and little by little became partly of the national culture. But never it was official hymn, until the governing body of Jose Figueres Ferrer declared National anthem of Costa Rica. It was the year of 1949, therefore a century after to have released music. But that not is strange, because either never there was a document, law or decree around the music, that officially happened to be national anthem in 1979, during the government of Don Rodrigo Carazo. JULY 2??? http://www.teletica.com/archivo/buendia/01/fondo/anarquista.htm


-- DAILYDOO MOVEABLE dailydoo: update the jack london entry of 22nd with email


Spikey fish
-- DAILYDOO MOVEABLE PLACEHOLDER orange diamond dingbat; new entry, remove 2007 Italy: Resumption of the "Marini Trials", a legal farce dragging on since 1995, a massive repression of the Italian anarchist movement. [Source] http://www.manelaisa.com/texto/Articulos/PagArticulos9.htm Canenero logo
The text of several flyers collected during the demonstration in Turin, on 4th April, 1998, after a violent week of repression and the suicide of an anarchist in jail. http://www.ecn.org/elpaso/cda/ http://www.freewebs.com/frameup/chronology.html


Spikey fish
-- DAILYDOO MOVEABLE

T


he spectacle is ideology par excellence, because it exposes & manifests in its fullness the essence of all ideological systems: the impoverishment, servitude & negation of real life.

      — Guy Debord, La société du spectacle

December 1994 4/12- Panzerknackerparty held in Munich in solidarity with imprisoned comrades.
19/12 - Four addresses in Milan raided, including the Anarchist Laboratory in via De Amicis. Another raid in Aosta.


:: Bonnot occupato: Nueva ocupación en Nápoles (Italia). [20-12-2002] El 7 de diciembre DECEMBER 2002 fue ocupado un inmueble en Nápoles, una ex-escuela en vía Cardinale Prisco (Bus R4 fermata Colli Aminei). Queremos con este comunicado informar a todas las realidades y las individualidades que como nosotr@s tienen en el corazón el antiautoritarismo y llevan adelante la crítica radical a este estado de cosas a través de la acción directa.

http://flag.blackened.net/pdg/noticias/informaciones%20anteriores/diciembre-02/diciembre-02.htm


[Source]: http://www.freewebs.com/frameup/chronology.html
various attempts in the past to arrest and convict various anarchists and also describes clearly the dynamics according to which actions should happen, dynamics realized in the Marini inquiry, in which 68 persons are implicated, accused of armed band and who are during this time on trial (Tuesday the 15 and Thursday the 17 of July 1997) in the courtroom of the Foro Italico in Rome. http://www.ecn.org/elpaso/cda/press/rb130797.htm

-- DAILYDOO MOVEABLE PLACEHOLDER add russel blackwell photos, uploaded to gmail


-- PLACEHOLDER DAILYDOO 7. || El Historiador - Biografías :: Rodolfo González Pacheco ••• Rodolfo González Pacheco Nota publicada en Página/12 el Sábado 9 de Abril de 1994. En los años treinta, el periodista Luis Sofovich lo... ...las pampas. Una vez, en la Sociedad de Actores, le preguntaron: ¿Cómo se hizo anarquista". Y él contestó sonriente y nostálgico: "La culpa fue de unos... ...y que fundó junto a un oficial de policía: Federico A. Gutiérrez, a quien un anarquista italiano, el anciano Ragazzini, había convencido durante sus... 61% miércoles 26 de noviembre de 2003 21H47' GMT http://www.elhistoriador.com.ar/biografias/g/gonzalezpacheco.htm


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PLACEHOLDER DAILYDOO



-- PLACEHOLDER: DAILYDOO 1997 Muere el 25 de diciembre la anarquista y fotógrafa francesa Anita Conti (1899-1997) Anita Conti (1899-1997), an adventurous woman and trailblazing oceanographer, whose life was the sea. She was also a visionary ecologist whose commitment to the protection of the oceans was well in advance of her time. a pioneering oceanographer and a major figure in French maritime history — as is amply demonstrated by her work, her articles to popularise oceanography, her photography, and her writings about the sea. Although she once wrote, “I do not seek adventure, but observation,” she was an intrepid explorer, in the lineage of Théodore Monod and Alexandra David Néel. SOURCE: “I am not, said it, that a solid creature through the wind. ” Anita Conti, adventurous of the seas, oceanologist and ecologist before the hour, died by one night of storm, the evening of Christmas 1997, at the 98 years age, her residence of Douarnenez (Finistere). http://www.manelaisa.com/texto/Articulos/PagArticulos4.htm


-- PLACEHOLDER DAILYDOO Spain: Miguel Abós Serena lives (1889-1940) dies. Anarchist. # 1915 - Cándido Armesto Sanz lives both born sept 29 Fils de Juan Abos et de Martina Serena. Milicien réfugié du 533e groupe de travailleurs espagnols. Décédé d’un abcès pulmonaire, Bd de la République le 28 novembre 1940 à 6 h. http://www.alasbarricadas.org/ateneovirtual/index.php/29_de_septiembre


Anarchist symbol in Light Bulb, animate; source www.groupejoyeux.org/imgs/a.gif?
-- placeholder DAILYDOO 1971??? orange diamond dingbat; new entry, remove 2007 Spain: Formation of MIL-GAC (Iberian Liberation Movement -- Autonomous Combat Groups) during this month, in response to growing police terror in Spain in the dying years of the dictator. [Exact date not given — ed.]
In 1972 The MIL-GAC become active & the first known action of the MIL takes place in Barcelona. Salvador Puig Antich, actively concerned with pushing the Spanish libertarian cause in England for the past year, returns to Barcelona.
Source: Chronology in Albert Meltzer's I Couldn't Paint Golden Angels Chronologie étoffée et documentée du MIL [1967-1974] http://anarkhia.org/article.php?sid=479
http://www.infokiosques.net/imprimersans2.php?id_article=302

-- PLACEHOLDER DAILYDOO orange diamond dingbat; new entry, remove 2007 Among the groups under surveillance was the collective that operated Left Bank Books in Seattle's Pike Place Market. Jo Maynes, Lynn Thorndycraft, & Paul Zilsel coordinated the United Front For Political Defense. They assisted lawyer Michael Withey as he represented NLF timebomb maker James Wesley Akers. http://www.leftbankbooks.com http://www.livelogcity.com/users/copkiller11/434.html?replyto=8370 http://www.livelogcity.com/users/copkiller/923.html?view=14747
http://www.livelogcity.com/users/copkiller11/434.html

La protesta; source libertario.org.ar/
-- PLACEHOLDER DAILYDOO
Argentina: The atentado del Colón was made the 26 of June of 1910 by a group anarchist // Y que las amenazas no son solo palabras lo demuestra la bomba que estalla en la platea del Teatro Colón, afortunadamente sin muchos estragos // And which the threats are not single words demonstrate the pump to it that explode in silverplates of the Theater Columbus, luckyly without many damage // the festejos dim by the threats of the anarchists, who take to President Jose Figueroa Alcorta to declare the state of siege. .

Violent repression against the anarchist movement earlier had led to the police attacking "La Protesta"'s offices & destroying its printing equipment. The paper reappeared in January 1910, but today is again ransacked & set on fire, forcing it to go underground for a period.

Source: http://www.todo-argentina.net/historia/gen80/Alcorta/1910.htm
http://www.libertario.org.ar/




-- PLACEHOLDER DAILYDOO -- DONE?? orange diamond dingbat; new entry, remove 2007 Chile: The following year, 1907, the 16 of diciembre/DECEMBER, declares in strike seven thousand salitreros workers of Iquique, protesting economic improvements. They lowered to the port to maintain its movement, and there, in sadly the historical Seat Santa Maria, horrorosamente they were massacreed, being commander of the troopses General Roberto Silva Renard. Until that date, it was the most tragic movement of the workers of this country. They fell assassinated by the shrapnel around two thousand people between workers, their women and their children; and they fell treacherously without fight, massacreed cowardly and by an army that the own victims fed and dressed in their fatigante and newspaper work. Silva Renard, the General who directed those pretorianas forces, fell the 14 of diciembre/DECEMBER of 1914, seven years after his enormous crime, under the dagger of Antonio Roman Roman, attack of which Silva Renard book with life but which soon I take it to the tomb.
a Antonio Ramon stabbed Ramon doing justice (1914) against general Silva Renard, who had ordered the slaughter of the school Santa Maria seven years before. 1914 December déc. 14 CHILI   Antonio ROMAN ROMAN Attentat contre SILVA RENARD auteur du massacre d’Iquique de 1907 http://www.antorcha.net/biblioteca_virtual/historia/anarquismo_chile/anarquismo_chile.html#3

A diferencia de otros rincones del continente en donde la propaganda anarquista llega principalmente bajo el influjo de inmigrantes de origen europeo (en EEUU con la inmigración alemana principalmente, y en Argentina principalmente por los italianos, como botón de muestra) en Chile, la propaganda anarquista de principios de siglo tiene por sujetos centrales a agitadores locales, de la talla de Magno Espinosa, Luis Olea, Víctor Soto Román, Esteban Cavieres, Carmen Herrera, Alejandro Escobar y Carvallo entre tantos otros, cuyos trabajos hasta el día de hoy presentan gran interés. Si bien esto no implica que no halla un Lombardozzi italiano organizando a los trabajadores en Chile o a un Antonio Ramón Ramón haciendo justicia apuñaladas (1914) en contra del general Silva Renard, quien había ordenado la matanza de la escuela Santa María siete años antes. Sin embargo, crucial resultará para el desarrollo de las ideas anarquistas en estas regiones, un intenso contacto con el movimiento en otros rincones del planeta, como era el constante envío de propaganda ácrata de Francia, España y Argentina (donde el movimiento se había desarrollado antes). http://struggle.ws/inter/groups/cuac/anarquismo_chile.html

-- TO DO: PURSUE ERIC GILL AS ANARCHIST, first I've seen his name associate with anarchism Reformist Anarchism 1800-1936: A Study of the Feasibility of Anarchism Publicaton Social Anarchism Issue 19 Author Mark Cohen Date Created 27 Dec 2005 More details... Date Edited 27 Dec 2005 7:01:49 PM License Copyright by the author. All rights reserved. Reformist Anarchism, 1800-1936: A Study of the Feasibility of Anarchism by José Peréz Adán. 242 pp. Great Britain: Merlin Books Ltd., 1992. £ 9.95 net (U.K.), paper. The subtitle of this scholarly study is somewhat misleading. Its aim is not specifically to demonstrate the feasibility of anarchism, though Adán does briefly consider that question. Rather, it is to "explain, elaborate and discuss the philosophical, political and economic foundations of Reformist Anarchism as portrayed in the works of William Godwin, Josiah Warren, Stephen P. Andrews, Benjamin Tucker, Eric Gill and Herbert Read." Adán regards these authors as constituting a reformist tradition within anarchist thinking separate from what he calls revolutionary anarchism, which he associates with such figures as Bakunin, Kropotkin, Malatesta, Goldman and the Spanish anarchists. Readers familiar with the writings of the latter group will probably have the same reaction I did: that the differences among them are at least as significant as any set of differences that might be discerned between them as a "school" of revolutionary anarchism, and the group Adán identifies. This basic problem with the book's concept is compounded by the fact that the author never really makes clear or explicit what he considers the significant differences between these supposed two streams in anarchist thought. However, the book is a useful explication of and introduction to the thinking of the particular authors he has chosen to group together. The work begins with brief biographical sket- ches of the six authors, with reference to their major works, and then considers their ideas in three major sections, Philosophy, Politics, and Economics. The philosophy section, intended to explicate the basic assumptions of reformist anarchism and lay a theoretical foundation for its approaches to politics and economics, is unfortunately longer than it needs to be, often redundant, and, because Adán is not the most fluid writer, sometimes confused and confusing. In fact, Adán pretty well sums up the entire 60-odd page discussion in a single felicitous sentence, "Real independence is not compatible with established authority because the sovereignty of the individual…is not compatible with the sovereignty of the political state" (p.71). Skip the rest of the chapter unless you're a glutton for punishment. The section on politics offers a good discussion of some basic anarchist concepts. Particularly interesting are the discussion of organization versus government, and the section on political participation as the criterion for the difference between what Adán calls "true" and "false" democracy. In this section, Adán attempts to come to grips with what he sees as a major difference between reformist and revolutionary anarchism. He stresses the commitment of his authors to what he calls "gradualism," that is, to the use of education, reform as opposed to revolution, and in general a gradual transition on an individual level to an acceptance of the anarchist project; and he contrasts this with "confrontation with established authority." However, all the "revolutionary anarchists" he names, and Kropotkin in particular, were committed to education as a means of transformation, to inspiring the masses to spontaneous action rather than seizing power, and to the project of "building the new society within the old" by creating alternative organizations rather than directly confronting authority, except in very particular situations. Within anarchist thought as a whole, there is clearly a continuum, rather than a sharp break, on this issue. And the difference on this issue between all these anarchists, on the one hand, and the "state socialists" on the other, is far more significant than the differences among anarchist thinkers. A clearer distinction appears to be Adán's perception that his reformist anarchists condone "transitory government," that is, that they will accept the temporary necessity of government, "even if it lasts forever," and even use it to advance their cause, in order to avoid the evils of violent, revolutionary transformation. Clearly, the "revolutionary anarchists" reject the necessity of even the most minimal government, for even the most limited period, and reject even more strongly the transformation of society through political action. But this notion of accepting government on a "practical" level, while maintaining a philosophical opposition to it, seems a slippery concept at best, and Adán himself recognizes this in his concluding critique. Adán takes great pains in another, very useful section to distinguish between "the transitory government of Reformist Anarchists" and the "minimal state of the minarchists," that is, modern libertarians like Nozick, a distinction which cannot be stressed enough. But its main effect is to make this notion of "an acceptance of reality and hence of government as a stage" seem a betrayal of the principles outlined in the rest of the work. A more disturbing aspect of Adán's political discussion is his concentration on government to the neglect of broader issues of hierarchy and domination, issues raised most explicitly by Bookchin but always implicit in the work of other anarchists. That there is no discussion here of racism, sexism, homophobia or other "nongovernmental" constraints on freedom may be considered as owing to the authors under consideration, but from his contemporary perspective Adán should have at least raised the issues. It is not at all clear how the theories discussed in the section on economics grow out of the earlier philosophical discussion, though this was Adán's stated intention. But this is the most detailed section of the book, and Adán's discussion of such key concepts as work, competition and profit offers a clear picture of how reformist anarchist economics differs from both capitalist and Marxist conceptions. He outlines a system which "puts the accent on consumption. From the point of view of consumption, that is demand, we can place ourselves in a better position to foster and promote equality." And he incidentally offers a rather effective critique of the theory which justified the economic debacle of the 1980s, supply-side economics. In a brief section called "The System at Work," Adán at last comes to grips with his subtitle, discussing the limited efforts of the American anarchists to test their theories in small communities and settlements. But this section is too small and too abstract, and leaves the reader intrigued by such notions as Warren's Bank of Exchange, the labor Note, the Time Store and Free Banking, but with no real sense of their feasibility or practicality. The author compounds this problem in his concluding "Criticism" by focusing on the more abstract, philosophical objections to the anarchist project rather than on the pragmatic proposals of the previous section. Reformist Anarchism concludes with a very useful bibliographic essay. Its index, however, will prove very frustrating for anyone interested in returning to a particular topic, for it lists only proper names. A serious study of the feasibility of anarchism, "reformist" or otherwise, is probably long overdue. Reformist Anarchism unfortunately, despite its promising subtitle, is not that book. It is, however, a thought-provoking introduction to the work of some of the lesser-known British and American anarchist thinkers. http://www.socialanarchism.org/mod/magazine/display/19/index.php


1000 -- RESUBSCRIBE? Hi, Dave - I need to unsubscribe to the Bleed & I'm not sure how to go about it - also in a great rush as I'm leaving for San Francisco. I'll need to be "off" for some time as my daughter will be receiving intense medical treatments in Portland in Oct. & Nov. & I'll be away a good deal of the time. Thanks -- Lee Kirk 9/3/99





1872 -- The Saragossa Congress gave rise to fears on the part of the ringleaders of the Alliance that Spain might slip out of their hands. The Alliance immediately began a campaign against the authority of the Spanish Federal Council, similar to that which the Jura circular had directed against the so-called authoritarian powers of the General Council. A thoroughly democratic & at the same time coherent form of organisation had been worked out in Spain by the Barcelona Congress & the Valencia Conference. Thanks to the activity of the Federal Council elected in Valencia (activity which was approved by a special vote of the Congress), this organisation achieved the outstanding successes referred to in the general report. Morago, the leading light of the Alliance in Spain, declared at Saragossa that the powers conferred on the Federal Council in the Spanish organisation were authoritarian, that it was essential to restrict them, & to deprive the Council of the right to accept or reject new sections & decide whether their rules were in accordance with the rules of the federation, in short, to reduce its role to that of a mere correspondence & statistics bureau. After rejecting Morago's proposals, the Congress resolved to preserve the existing authoritarian form of organisation (see Extracts from the Papers of the Second Workers' Congress, etc., pp. 109 & 110, appendix No. 8.188 The evidence given by Citizen Lafargue, a delegate to the Saragossa Congress, will be of great importance in this Connection).

In order to isolate the new Federal Council from the disagreements, which had arisen in Madrid, the Congress transferred it to Valencia. However, the cause of the disagreements, namely, the antagonism, which had begun to develop between the Alliance & the International, was not of a local nature. Unaware of the existence of the Alliance, the Congress set up a new Council composed entirely of members of that society, with the result that two of them, Mora & Lorenzo, opposed it & Mora refused a seat on the Council. The General Council's circular "Fictitious Splits", which was a reply to the Jura circular, obliged all members of the International to make an open statement of their allegiance either to the International or to the Alliance. The polemics between Emancipacion on the one hand & the Alliance newspapers, the Barcelona Federacion & the Seville Razon, on the other became increasingly virulent. Finally, on June 2 the members of the former Federal Council -- the editors of Emancipacion & members of the Spanish Central Committee of the Alliance decided to address a circular to all the Spanish sections of the Alliance, in which they announced their dissolution as a section of the secret society & called on other sections to follow their example. Vengeance followed swiftly. They were immediately expelled again from the local Madrid Federation in flagrant violation of the existing regulations. Following this, they reorganised themselves into a new Madrid Federation & requested recognition from the Federal Council. However, in the meantime the Alliancist element in the Council, strengthened by co-option, had gained complete control, causing Lorenzo to resign. The request of the New Madrid Federation met with a blank refusal on the part of the Federal Council, which was already concentrating all its efforts on ensuring the election of Alliance candidates to the Congress at The Hague. To this end the Council sent a private circular to local federations dated July 7, in which, repeating the slanderous remarks of Federacion concerning the General Council, it proposed that the Federations should send to the Congress a single delegation from the whole of Spain elected by a majority vote, the list of those elected to be drawn up by the Council itself. (Appendices No. 9.) It is obvious to anyone familiar with the secret society existing within the International in Spain that such a procedure would have meant the election of Alliance men to attend the Congress on funds provided by members of the International. As soon as the General Council, which was not sent a copy of the circular, got to know of these facts, it addressed a letter dated July 24 to the Spanish Federal Council, which is attached as an appendix (No. I0). The Federal Council replied on August 1 to the effect that it would require time in order to translate our letter which had been written in French, & on August 3 it addressed an evasive reply to the General Council published in Federacion (appendix No. 11). In this reply it sided with the Alliance. On receipt of the letter of August 1, the General Council had already published the correspondence in Emancipacion. It must be added that as soon as the secret organisation was discovered it was claimed that the Alliance had already been dissolved at the Saragossa Congress. The Central Committee had not, however, been informed to this effect (appendix No. 4). The New Madrid Federation denies this, & it should have known. In general, the claim that the Spanish section of an international society such as the Alliance could dissolve itself without first consulting the other national sections is patently absurd. Immediately after this the Alliance attempted a coup d'état. Realising that it would not be able to secure itself an artificial majority at the Hague Congress by means of the same manoeuvres employed at Basle & La Chaux-de-Fonds, the Alliance took advantage of the Conference held at Rimini by the self-styled Italian Federation in order to make a public announcement of the split. The Conference delegates passed a unanimous resolution (see appendix No. 12). Thus the Congress of the Alliance stood in opposition to that of the International. However, it was soon realised that this plan had no chance of success. It was abandoned, and the decision was taken to go to The Hague, with the very same Italian sections, of which only one out of twenty-one belongs to our Association, having the audacity to send their delegates to the Hague Congress which they had already rejected. Considering: 1) That the Alliance (the main organ of which is the Central Committee of the Jura Federation), founded & led by M. Bakunin, is a society hostile to the International, insofar as it aims at dominating or disorganising the latter; 2) That as a consequence of the foregoing the International & the Alliance are incompatible. The Congress resolves: 1) That M. Bakunin & all the present members of the Alliance of Socialist Democracy be expelled from the International Working Men's Association & be granted re-admission to it only after a public renunciation of all connections with this secret society; 2) That the Jura Federation be expelled as such from the International. Conflict with Bakunin Report of Mandate Commission | Hague Congress Index | International Workingmen's Association Index http://www.marxists.org/history/international/iwma/documents/1872/hague-conference/bakunin-report.htm


1877 -- 1877: In January, Peter left England to live in the Neuchatel region, in Switzerland, so that he could devote all of his time to the Jura Federation. When see/coordinate LINK TO BLEED REF:
[Further details] http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/kropotkin/chronology.html


1899 -- Kropotkin spends his birthday (DEC 9) at Hull House, where he is staying. He is writing his book Fields, Factories & Workshops; In 1899 Kropotkin moved to Chicago & lived in the Hull House settlement. However, his anarchist views made him an unwelcome guest in the United States & so he returned to London.


1890s - Spends most of his time writing. Visits Canada & the United States in 1897. The Atlantic Monthly agrees to publish his memoirs. In his books he attempts to develop an anarchist-communist view of society. <

(1) Robert Lovett, All Our Years (1948)


John Sergeant, in his excellent book on Wright's Usonian houses, argues that there's a mutual admiration between Wright & the noted anarchist, Peter Kropotkin. In 1899, Kropotkin moved to Chicago, living in the Hull House commune, set up by radical social reformer Jane Addams, where Wright often lectured, including a reading of his famous essay the Arts & Crafts Machine.

http://www.counterpunch.org/stclair0813.html


"Oh far-off day of American freedom, when Karl Marx could write for the morning Tribune in New York, & Kropotkin could not only be published in the Atlantic, but be received as a guest in the homes of New England Unitarians, & in Jane Addams' Hull House in Chicago." - Dorthy Day, Loaves & Fishes, 1963. (Inb the good ol' days The Atlantic Monthly agrees to publish his memoirs in 1890s, stayed at hull house in 1899, Marx wrote for the Trib)
Hull House was emphatically the refuge of lost causes. The anarchist agitation had died out, but the fear of it was maintained by press & police to haunt the slumbers of the best people. Miss Addams was attacked for entertaining Peter Kropotkin in Hull House. The celebration of his birthday was an occasion for the visit to Chicago to the mild ghost of anarchism.


is stay in Chicago attracted little attention at the time, but two years later, when the assassination of President McKinley occurred, the visit of this kindly scholar, who had always called himself an "anarchist" & had certainly written fiery tracts in his younger manhood, was made the basis of an attack upon Hull-House by a daily newspaper, which ignored the fact that while Prince Kropotkin had addressed the Chicago Arts & Crafts Society at Hull-House, giving a digest of his remarkable book on "Fields, Factories, & Workshops," he had also spoken at the State Universities of Illinois & Wisconsin & before the leading literary & scientific societies of Chicago. These institutions & societies were not, therefore, called anarchistic. Hull-House had doubtless laid itself open to this attack through an incident connected with the imprisonment of the editor on an anarchistic paper, who was arrested in Chicago immediately after the assassination of President McKinley. In the excitement following the national calamity & the avowal by the assassin of the influence of the anarchistic lecture to which he had listened, arrests were made in Chicago of every one suspected of anarchy, in the belief that a widespread plot would be uncovered. The editor's house was searched for incriminating literature, his wife & daughter taken to a police station, & his son & himself, with several other suspected anarchists, were placed in the disused cells in the basement of the city hall. (2) Alice Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades (1943) Prince Peter Kropotkin was one of the most lovable persons I have ever met. He was a typical revolutionist of the early Russian type, an aristocrat who threw himself into the movement for emancipation of the masses out of a passionate love for his fellow man, & a longing for justice. He stayed some time with us at Hull House, & we all came to love him, not only we who lived under the same roof but the crowds of Russian refugees who came to see him. No matter how down-and-out, how squalid even, a caller would be., Prince Kropotkin would give him a joyful welcome & kiss him on both cheeks. It was most unfortunate that his visit to us came just a short time before the assassination of McKinley. That event woke up the dormant terror of anarchists which always lay close under the surface of Chicago's thinking & feeling, ever since the Haymarket riot. It was known that Czolgosz, the assassin, had been in Chicago at the time when both Emma Goldman & Kropotkin were there, & a rumor started that he had met them & the plot had been of their making - Czolgosz had been their tool. Then the story came to involve Hull House, which had been the scene of these secret, murderous meetings. http://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/addams/hullhouse/hullhouse-17.html
(4) Victor Serge, Memoirs of a Revolutionary (1945) In February, old Kropotkin died in Dimitrovo, near Moscow. I had made no effort to see him, fearing that any conversations between us would be painful; he still believed that the Bolsheviks had received German money, etc. My friends & I had known that he was living in cold & darkness, working on his Ethics & playing the piano a little for recreation, & so we had sent him a luxurious parcel of wax candles. I went up to Moscow for his funeral. These were heartbreaking days: the great frost in the midst of the great hunger. I was the only member of the party to be accepted as a comrade in anarchist circles. The shadow of the Cheka fell everywhere, but a packed & passionate multitude thronged around the bier, making this funeral ceremony into a demonstration of unmistakable significance. http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/USAkropotkin.htm

Emma Goldman
1909 -- US: Emma Goldman lectures on "The Dissolution of Our Institutions" in Frisco, followed by a statement by William Buwalda, the soldier court-martialed the previous year & recently pardoned by President Roosevelt. Event takes place without police interference.

Private William Buwalda was placed under military arrest & court-martialled for attending one of Emma Goldman's meetings & "for shaking hands with her."

Military authorities punished him severely. True, he had served his country 15 years, during which time his record was unimpeachable.

His sentence was "reduced" to three years upon review.

The ex-soldier William Buwalda, as a result of agitation in his behalf, was pardoned by President Roosevelt after 10-months' imprisonment.

"On several occasions he had come across my name in the papers. He had thought Emma Goldman a crank & had paid little attention to articles about me...He had come upon my meeting accidentally, while out for a walk. He had seen the large crowd & the police before the Walton Pavilion. It had made him curious & he thought it a good opportunity to practise his stenography by taking down the speech....

"I wanted to raise my voice in protest, to challenge your statements before the whole assembly....Instead I was caught by the crowd & found myself standing on the platform holding out my hand to you.

I was upset by what I had heard & in the grip of the turmoil you had caused in me. All the way to the Presidio I kept thinking: 'She's wrong, she's entirely wrong! Patriotism is not the last resort of scoundrels. Militarism isn't only murder & destruction!'

After the plain-clothes men had reported me to my superior officer, I was put under arrest."

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/anarchist_archives/goldman/living/living1_34.html
http://members.aol.com/artgrrrrl/emma.html#menace

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1921 -- Anarchism in the Russian Revolution

Anarchism had found its second wind in revolutionary syndicalism; the Russian Revolution gave it its third. This statement may at first surprise the reader, accustomed to think of the great revolutionary movement of October 1917 as the work & domain of the Bolsheviks alone. The Russian Revolution was, in fact, a great mass movement, a wave rising from the people which passed over & submerged ideological formations. It belonged to no one, unless to the people. In so far as it was an authentic revolution, taking its impulse from the bottom upward and spontaneously producing the organs of direct democracy, it presented all the characteristics of a social revolution with libertarian tendencies. However, the relative weakness of the Russian anarchists prevented them from exploiting situations which were exceptionally favorable to the triumph of their ideas.

The Revolution was ultimately confiscated & distorted by the mastery, according to some - the cunning, according to others - of the professional revolutionary team grouped around Lenin. But this defeat of both anarchism & the authentic popular revolution was not entirely sterile for the libertarian idea. In the first place, the collective appropriation of the means of production has not again been put in question, & this safeguards the ground upon which, one day perhaps, socialism from below may prevail over state regimentation; moreover, the Russian experience has provided the occasion for some Russian & some non-Russian anarchists to learn the complex lessons of a temporary defeat - lessons of which Lenin himself seemed to have become aware on the eve of his death. In this context they could rethink the whole problem of revolution and anarchism. According to Kropotkin, echoed by Voline, it taught them, should they ever need to know, how not to make a revolution. Far from proving that libertarian socialism is impracticable, the Soviet experience, on the contrary, broadly confirmed the prophetic correctness of the views of the founders of anarchism and, in particular, their critique of authoritarian socialism.

A LIBERTARIAN REVOLUTION

The point of departure of the Revolution of 1917 was that of 1905, during which a new kind of revolutionary organ had come into being: the soviets. They were born in the factories of St. Petersburg during a spontaneous general strike. In the almost complete absence of a trade-union movement & tradition, the soviets filled a vacuum by coordinating the struggle of the factories on strike. The anarchist Voline was one of the small group which had the idea of setting up the first soviet, in close liaison with the workers & at their suggestion. His evidence coincides with that of Trotsky, who became president of the soviet a few months later. In his account of 1905 he wrote, without any pejorative intent - quite the contrary: "The activity of the soviet represented the organization of anarchy. Its existence & its subsequent development marked the consolidation of anarchy."

This experience had made a permanent mark upon working-class consciousness and, when the second Russian Revolution broke out in February 1917, its leaders did not have to invent anything. The workers took over the factories spontaneously. The soviets revived on their own initiative. Once again, they took the professional revolutionaries by surprise. On Lenin's own admission, the masses of peasants & workers were "a hundred times further to the left" than the Bolsheviks. The prestige of the soviets was such that it was only in their name & at their behest that the October insurrection could be launched.

In spite of their vigor, however, they were lacking in homogeneity, revolutionary experience, and ideological preparation. This made them easy prey to political parties with uncertain revolutionary ideas. Although it was a minority organization, the Bolshevik Party was the only really organized revolutionary force which knew where it was going. It had no rivals on the extreme left in either the political or the trade-union field. It had first-class cadres at its disposal, & set in motion, as Voline admitted, "a feverish, overwhelming, fierce activity."

The party machine, however - of which Stalin was at that time an obscure ornament - had always regarded the soviets with suspicion as embarrassing competitors. Immediately after the seizure of power, the spontaneous & irresistible tendency toward the socialization of production was, at first, channeled through workers' control. A decree of November 14, 1917, legalized the participation of workers in the management of enterprises & the fixing of prices; it abolished trade secrets, & compelled the employers to publish their correspondence and their accounts. According to Victor Serge, "the leaders of the Revolution did not intend to go beyond this." In April 1918 they "still intended . . . to set up mixed companies with shares, in which the Soviet State & Russian & foreign capital would all participate." "The initiative for measures of expropriation came from the masses & not from authority."

As early as October 20, 1917, at the first Congress of Factory Councils, a motion inspired by anarchism was presented. It proposed "control over production, & that control commissions should not be simply investigative bodies, but . . . from this moment on cells of the future preparing to transfer production to the hands of the workers." "In the very early days of the October Revolution," Anna Pankratova [22] reported, "anarchist tendencies were the more easily & successfully manifested, because the capitalists put up the liveliest resistance to the enforcement of the decree on workers' control & actually refused workers' participation in production."

Workers' control in effect soon showed itself to be a half measure, halting & inefficient. The employers sabotaged it, concealed their stocks, removed tools, challenged or locked out the workers; sometimes they used the factory committees as simple agents or aides to management; they even thought it profitable to try to have their firms nationalized. The workers responded to these maneuvers by seizing the factories & running them for their own benefit. "We ourselves will not send the owners away," the workers said in their resolutions, "but we will take charge of production if they will not insure that the factories function." Anna Pankratova adds that, in this first period of "chaotic" & "primitive" socialization, the factory councils "frequently took over the management of factories whose owners had been dismissed or had fled."

Workers' control soon had to give place to socialization. Lenin literally did violence to his more timorous lieutenants by throwing them into the "crucible of living popular creativity," by obliging them to speak in authentic libertarian language. The basis of revolutionary reconstruction was to be workers' self-management. It alone could arouse in the masses such revolutionary enthusiasm that the impossible would become possible. When the last manual worker, any unemployed person, any cook, could see the factories, the land, the administration in the hands of associations of workers, of employees, of officials, of peasants; rationing in the hands of democratic committees, etc.; all created spontaneously by the people - "when the poor see & feel that, there will be no force able to defeat the social revolution." The future seemed to be opening up for a republic of the type of the Commune of 1871, a republic of soviets.

According to Voline's account, "in order to catch the imagination of the masses, gain their confidence & their sympathy, the Bolshevik Party announced . . . slogans which had up tin then been characteristic . . . of anarchism." All power to the soviets was a slogan which the masses intuitively understood in the libertarian sense. Peter Archinoff reported that "the workers interpreted the idea of soviet power as that of their own right to dispose of themselves socially and economically." At the Third Congress of Soviets, at the beginning of 1918, Lenin declared: "Anarchist ideas have now taken on living form." Soon after, at the Seventh Party Congress, March ~8, he proposed for adoption theses which dealt among other things with the socialization of production administered by workers' organizations (trade unions, factory committees, etc.); the abolition of officials in charge of manual trades, of the police & the army; the equality of salaries & remuneration; the participation of all members of the soviets in management & administration of the State; the complete elimination by stages of the said State & of the use of money. At the Trade-Union Congress (spring 1918), Lenin described the factories as "self-governing communes of producers & consumers." The anarcho-syndicalist Maximoff goes so far as to maintain that "the Bolsheviks had not only abandoned the theory of the gradual withering away of the State, but Marxist ideology in general. They had become some kind of anarchists."

AN AUTHORITARIAN REVOLUTION This audacious alignment with the instinct of the masses & their revolutionary temper may have succeeded in giving the Bolsheviks command over the revolution, but had nothing to do with their traditional ideology or their real intentions. They had been authoritarians for a long time, & were imbued with ideas of the State, of dictatorship, of : ':__': , of a ruling party, of management of the economy from above, of all things which were in flagrant contradiction with a really libertarian conception of soviet democracy.

State & Revolution was written on the eve of the October insurrection & mirrors the ambivalence of Lenin's thoughts. Some pages might have been written by a libertarian and, as we have seen above [23], some credit at least is given to the anarchists. However, this call for a revolution from below runs parallel to a statement of the case for a revolution from above. Concepts of a hierarchical, centralized state system are not half concealed afterthoughts but, on the contrary, are frankly expressed: the State will survive the conquest of power by the proletariat & will wither away only after a transitional period. How long is this purgatory to last? This is not concealed; we are told rather with relief than with regret that the process will be "slow," & "of long duration." Under the guise of soviet power, the revolution will bring forth the "proletarian State," or "dictatorship of the proletariat"; the writer even lets slip the expression "bourgeois State without the bourgeoisie," just when he is revealing his inmost thoughts. This omnivorous State surely intends to take everything over.

Lenin took a lesson from contemporary German state capitalism, the Kriegswirtschaft (war economy). Another of his models was the organization of modern large-scale industry by capitalism, with its "iron discipline." He was particularly entranced by a state monopoly such as the posts & telegraphs & exclaimed: "What an admirably perfected mechanism! The whole of economic life organized like the postal services, . . . that is the State, that is the economic base which we need." To seek to do without "authority" & "subordination" is an "anarchist dream," he concluded. At one time he had waxed enthusiastic over the idea of entrusting production & exchange to workers' associations & to self-management. But that was a misdeal. Now he did not hide his magic prescription: all citizens becoming "employees and workers of one universal single state trust," the whole of society converted into "one great office and one great factory." There would be soviets, to be sure, but under the control of the workers' party, a party whose historic task it is to "direct" the proletariat. The most clear-minded Russian anarchists were not misled by this view. At the peak of Lenin's libertarian period they were already warning the workers to be on their guard: in their journal, Golos Truda (The Voice of Labor), in the last months of 1917 & early in 1918 Voline wrote the following prophetic warning:

"Once they have consolidated & legalized their power, the Bolsheviks - who are socialists, politicians, & believers in the State, that is to say, centralist and authoritarian men of action - will begin to arrange the life of the country & the people by governmental & dictatorial means imposed from the centers .... Your soviets . . . will gradually become simply executive organs of the will of the central government.... An authoritarian political state apparatus will be set up and, acting from above, it will seek to crush everything with its iron fist . . . Woe betide anyone who is not in agreement with the central authority.

"All power to the soviets will become in effect the authority of the party leaders."

It was Voline's view that it was the increasingly anarchist tendencies of the masses which obliged Lenin to turn away from his original path for a time. He would allow the State, authority, the dictatorship, to remain only for an hour, for a short moment. & then would come "anarchism." "But, good God, do you not foresee . . . what citizen Lenin will say when real power has been consolidated & it has become possible not to listen any more to the voice of the masses?'' Then he will come back to the beaten path. He will create "a Marxist State," of the most complete type.

It would, of course, be risky to maintain that Lenin & his team consciously set a trap for the masses. There was more doctrinal dualism in them than deliberate duplicity. The contradiction between the two poles of their thought was so obvious, so flagrant, that it was to be foreseen that it would soon impinge upon events. Either the anarchist trend & the pressure of the masses would oblige the Bolsheviks to forget the authoritarian aspect of their concepts, or, on the contrary, the consolidation of their power, coinciding with the exhaustion of the people's revolutionary upsurge, would lead them to put aside their transitory anarchist thoughts.

A new factor then made its appearance, disturbing the balance of the issues in question: the terrible circumstances of the civil war & the foreign intervention, the disorganization of transport, the shortage of technicians. These things drove the Bolshevik leaders to emergency measures, to dictatorship, to centralization, & to recourse to the "iron fist." The anarchists, however, denied that these were the result simply of objective causes external to the Revolution. In their opinion they were due in part to the internal logic of the authoritarian ideas of Bolshevism, to the weakness of an overcentralized & excessively bureaucratic authority. According to Voline, it was, among other things, the incompetence of the State, & its desire to direct & control everything, that made it incapable of reorganizing the economic life of the country & led to a real "breakdown"; that is, to the paralysis of industry, the ruin of agriculture, & the destruction of all connections between the various branches of the economy.

As an example, Voline told the story of the former Nobel oil refinery at Petrograd. It had been abandoned by its owners & its 4,000 workers decided to operate it collectively. They addressed themselves to the Bolshevik government in vain. Then they tried to make the plant work on their own initiative. They divided themselves into mobile groups & tried to find fuel, raw materials, outlets, & means of transport. With regard to the latter they had actually begun discussions with their comrades among the railwaymen. The government became angry, feeling that its responsibility to the country prevented it from allowing each factory to act independently. The workers' council persisted & called a general assembly of the workers. The People's Commissar of Labor took the trouble to give a personal warning to the workers against a "serious act of insubordination." He castigated their attitude as "anarchistic and egotistical." He threatened them with dismissal without compensation. The workers retorted that they were not asking for any privileges: the government should let the workers & peasants all over the country act in the same way. All in vain, the government stuck to its point of view and the factory was closed.

One Communist confirms Voline's analysis: Alexandra Kollontay. In 1921 she complained that numerous examples of workers' initiative had come to grief amid endless paperwork and useless administrative discussions: "How much bitterness there is among the workers . . . when they see what they could have achieved if they had been given the right & the freedom to act.... Initiative becomes weak & the desire for action dies down."

In fact the power of the soviets only lasted a few months, from October 1917 to the spring of 1918. The factory councils were very soon deprived of their power, on the pretext that self-management did not take account of the "rational" needs of the economy, that it involved an egoism of enterprises competing one with the other, grasping for scarce resources, wanting to survive at any price even if other factories were more important "for the State" & better equipped. In brief, according to Anna Pankratova, the situation was moving toward a fragmentation of the economy into "autonomous producers' federations of the kind dreamed of by the anarchists." No doubt the budding workers' self-management was not above reproach. It had tried, painfully & tentatively, to create new forms of production which had no precedent in world history. It had certainly made mistakes & taken wrong turns. That was the price of apprenticeship. As Alexandra Kollontay maintained, communism could not be "born except by a process of practical research, with mistakes perhaps, but starting from the creative forces of the working class itself."

The leaders of the Party did not hold this view. They were only too pleased to take back from the factory committees the power which they had not in their heart of hearts been happy to hand over. As early as 1918, Lenin stated his preference for the "single will" in the management of enterprises. The workers must obey "unconditionally" the single will of the directors of the work process. All the Bolshevik leaders, Kollontay tells us, were "skeptical with regard to the creative abilities of workers' collectives." Moreover, the administration was invaded by large numbers of petty bourgeois, left over from old Russian capitalism, who had adapted themselves all too quickly to institutions of the soviet type, & had got themselves into responsible positions in the various commissariats, insisting that economic management should be entrusted to them & not to workers' organizations.

The state bureaucracy played an increasing role in the economy. From December 5, 1917, on, industry was put under a Supreme Economic Council, responsible for the authoritarian coordination of the activity of all organs of production. From May 26 to June 4, 1918, the Congress of Economic Councils met & decided that the directorate of each enterprise should be composed of members two-thirds of whom would be nominated by the regional councils or the Supreme Economic Council & only one third elected by workers on the spot. A decree of May 28, 1918, extended collectivization to industry as a whole but, by the same token, transformed the spontaneous socializations of the first months of the revolution into nationalizations. The Supreme Economic Council was made responsible for the administration of the nationalized industries. The directors & technical staff were to remain at their posts as appointees of the State. At the Second Congress of the Supreme Economic Council at the end of 1918, the factory councils were roundly trounced by the committee reporter for trying to direct the factories in the place of the board of directors.

For the sake of appearances, elections to factory committees continued to take place, but a member of the Communist cell read out a list of candidates drawn up in advance & voting was by show of hands in the presence of the armed "Communist guards" of the enterprise. Anyone who declared his opposition to the proposed candidates became subject to economic sanctions (wage cuts, etc.). As Peter Archinoff reported, there remained a single omnipresent master - the State. Relations between the workers & this new master became similar to those which had previously existed between labor & capital.

The functions of the soviets had become purely nominal. They were transformed into institutions of government power. "You must become basic cells of the State," Lenin told the Congress of Factory Councils on June 27, 1918. As Voline expressed it, they were reduced to the role of "purely administrative & executive organs responsible for small, unimportant local matters and entirely subject to 'directives' from the central authorities: government & the leading organs of the Party." They no longer had "even the shadow of power." At the Third Trades-Union Congress (April 1920), the committee reporter, Lozovosky, admitted: "We have abandoned the old methods of workers' control & we have preserved only the principle of state control." From now on this "control" was to be exercised by an organ of the State: the Workers' & Peasants' Inspectorate.

The industrial federations which were centralist in structure had, in the first place, helped the Bolsheviks to absorb & subjugate the factory councils which were federalist & libertarian in their nature. From April 1, 1918, the fusion between the two types of organization was an accomplished fact. From then on the trade unions played a disciplinary role under the supervision of the Party. The union of workers in the heavy metal industries of Petrograd forbade "disruptive initiatives" from the factory councils & objected to their "most dangerous" tendency to put this or that enterprise into the hands of the workers. This was said to be the worst way of imitating production cooperatives, "the idea of which had long since been bankrupt" & which would "not fail to transform themselves into capitalist undertakings." "Any enterprise abandoned or sabotaged by an industrialist, the product of which was necessary to the national economy, was to be placed under the control of the State." It was "not permissible" that the workers should take over such enterprises without the approval of the trade-union organization.

After this preliminary take-over operation the trade unions were, in their turn, tamed, deprived of any autonomy, purged; their congresses were postponed, their members arrested, their organizations disbanded or merged into larger units. At the end of this process any anarcho-syndicalist tendency had been wiped out, & the trade-union movement was completely subordinated to the State & the single party.

The same thing happened with regard to consumers' cooperatives. In the early stages of the Revolution they had arisen everywhere, increased in numbers, & federated with each other. Their offense, however, was that they were outside the control of the Party & a certain number of social democrats (Mensheviks) had infiltrated them. First, local shops were deprived of their supplies & means of transport on the pretext of "private trade" & "speculation," or even without any pretext at all. Then, all free cooperatives were closed at one stroke & state cooperatives set up bureaucratically in their place. The decree of March 20, 1919, absorbed the consumer cooperatives into the Commissariat of Food Supplies & the industrial producer cooperatives into the Supreme Economic Council. Many members of cooperatives were thrown into prison.

The working class did not react either quickly or vigorously enough. It was dispersed, isolated in an immense, backward, & for the most part rural country exhausted by privation and revolutionary struggle, and, still worse, demoralized. Finally, its best members had left for the fronts of the civil war or had been absorbed into the party & government apparatus. Nevertheless, quite a number of workers felt themselves more or less done out of the fruits of their revolutionary victories, deprived of their rights, subjected to tutelage, humiliated by the arrogance & arbitrary power of the new masters; & these became aware of the real nature of the supposed "proletarian State." Thus, during the summer of 1918, dissatisfied workers in the Moscow & Petrograd factories elected delegates from among their number, trying in this way to oppose their authentic "delegate councils" to the soviets of enterprises already captured by authority. Kollontay bears witness that the worker felt sore & understood that he had been pushed aside. He could compare the life style of the soviet functionaries with the way in which he lived - he upon whom the "dictatorship of the proletariat" was based, at least in theory.

By the time the workers really saw the light it was too late. Power had had the time to organize itself solidly & had at its disposal repressive forces fully able to break any attempted autonomous action on the part of the masses. According to Voline, a bitter but unequal struggle lasted some three years, & was entirely unknown outside Russia. In this a working-class vanguard opposed a state apparatus determined to deny the division which had developed between itself & the masses. From 1919 to 1921, strikes increased in the large cities, in Petrograd especially, & even in Moscow. They were severely repressed, as we shall see further on.

Within the directing Party itself a "Workers' Opposition" arose which demanded a return to the democracy of the soviets & self-management. At the Tenth Party Congress in March 1921, one of its spokesmen, Alexandra Kollontay, distributed a pamphlet asking for freedom of initiative and organization for the trade unions & for a "congress of producers" to elect a central administrative organ for the national economy. The brochure was confiscated & banned. Lenin persuaded almost the whole congress to vote for a resolution identifying the theses of the Workers' Opposition with "petty-bourgeois & anarchist deviations": the "syndicalism," the "semi-anarchism" of the oppositionists was in his eyes a "direct danger" to the monopoly of power exercised by the Party in the name of the proletariat. From then on all opposition within the Party was forbidden & the way was open to "totalitarianism," as was admitted by Trotsky years later.

The struggle continued within the central leadership of the trade unions. Tomsky & Riazanov were excluded from the Presidium & sent into exile, because they had stood for trade unions independent of the Party. The leader of the workers' opposition, Shlyapaikov, met the same fate, and was soon followed by the prime mover of another opposition group: G. I. Miasnikov, a genuine worker who had put the Grand Duke Michael to death in 1917. He had been a party member for fifteen years and, before the revolution, spent more than seven years in prison and seventy-five days on a hunger strike. In November 1921, he dared to state in a pamphlet that the workers had lost confidence in the Communists, because the Party no longer had a common language with the rank & file & was now using against the working class the repressive measures brought in against the bourgeoisie between 1918 & 1920.

THE PART PLAYED BY THE ANARCHISTS

What part did the Russian anarchists play in this drama in which a libertarian-style revolution was transmuted into its opposite? Russia had no libertarian traditions & it was in foreign lands that Bakunin & Kropotkin became anarchists. Neither played a militant anarchist role inside Russia at any time. Up to the time of the 1917 Revolution, only a few copies of short extracts from their writings had appeared in Russia, clandestinely & with great difficulty. There was nothing anarchist in the social, socialist, & revolutionary education of the Russians. On the contrary, as Voline told us, "advanced Russian youth were reading literature which always presented socialism in a statist form." People's minds were soaked in ideas of government, having been contaminated by German social democracy.

The anarchists "were a tiny handful of men without influence," at the most a few thousand. Voline reported that their movement was "still far too small to have any immediate, concrete effect on events." Moreover, most of them were individualist intellectuals not much involved in the working-class movement. Voline was an exception, as was Nestor Makhno, who could move the hearts of the masses in his native Ukraine. In Makhno's memoirs he passed the severe judgment that "Russian anarchism lagged behind events or even functioned completely outside them."

However, this judgment seems to be less than fair. The anarchists played a far from negligible part in events between the February & October revolutions. Trotsky admitted this more than once in his History of the Russian Revolution. "Brave" & "active," though few in numbers, they were a principled opposition in the Constituent Assembly at a time when the Bolsheviks had not yet turned anti-parliamentary. They put out the call "all power to the soviets" long before Lenin's party did so. They inspired the movement for the spontaneous socialization of housing, often against the will of the Bolsheviks. Anarcho-syndicalist activists played a part in inducing workers to take over the factories, even before October.

During the revolutionary days that brought Kerensky's bourgeois republic to an end, the anarchists were in the forefront of the military struggle, especially in the Dvinsk regiment commanded by old libertarians like Grachoff & Fedotoff. This force dislodged the counter-revolutionary "cadets." Aided by his detachment, the anarchist Gelezniakov disbanded the Constituent Assembly: the Bolsheviks only ratified the accomplished fact. Many partisan detachments were formed or led by anarchists (Mokrooussoff, Cherniak, & others), & fought unremittingly against the White armies between 1918 & 1920.

Scarcely a major city was without an anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist group, spreading a relatively large amount of printed matter - papers, periodicals, leaflets, pamphlets, & books. There were two weeklies in Petrograd & a daily in Moscow, each appearing in 25,000 copies. Anarchist sympathizers increased as the Revolution deepened & then moved away from the masses. The French captain Jacques Sadoul, on a mission in Russia, wrote in a report dated April 6, 1918: "The anarchist party is the most active, the most militant of the opposition groups & probably the most popular .... The Bolsheviks are anxious." At the end of 1918, according to Voline, "this influence became so great that the Bolsheviks, who could not accept criticism, still less opposition, became seriously disturbed." Voline reports that for the Bolshevik authorities "it was equivalent . . . to suicide to tolerate anarchist propaganda. They did their best first to prevent, & then to forbid, any manifestation of libertarian ideas and finally suppressed them by brute force."

The Bolshevik government "began by forcibly closing the offices of libertarian organizations, and forbidding the anarchists from taking part in any propaganda or activity." In Moscow on the night of April 12, 1918, detachments of Red Guards, armed to the teeth, took over by surprise twenty-five houses occupied by the anarchists. The latter, thinking that they were being attacked by White Guards, replied with gunfire. According to Voline, the authorities soon went on to "more violent measures: imprisonment, outlawing, & execution." "For four years this conflict was to keep the Bolshevik authorities on their toes . . . until the libertarian trend was finally crushed by military measures (at the end of 1921)."

The liquidation of the anarchists was all the easier since they had divided into two factions, one of which refused to be tamed while the other allowed itself to be domesticated. The latter regarded "historical necessity" as justification for making a gesture of loyalty to the regime and, at last temporarily, approving its dictatorial actions. They considered a victorious end to the civil war & the crushing of the counter-revolution to be the first necessities.

The more intransigent anarchists regarded this as a short-sighted tactic. For the counter-revolutionary movements were being fed by the bureaucratic impotence of the government apparatus & the disillusionment & discontent of the people. Moreover, the authorities ended up by making no distinction between the active wing of the libertarian revolution which was disputing its methods of control, & the criminal activities of its right-wing adversaries. To accept dictatorship & terror was a suicidal policy for the anarchists who were themselves to become its victims. Finally, the conversion of the so-called soviet anarchists made the crushing of those other, irreconcilable, ones easier, for they were treated as "false" anarchists, irresponsible & unrealistic dreamers, stupid muddlers, madmen, sowers of division, and, finally, counterrevolutionary bandits.

Victor Serge was the most brilliant, & therefore considered the most authoritative, of the converted anarchists. He worked for the regime & published a pamphlet in French which attempted to defend it against anarchist criticism. The book he wrote later, L'An I de la Revolution Russe, is largely a justification of the liquidation of the soviets by Bolshevism. The Party - or rather its elite leadership - is presented as the brains of the working class. It is up to the duly selected leader of the vanguard to discover what the proletariat can & must do. Without them, the masses organized in soviets would be no more than "a sprinkling of men with confused aspirations shot through with gleams of intelligence."

Victor Serge was certainly too clear-minded to have any illusions about the real nature of the central Soviet power. But this power was still haloed with the prestige of the first victorious proletarian revolution; it was loathed by world counter-revolution; & that was one of the reasons - the most honorable - why Serge & many other revolutionaries saw fit to put a padlock on their tongues. In the summer of 1921 the anarchist Gaston Leval came to Moscow in the Spanish delegation to the Third Congress of the Communist International. In private, Serge confided to him that "the Communist Party no longer practices the dictatorship of the proletariat but dictatorship over the proletariat." Returning to France, Leval published articles in Le Libertaire using well documented facts, & placing side by side what Victor Serge had told him confidentially & his public statements, which he described as "conscious lies." In Living My Life, the great American anarchist Emma Goldman was no kinder to Victor Serge, whom she had seen in action in Moscow.

THE MAKHNOVTCHINA

It had been relatively easy to liquidate the small, weak nuclei of anarchists in the cities, but things were different in the Ukraine, where the peasant Nestor Makhno had built up a strong rural anarchist organization, both economic & military. Makhno was born of poor Ukrainian peasants & was twenty years old in 1919. As a child, he had seen the 1905 Revolution and later became an anarchist. The Czarist regime sentenced him to death, commuted to eight years' imprisonment, which was spent, more often than not in irons, in Boutirki prison, the only school he was ever to attend. He filled at least some of the gaps in his education with the help of a fellow-prisoner, Peter Archinoff.

Immediately after the October Revolution, Makhno took the initiative in organizing masses of peasants into an autonomous region, a roughly circular area 480 by 400 miles, with seven million inhabitants. Its southern end reached the Sea of Azov at the port of Berdiansk, & it was centered in Gulyai-Polye, a large town of 20,000 to 30,000 people. This was a traditionally rebellious region which had seen violent disturbances in 1905.

The story began when the German & Austrian armies of occupation imposed a right-wing regime which hastened to return to their former owners the lands which had been seized by revolutionary peasants. The land workers put up an armed defense of their new conquests. They resisted reaction but also the untimely intrusion of Bolshevik commissars, & their excessive levies. This vast jacquerie [24] was inspired by a "lover of justice," a sort of anarchist Robin Hood called "Father" Makhno by the peasants. His first feat of arms was the capture of Gulyai-Polye in mid-September 1918. The armistice of November 11, however, led to the withdrawal of the Austro-German occupation forces, & gave Makhno a unique opportunity to build up reserves of arms & supplies.

For the first time in history, the principles of libertarian communism were applied in the liberated Ukraine, & self-management was put into force as far as possible in the circumstances of the civil war. Peasants united in "communes" or "free-work soviets," and communally tilled the land for which they had fought with the former owners. These groups respected the principles of equality & fraternity. Each man, woman, or child had to work in proportion to his or her strength, & comrades elected to temporary managerial functions subsequently returned to their regular work alongside the other members of the communes.

Each soviet was simply the executive of the will of the peasants in the locality from which it had been elected. Production units were federated into districts, & districts into regions. The soviets were integrated into a general economic system based on social equality; they were to be independent of any political party. No politician was to dictate his will to them under cover of soviet power. Members had to be authentic workers at the service of the laboring masses.

When the Makhnovist partisans moved into an area they put up posters reading: "The freedom of the workers & peasants is their own, & not subject to any restriction. It is up to the workers and peasants themselves to act, to organize themselves, to agree among themselves in all aspects of their lives, as they themselves see fit & desire .... The Makhnovists can do no more than give aid & counsel .... In no circumstances can they, nor do they wish to, govern."

When, in 1920, Makhno's men were brought to negotiate with the Bolsheviks, they did so as their equals, & concluded an ephemeral agreement with them, to which they insisted that the following appendix be added: "In the area where the Makhnovist army is operating the worker and peasant population shall create its own free institutions for economic & political self-administration; these institutions shall be autonomous & linked federally by agreements with the governing organs of the Soviet Republics." The Bolshevik negotiators were staggered and separated the appendix from the agreement in order to refer it to Moscow where of course, it was, considered "absolutely inadmissible."

One of the relative weaknesses of the Makhnovist movement was its lack of libertarian intellectuals, but it did receive some intermittent aid from outside. This came first from Kharkov and Kursk where the anarchists, inspired by Voline, had in 1918 formed a union called Nabat (the tocsin). In 1919 they held a congress at which they declared themselves "categorically and definitely opposed to any form of participation in the soviets, which have become purely political bodies, organized on an authoritarian, centralized, statist basis." The Bolshevik government regarded this statement as a declaration of war & the Nabat was forced to give up all its activities. Later, in July, Voline got through to Makhno's headquarters & joined with Peter Archinoff to take charge of the cultural & educational side of the movement. He presided at the congress held in October at Alexandrovsk, where the "General Theses" setting out the doctrine of the "free soviets" were adopted.

Peasant & partisan delegates took part in these congresses. In fact, the civil organization was an extension of a peasant army of insurrection, practicing guerrilla tactics. This army was remarkably mobile, covering as much as 160 miles in a day, thanks not only to its cavalry but also to its infantry, which traveled in light horse-drawn carts with springs. This army was organized on a specifically libertarian, voluntary basis. The elective principle was applied at all levels & discipline freely agreed to: the rules of the latter were drawn up by commissions of partisans, then validated by general assemblies, & were strictly observed by all.

Makhno's franc-tireurs gave the White armies of intervention plenty of trouble. The units of Bolshevik Red Guards, for their part, were not very effective. They fought only along the railways & never went far from their armored trains, to which they withdrew at the first reverse, sometimes without taking on board all their own combatants. This did not give much confidence to the peasants who were short of arms & isolated in their villages & so would have been at the mercy of the counter-revolutionaries. Archinoff, the historian of the Makhnovtchina, wrote that "the honor of destroying Denikin's counter-revolution in the autumn of 1919 is principally due to the anarchist insurgents."

But after the units of Red Guards had been absorbed into the Red Army, Makhno persisted in refusing to place his army under the supreme command of the Red Army chief, Trotsky. That great revolutionary therefore believed it necessary to turn upon the insurrectionary movement. On June 4, 1919, he drafted an order banning the forthcoming Makhnovist congress, accusing them of standing out against Soviet power in the Ukraine. He characterized participation in the congress as an act of "high treason" & called for the arrest of the delegates. He refused to give arms to Makhno's partisans, failing in his duty of assisting them, & subsequently accused them of "betrayal" & of allowing themselves to be beaten by the White troupe. The same procedure was followed eighteen years later by the Spanish Stalinists against the anarchist brigades.

The two armies, however, came to an agreement again, on two occasions, when the extreme danger caused by the intervention required them to act together. This occurred first in March 1919, against Denikin, the second during the summer & autumn of 1920, before the menace of the White forces of Wrangel which were finally destroyed by Makhno. But as soon as the supreme danger was past the Red Army returned to military operations against the partisans of Makhno, who returned blow for blow.

At the end of November 1920 those in power went so far as to prepare an ambush. The Bolsheviks invited the officers of the Crimean Makhnovist army to take part in a military council. There they were immediately arrested by the Cheka, the political police, & shot while their partisans were disarmed. At the same time a regular offensive was launched against Gulyai-Polye. The increasingly unequal struggle between libertarians & authoritarians continued for another nine months. In the end, however, overcome by more numerous & better equipped forces, Makhno had to give up the struggle. He managed to take refuge in Rumania in August 1921, & later reached Paris, where he died much later of disease & poverty. This was the end of the epic story of the Makhnovtchina. According to Peter Archinoff, it was the prototype of an independent movement of the working masses & hence a source of future inspiration for the workers of the world.

KRONSTADT

In February-March 1921, the Petrograd workers & the sailors of the Kronstadt fortress were driven to revolt, the aspirations which inspired them being very similar to those of the Makhnovist revolutionary peasants.

The material conditions of urban workers had become intolerable through lack of foodstuffs, fuel, & transport, & any expression of discontent was being crushed by a more & more dictatorial & totalitarian regime. At the end of February strikes broke out in Petrograd, Moscow, & several other large industrial centers. The workers demanded bread & liberty; they marched from one factory to another, closing them down, attracting new contingents of workers into their demonstrations. The authorities replied with gunfire, & the Petrograd workers in turn by a protest meeting attended by 10,000 workers. Kronstadt was an island naval base forty-eight miles from Petrograd in the Gulf of Finland which was frozen during the winter. It was populated by sailors & several thousand workers employed in the naval arsenals. The Kronstadt sailors had been in the vanguard of the revolutionary events of 1905 & 1917. As Trotsky put it, they had been the "pride & glory of the Russian Revolution." The civilian inhabitants of Kronstadt had formed a free commune, relatively independent of the authorities. In the center of the fortress an enormous public square served as a popular forum holding as many as 30,000 persons.

In 1921 the sailors certainly did not have the same revolutionary makeup & the same personnel as in 1917; they had been drawn from the peasantry far more than their predecessors; but the militant spirit had remained & as a result of their earlier performance they retained the right to take an active part in workers' meetings in Petrograd. When the workers of the former capital went on strike they sent emissaries who were driven back by the forces of order. During two mass meetings held in the main square they took up as their own the demands of the strikers. Sixteen thousand sailors, workers, & soldiers attended the second meeting held on March 1, as did the head of state, Kalinin, president of the central executive. In spite of his presence they passed a resolution demanding that the workers, Red soldiers, & sailors of Petrograd, Kronstadt, & the Petrograd province be called together during the next ten days in a conference independent of the political parties. They also called for the abolition of "political officers," asked that no political party should have privileges, & that the Communist shock detachments in the army & "Communist guards" in the factories should be disbanded.

It was indeed the monopoly of power of the governing party which they were attacking. The Kronstadt rebels dared to call this monopoly an "usurpation." Let the angry sailors speak for themselves, as we skim through the pages of the official journal of this new commune, the Izvestia of Kronstadt. According to them, once it had seized power the Communist Party had only one concern: to keep it by fair means or foul. It had lost contact with the masses, and proved its inability to get the country out of a state of general collapse. It had become bureaucratic & lost the confidence of the workers. The soviets, having lost their real power, had been meddled with, taken over, & manipulated, the trade unions were being made instruments of the State. An omnipotent police apparatus weighed on the people, enforcing its laws by gunfire & the use of terror. Economic life had become not the promised socialism, based on free labor, but a harsh state capitalism. The workers were simply wage earners under this national trust, exploited just as before. The irreverent men of Kronstadt went so far as to express doubt about the infallibility of the supreme leaders of the revolution. They mocked Trotsky, & even Lenin, irreverently. Their immediate demands were the restoration of all freedoms & free elections to all the organs of soviet democracy, but beyond this they were looking to a more distant objective with a clearly anarchist content: a "third revolution."

The rebels did, however, intend to keep within the framework of the Revolution & undertook to watch over the achievements of the social revolution. They proclaimed that they had nothing in common with those who would have wished to "return to the knout of Czarism," & though they did not conceal their intention of depriving the "Communists" of power, this was not to be for the purpose of "returning the workers & peasants to slavery." Moreover, they did not cut off all possibility of cooperation with the regime, still hoping "to be able to find a common language." Finally, the freedom of expression they were demanding was not to be for just anybody, but only for sincere believers in the Revolution: anarchists & "left socialists" (a formula which would exclude social democrats or Mensheviks).

The audacity of Kronstadt was much more than a Lenin or a Trotsky could endure. The Bolshevik leaders had once & for all identified the Revolution with the Communist Party, and anything which went against this myth must, in their eyes, appear as "counter-revolutionary." They saw the whole of Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy in danger. Kronstadt frightened them the more, since they were governing in the name of the proletariat and, suddenly, their authority was being disputed by a movement which they knew to be authentically proletarian. Lenin, moreover, held the rather simplistic idea that a Czarist restoration was the only alternative to the dictatorship of his own party. The statesmen of the Kremlin in 1921 argued in the same way as those, much later, in the autumn of 1956: Kronstadt was the forerunner of Budapest.

Trotsky, the man with the "iron fist," undertook to be personally responsible for the repression. "If you persist, you will be shot down from cover like partridges," he announced to the "mutineers." The sailors were treated as "White Guardists," accomplices of the interventionist Western powers, & of the "Paris Bourse." They were to be reduced to submission by force of arms. It was in vain that the anarchists Emma Goldman & Alexander Berkman, who had found asylum in the fatherland of the workers after being deported from the United States, sent a pathetic letter to Zinoviev, insisting that the use of force would do "incalculable damage to the social revolution" & adjuring the "Bolshevik comrades" to settle the conflict through fraternal negotiation. The Petrograd workers could not come to the aid of Kronstadt because they were already terrorized, & subject to martial law.

An expeditionary force was set up composed of carefully hand-picked troops, for many Red soldiers were unwilling to fire on their class brothers. This force was put under the command of a former Czarist officer, the future Marshall Tukachevsky. The bombardment of the fortress began on March 7. Under the heading "Let the world know!" the besieged inhabitants launched a last appeal: "May the blood of the innocent be on the head of the Communists, mad, drunk and enraged with power. Long live the power of the soviets!" The attacking force moved across the frozen Gulf of Finland on March 18 & quelled the "rebellion" in an orgy of killing.

The anarchists had played no part in this affair. However, the revolutionary committee of Kronstadt had invited two libertarians to join it: Yarchouk (the founder of the Kronstadt soviet of 1917) & Voline; in vain, for they were at the time imprisoned by the Bolsheviks. Ida Mett, historian of the Kronstadt revolt (in La Commune de Cronstadt), commented that "the anarchist influence was brought to bear only to the extent to which anarchism itself propagated the idea of workers' democracy." The anarchists did not play any direct part in events, but they associated themselves with them. Voline later wrote: "Kronstadt was the first entirely independent attempt of the people to free themselves of all control & carry out the social revolution: this attempt was made directly, . . . by the working masses themselves, without 'political shepherds,' without 'leaders,' or 'tutors.' Alexander Berkman added: "Kronstadt blew sky high the myth of the proletarian State; it proved that the dictatorship of the Communist Party & the Revolution were really incompatible."

ANARCHISM LIVING & DEAD

Although the anarchists played no direct part in the Kronstadt rising, the regime took advantage of crushing it to make an end of an ideology which continued to frighten them. A few weeks earlier, on February 8, the aged Kropotkin had died on Russian soil, & his remains had been given an imposing funeral, which was followed by an immense convoy of about 100,000 people. Over the heads of the crowd, among the red flags, one could see the black banners of the anarchist groups inscribed in letters of fire: "Where there is authority there is no freedom." According to Kropotkin's biographers, this was "the last great demonstration against Bolshevik tyranny, & many took part more to demand freedom than to praise the great anarchist."

Hundreds of anarchists were arrested after Kronstadt, & only a few months later, the libertarian Fanny Baron & eight of her comrades were shot in the cellars of the Cheka prison in Moscow. Militant anarchism had received a fatal blow. But outside Russia, the anarchists who had lived through the Russian Revolution undertook an enormous labor of criticism and doctrinal revision which reinvigorated libertarian thought & made it more concrete. As early as September 1920, the congress of the Confederation of Anarchist Organizations of the Ukraine, Nabat, had categorically rejected the expression "dictatorship of the proletariat," seeing that it led inevitably to dictatorship over the masses by that fraction of the proletariat entrenched in the Party, by officials, & a handful of leaders. Just before he died Kropotkin had issued a "Message to the Workers of the West" in which he sorrowfully denounced the rise of a "formidable bureaucracy": "It seems to me that this attempt to build a communist republic on the basis of a strongly centralized state, under the iron law of the dictatorship of one party, has ended in a terrible fiasco. Russia teaches us how not to impose communism."

In 1920 the German anarchist, Rudolf Rocker, who later lived & died in the United States, wrote Die Bankrotte des Russischen Stautskommunismus (The Bankruptcy of State Communism), which appeared in 1921. This was the first analysis to be made of the degeneration of the Russian Revolution. In his view the famous "dictatorship of the proletariat" was not the expression of the will of a single class, but the dictatorship of a party pretending to speak in the name of a class & kept in power by force of bayonets. "Under the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia a new class has developed, the 'commissarocracy,' which oppresses the broad masses just as much as the old regime used to do." By systematically subordinating all the factors in social life to an all-powerful government endowed with every prerogative, "one could not fail to end up with the hierarchy of officials which proved fatal to the development of the Russian Revolution." "Not only did the Bolsheviks borrow the state apparatus from the previous society, but they have given it an all-embracing power which no other government arrogates to itself."

In June 1922 the group of Russian anarchists exiled in Germany published a revealing little book under the names of A. Gorielik, A. Komoff, & Voline: Repression de l'Anarchisme en Russie Sovietique(The Repression of Anarchism in Soviet Russia). Voline made a French translation which appeared at the beginning of 1923. It contained an alphabetical list of the martyrs of Russian anarchism. In 1921-1922, Alexander Berkman, & in 1922-1923, Emma Goldman published a succession of pamphlets on the dramatic events which they had witnessed in Russia.

In their turn, Peter Archinoff & Nestor Makhno himself, escaped Makhnovites who had taken refuge in the West, published their evidence.

The two great libertarian classics on the Russian Revolution, The Guillotine at Work: Twenty Years of Terror in Russia by Grigori Maximov [G.P. Maximoff] & The Unkown Revolution by Voline, came much later, during the Second World War, & were written with the maturity of thought made possible by the passage of the years.

For Maximoff, whose account appeared in America, the lessons of the past brought to him a sure expectation of a better future. The new ruling class in the U.S.S.R. cannot & will not be permanent, & it will be succeeded by libertarian socialism. Objective conditions are driving this development forward:

"Is it conceivable . . . that the workers might desire the return of the capitalists to their enterprises? Never! for they are rebelling specifically against exploitation by the State & its bureaucrats."

What the workers desire is to replace this authoritarian management of production with their own factory councils, & to unite these councils into one vast national federation. What they desire is workers' self-management. In the same way, the peasants have understood that there can be no question of returning to an individualist economy. Collective agriculture is the only solution, together with the collaboration of the rural collectives with the factory councils & trade unions: in short, the further development of the program of the October Revolution in complete freedom.

Voline strongly asserted that any experiment on the Russian model could only lead to "state capitalism based on an odious exploitation of the masses," the "worst form of capitalism and one which has absolutely nothing to do with the progress of humanity toward a socialist society." It could do nothing but promote "the dictatorship of a single party which leads unavoidably to the repression of all freedom of speech, press, organization, & action, even for revolutionary tendencies, with the sole exception of the party in power," & to a "social inquisition" which suffocates "the very breath of the Revolution." Voline went on to maintain that Stalin "did not fall from the moon."

Stalin & Stalinism are, in his view, the logical consequence of the authoritarian system founded & established between 1918 & 1921.

"This is the lesson the world must learn from the tremendous & decisive Bolshevik experiment: a lesson which gives powerful support to the libertarian thesis & which events will soon make clear to the understanding of all those who grieve, suffer, think, & struggle."



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1921 --

Barcelona 1917- 1923 -Crònica- Manel Aisa

desembre 1921 Martínez Anido, Miguel Arleguí y el comisario Espejo, "La ley de fugas". El 3 de JANUARY ENERO / JANUARY 3 de 1921 los pistoleros del Libre darán muerte al cenetista Josep Julià delegado de la CNT en un telar de la calle Industria. El 4 de ENERO / JANUARY 4 los cenetistas atentan de nuevo contra Marià Sans (que había pertenecido a la banda del varón de Köenning), en la calle Valencia donde tenía un tenderete, en la autopsia le encontraron un tatuaje en el antebrazo con el lema ¡Viva la anarquía!. 1921 El 6 de ENERO / JANUARY 6 unos cuantos cenetistas se reúnen con sus familias en la Font del Quento de la barriada del Clot cuando de pronto irrumpieron numerosos coches de la policía deteniéndolos a todos. Este hecho hizo sospechar de Francisco Villena Presidente del Ramo del Agua de la CNT y por este motivo cayó en sospecha, por lo que decidieron vigilarle. Este mismo día de Reyes, serán detenidos en la calle Viladomat Acrato Vidal y Pedro Álvarez Montaña, acusados de pertenecer al sindicato de Artes Gráficas de la CNT. 1921 El 8 de ENERO / JANUARY 8 es asesinado por los del Libre, el cenetista Manuel Valero, en una taberna de la calle Jerusalem cerca de las Ramblas. También este día del niño, será detenido el cenetista Domingo Colominas, acusado de unos hechos ocurrido en Sta. Eulalia donde en un tiroteo con la policía murió el cenetista C.Figuerola. 1921 El 12 de ENERO / JANUARY 12 en Terrassa es asesinado el Teniente de Alcalde de Terrassa Juan Abella, la policía por este hecho detuvo en Barcelona al cenetista Isidre Tomás, precisamente en el día que estaba velando a su hijo, éste al ver venir a la policía pudo huir y refugiarse en el pueblo de sus padres "La Garriga", donde sería detenido días más tarde. Después de una soberbial paliza se intentó aplicarle la Ley de Fugas, pero estaba Isidre tan débil que no pudo hacer ni tan siquiera el gesto o la intención de escapar.

El 15 de JANUARY ENERO / JANUARY 15 el cenetista Juan Caballé estaba pidiendo apoyo para los presos de la CNT, en las proximidades del Arco del Triunfo cuando dos policías se percatan de su cometido y lo detienen, inmediatamente se establece un tiroteo entre la policía y los compañeros cenetistas que cubrían la espalda de Caballé, en la refriega murió el cenetista Francisco Sabate (El Quico), Juan Caballé logró escapar con lo recaudado. ADDED DATE & REWROTE THE MATERIAL IN BLUE FOR THE BLEED JANUARY 2007:

Por aquellos días de Valencia llegaron a Barcelona varios cenetistas (Juan Villanueva, Juli Peris, Ramón Gomar, Antonio Parra), con aportaciones económicas para los presos, enterado el inspector Espejo que los valencianos se encontraban en el Café Español, los detuvo el 17 de ENERO / JANUARY 17, llevándolos a comisaria y acusándoles de haber atentado en la capital del Turia, contra el ex-gobernador Salvatierra.

Ese mismo día 17 de ENERO / JANUARY 17 1921 JANUARY la policía por una delación asalta la vivienda de Isidro Pons Calvo de la calle Carretas nº 69,2º1ª, donde está instalado el Comité Pro-Presos de la CNT, en el lugar requisan numerosa documentación además, detienen a todas las personas que se encuentran en la misma, que son los cenetistas Pablo Martínez Casanova, María López, Juan Canales Moncax y Pablo Martín que usa la identidad de José Ramón Cuartero. Entre la documentación encontrada, había algunos recibos firmados por Companys, Arderius y el abogado Lorogoyen, la policía también encontrará recibos de numerosas mujeres, compañeras en este caso de presos en la Modelo de los cuales el comité Pro-presos se hacía cargo de los gastos familiares. Hubo otras detenciones en la persona de Juan Mata Fernández que trabajaba de practicante de farmacia, al cual se le acusó de tener y leer libros y folletos anarquistas, además de portar un carnet del ramo "Agua, gas y electricidad de la CNT". Por otro lado Ramón Archs había trabajado sus contactos con los grupos de afinidad y en una última reunión en el Novelty habían decidido quienes eran los encargados de acabar con el desagradable inspector Espejo. //

By those days of Valencia several cenetistas arrived at Barcelona (Juan Villanueva, Juli Peris, Ramon Gomar, Antonio Parra), with economic contributions for the prisoners, found out the inspecting Mirror who the Valencians were in the Spanish Coffee, stopped the 17 of JANUARY/JANUARY 17, taking them to police station and accusing to them to have attempted in the capital of the Turia, against Salvatierra ex--governor.

That same day 17 of JANUARY/JANUARY 17 JANUARY the police by a denunciation assault the house of Isidro Bald Pons of the street Carts nº 69,2º1ª, where the Pro-Prisoner Committee of the CNT is installed, in the place confiscates numerous documentation in addition, stops all the people who are in the same one, that they are the cenetistas Pablo Martinez Casanova, Maria Lopez, Juan Moncax Channels and Pablo Martin who uses the identity of Jose Ramon Cuartero. Between the found documentation, there were some receipts signed by Companys, Arderius and Lorogoyen lawyer, the police also will find receipts of numerous women, companions in this case of prisoners in the Model of which the committee Pro-prisoners took charge of the familiar expenses. There were other haltings in the person of Juan Bush Fernandez who worked of pharmacy medical instructor, to which she was accused to him to have and to read books and pamphlets anarchists, besides to carry a card of the branch “Water, gas and electricity of the CNT”. On the other hand Ramon Archs had worked his contacts with the affinity groups and in a last meeting in the Novelty they had decided that was the ones in charge to end the disagreeable inspector Mirror.

Thus the 18 of 18 JANUARY/JANUARY 18 1921 Antonio Espejo and Ferrer inspector returned to the Spanish Coffee to make some diligences, later marched by the street Count the Assault and in the Boulevard they separated entering Mirror by the Wide street, meanwhile a group of cenetistas they had followed to him discreetly and at the moment at which it had to stop - Mirror so that it crossed the car of the sweepings, was the precise moment that they took advantage of to aim several firings to him, by the eyewitnesses knew that the executor carried a gray raincoat that as of that moment returned to appear in other occasions. By this fact the police stopped to Eusebio Conde and Jose Liciaga. Although according to the carlista weekly magazine “the Protest” the Sailor” and the Eusebios Liciaga were Jose Domingo “, who fled to France.

Así el 18 de ENERO / JANUARY 18 1921 Antonio Espejo y el inspector Ferrer volvieron al Café Español para realizar algunas diligencias, después marcharon por la calle Conde del Asalto y en la Rambla se separaron entrando Espejo por la calle Ancha, mientras tanto un grupo de cenetistas le habían seguido discretamente y en el momento en que tuvo que detenerse -Espejo- para que cruzara el carro de la basura, fue el instante preciso que aprovecharon para asestarle varios disparos, por los testigos presenciales se supo que el ejecutor portaba un impermeable gris que a partir de aquel momento volvió a aparecer en otras ocasiones. Por este hecho la policía detuvo a Eusebio Conde y José Liciaga. Aunque según el semanario carlista "la Protesta" fueron José Domingo "El Marino" y Eusebio Liciaga, que huyeron a Francia. ADDED TO BLEED JANUARY 18: Este mismo día 18 de ENERO / JANUARY 18 1921 en el Clot, Francisco Villena Presidente del Ramo del Agua de la CNT ya confirmado que se trataba de un confidente de la policía, los grupos de afinidad de la CNT fueron a por él, así al salir de la Cooperativa La Flor de Maig situada en la calle Montaña para dirigirse a su casa, se detuvo un momento frente al cine Montaña donde aprovecharon para acribillarlo, el atentado fue atribuido a Buenaventura Telón y Albert Coll (El pintor) que eran miembros del comité sindical del barrio. Otro de los atentados del día fue en la calle de la Marina en el lugar conocido como "Pont dels Angels", donde murió el empresario del Metal Francisco Fontcuberta. Aquella noche como represalia por la muerte del inspector Espejo, Arleguí dio la orden para aplicar la Ley de Fugas a todo cenetista detenido. Así de madrugada sacaron de los calabozos de comisaría a los cenetistas valencianos Juan Villanueva, Antonio Parra, Juli Peris, Ramón Gomar y esposados pretendían conducirlos hasta la Modelo pero a la altura de la calle Calabria los guardias retrocedieron unos pasos y dispararon contra los reos con la excusa de que pretendían escapar. A Antonio Parra herido en el hombro le cayeron encima los cuerpos sin vida de sus compañeros y él no tuvo más que hacerse el muerto y esperar que vinieran los camilleros del Hospital Clínico. Mientras tanto y creyendo a todos muertos, desde jefatura salió un comunicado de prensa con una versión muy particular de los hechos, pero Parra, pudo contar una muy distinta versión a los médicos del Clínico, pese a que al enterrarse las autoridades de que aún vivía le colocaron dos guardias en la puerta de habitación. (Parra, murió en el exilio de Venezuela, en 1970). Retaliation; order to apply the Law of Flights to all lengthy cenetista. Thus the Valencian Juan Villanueva, Antonio Parra, Juli Peris, Ramon Gomar and newlywed cenetistas tried to lead them until the Model but to the height of the Calabria street the guards backed down steps and shot against the criminals with the excuse of which they tried to escape. To Antonio Parra hurt in the shoulder the bodies without life of their companions fell to him above and it did not have more to become the dead and to hope that the stretcher-bearers came from the Clinical Hospital. Meanwhile and believing to all deads, from headquarters it left an official notice press with a very particular version of the facts, but Parra, could count a very different version from the doctors from the Clinical one, although when being buried the authorities on which still it lived placed two guards to him in the room door. (Parra, died in exile of Venezuela, 1970). A la mañana siguiente 19 de ENERO / JANUARY 19 fue detenido el cenetista José Pérez Espín, trasladado a jefatura se le aplicó la Ley de Fugas en la misma comisaría mientras se informaba a la prensa que había pretendido escapar. Ese mismo día a la altura del Arco del Triunfo fueron detenidos Agustín Flor, Hernández Silvestre, Francisco Bravo y Benito Mechano que eran miembros del grupo de afinidad "Internacional" a los que se les aplicó también la Ley de Fugas, en esta ocasión logró salvarse Agustín Flor, que pudo llegar hasta su casa aunque con una tremenda excitación, que poco después le produciría un ataque cardíaco que le ocasiono la muerte. La Ley de Fugas se convirtió en habitual, entrando por ejemplo el día 22 de ENERO / JANUARY 22 de 1921, 36 cadáveres en el Hospital Clínico de Barcelona. Mientras tanto, Ramón Archs seguía con su plan de acabar con la cabeza de la represión, así se reúne con los miembros del grupo de afinidad del metal, acordando acabar con Martínez Anido comprometiéndose a realizar el atentado Domènech Rivas y Ricart Pi, la ocasión idónea evidentemente la encuentran en el entierro del inspector Espejo el día 23 de ENERO / JANUARY 23, pero Anido está fuertemente custodiado por la policía, y aunque los cenetistas lo intentaron, acercándose lo más que pudieron a la figuras mastodóntica del gobernador, éstos fueron detectados, detenidos y conducidos a comisaria, aquella noche misteriosamente aparecieron sus cuerpos acribillados en la avenida de la Diagonal. También durante este mes de ENERO / JANUARY de 1921 Ramón Archs tuvo otra reunión con los miembros de grupos de afinidad del metal donde se decidió esta vez a suerte quiénes participaban en el atentado a Eduardo Dato. Primero partió hacía Madrid, Ramón Casanellas para preparar el terreno luego lo hizo Pedro Matheu y más tarde Luis Nicolau y su compañera Lucía (nombre de guerra de Joaquina Carlota). 1921 El 22 de ENERO / JANUARY 22 son detenidos los hermanos Ramón y Juan San Romà Poblet, en Montblanc acusados de atentar contra el pistolero del Libre Davila. El 24 de ENERO / JANUARY 24 se aplica la Ley de fugas a los cenetistas Manuel Fernández y Francisco Gil que habían estado detenidos y acusados de la muerte de un guardia de asalto. 1921 El 9 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 9 Julián Besteiro llevará el caso de la Ley de Fugas de Barcelona al Parlamento, preguntándole al Ministro de Gobernación Conde de Bugallal, si aprobaba los métodos empleados por Martínez Anido en Barcelona, el Conde le contestó que en efecto los presos pretendían escaparse en todos los casos aunque dos diputados demostraron que eso era imposible, se trataba de Guerra del Río y de Lluis Companys que había sustituido a Francesc Layret, después del asesinato de éste. Sin embargo Bugallal y el propio Cambó no dudaron en continuar defendiendo las acciones de Martínez Anido y Arleguí en Barcelona. A partir de entonces la Ley de Fugas tuvo una ligera modificación, siendo ahora los encargados de aplicarla, bien el Somatén o los pistoleros del sindicato Libre, siempre a la salida de los cenetistas de la cárcel o de jefatura de policía. Así llegó un momento en que los presos cenetistas se negaban a ser puestos en libertad, sobretodo durante la noche ya que ello significaba la muerte, muchas compañeras de presos temiendo lo peor, pasaban la noche haciendo guardia junto a la Modelo o jefatura. El 16 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 16 en un enfrentamiento con la policía cae mortalmente herido Francisco Rodenas, ese mismo día se atento contra el empresario Joan Serra de la fábrica Serra y Balet, aunque gracias a su chófer pudo llegar hasta su fábrica donde le curaron las heridas. La represión sobre la CNT era tan bárbara que el pánico se apoderó de los trabajadores, lo que obligó a los militantes cenetistas a reducir sus sindicatos a simples esquemas estructúrales para no desaparecer. Todo cenetista se vio obligado a armarse, aunque sólo fuera para defenderse, por lo que el tráfico de armas creció espectacularmente en Barcelona. En esa coyuntura también los del Libre aprovecharon la ocasión para armarse mejor. El 26 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 26 los pistoleros del Libre se presentan a las puertas de la fábrica "Fundición Alexandre" de la calle Ginebra de la Barceloneta donde todos los empleados eran de la CNT, allí abrieron fuego, muriendo Ramón Lloveras y quedaron heridos Francisco Vizcaíno, Emilio Fuentes y Emilio Cervantes también fueron heridos los niños, Elías Vidal y Francisco Marcos. Aquel mismo día volvió a actuar el hombre del impermeable gris, alrededor de las seis de la tarde atento contra el industrial Antonio Pareto, por qué éste empresario había sustituido a todos sus empleados por gente del Libre. Al día siguiente los cenetistas Sebastián Canal y Antonio Cruzat sufrieron un atentado en la Plaza Real en el cruce de Tres Llits. Según Inocencio Feced los autores de este nuevo atentado fueron los del Libre, Vera (Mirete), Paulí Pallás, A.Oliveras y A.Coll (sin embargo Pallás en aquel momento estaba detenido en Tarragona, por un intento de atentado realizado el 4 de ENERO / JANUARY 4, por lo que no pudo formar parte del grupo, fue liberado en un plan de apoyo de Martínez Anido su protector, el 14 de abril). Aquel mes de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY en la calle Toledo número 10 de la Barriada de Sans, donde vivía Vicens Sales con su padre, su joven compañera Roser Benavent montaba un taller de costura, como pantalla financiada por Pedro Vandellós, para en el mismo local preparar explosivos y almacén de los mismos, más tarde el arsenal acumulado sería trasladado a la masía La Farinera de Sant Feliu de Llobregat . 1921 El 27 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 27 es asesinado el tranviario Ramón Esteve, que días después resultó ser un policía infiltrado, los hechos ocurrieron en la carretera del Morrot y la policía acusa del atentado al cenetista Vicens Sales. El 1 de marzo el grupo de afinidad de la "calle Toledo " coloca unos explosivos en la parte trasera de la central eléctrica, en la calle Vila i Vilà, la explosión apenas provocará la rotura de cristales. El 3 de marzo casi fortuitamente después de un registro en la calle Marina 137 la policía detiene a Angel Fernández aunque en realidad se trataba de Evelio Boal, a raíz de está detención Andreu Nin pasará a ser secretario del C.N de la CNT y Ramón Archs secretario del Comité Regional. 1921 El 8 de marzo Eduardo Dato Presidente del Gobierno recibió en audiencia al gobernador de Zaragoza Conde Coello de Portugal y después partió hacía el senado donde asistió al debate entre el Marqués de Santa Cruz y el General Luque, luego marchó hacía su residencia en su coche conducido por el sargento Manuel Ros, por la Calle de Alcalá a la altura de la Plaza de la Independencia una moto sidecar conducida por cenetistas se acercó hasta la proximidad del vehículo y al grito de ¡Visca l'anarquía! Comenzaron a disparar, eran las 8 y 18 minutos de la tarde, Eduardo Dato murió pocos minutos después de llegar al dispensario de la calle Olózaga. La policía que acudió al lugar del atentado y desconociendo el móvil político, tuvo una primera pista gracias a los numerosos testigos que informaron sobre una moto sidecar con un farol rojo. El 11 de marzo una vecina informa a la guardia civil de haber visto una moto de las descritas en la prensa, en la calle Andrés Soria. Lo que condujo a la pista del garaje de Fernández Oviedo, una antigua carnicería, lugar donde se escondía la moto sidecar, al leer esta noticia en la prensa Valeriana López que había estado la anfitriona de los cenetistas, se pone en contacto con la policía, pues bien pudiera tratarse de sus huéspedes, así resultó más tarde, ya que la policía montó una discreta vigilancia sobre aquel domicilio. 1921 El 13 de marzo Pedro Matheu fue a casa de Valeriana a recoger un maletín en el que guardaba algunos documentos, aunque es probable que fuera a buscar una gabardina para protegerse del mal tiempo. De hecho la policía ya iba a abandonar el servicio de vigilancia, cuando por casualidad vieron venir a un hombre joven, el cual resultó ser Pedro Matheu. A su detención Matheu dijo: "Yo no maté a Dato, sino al Ministro que autorizó la Ley de Fugas". Hasta meses después, ya en pleno verano no se supo la identidad de Ramón Casanellas que logró pasar los Pirineos, mientras que Nicolau y Lucía anduvieron escondiéndose por las cercanías de Barcelona hasta que Amor Archs y Luisa Padrós se ocuparon de pasarlos a Francia. Mientras tanto Manuel Allendesalazar se hizo cargo del nuevo gobierno de la nación. A pesar de todo lo ocurrido en Madrid, en Barcelona no se detuvo la Ley de Fugas antes al contrario Martínez Anido y Miguel Arleguí la siguieron aplicando con insistencia. El 17 de marzo los cenetistas Ferran Sánchez Rojas "Negre de Gracia" y Joan Baptista Ascher "El poeta" atentan contra Salvador Anglada y Josep Rafa que eran miembros del Centro Carlista de Sans, en la reyerta resulto herido leve Anglada. 1921 El 21 de marzo es detenido Marcos Alcón acusándole de la muerte de Luis Vivó Tubau, también este mismo día será detenido Progreso Rodenas que de nuevo estaba en busca y captura, al día siguiente su hermana Libertad Rodenas se presentará en la Asamblea de la Asociación Profesional de Banca y Bolsa donde espera a que intervenga el representante del Libre para increparle y calumniarle y así reventar el acto, saliendo escoltada por los compañeros cenetistas. Al otro día 23 de marzo enterado Arleguí de lo sucedido en la Asamblea de Banca e impresionado por el fuerte carácter de Libertad Rodenas manda llamarla y en su despacho tendrán una larga e intensa entrevista en la que al parecer, ante el argumento de Libertad de que estaba segura de que tanto ella como sus hermanos iban a ser asesinados, Arleguí le prometio seguridad para ella y los suyos. (Aunque su hermano Francisco moriría poco después, el 21 de abril en el Clínico resultado de su enfrentamiento con la policía el 16 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 16). El 27 de marzo sale de la cárcel el cenetista Agustí Subirats se dirige hacía su residencia en una pequeña pensión de la calle Mariano Agulló nº27, será seguido por dos pistoleros del Libre que lo asesinan nada más llegar a la pensión. Este mismo día 27 en Mataró los del Libre se presentan en la Fonda Condal cerca del Cine Moderno entre las 3 y las 4 tarde cuando los cenetistas estaban comiendo, allí quedaron muertos los cenetistas Buenaventura Roca y Joan Sans y herido el dueño del local Joan Clavería. Unos carabineros con la ayuda de algunos soldados lograron detener a varios de los agresores, enviados al juzgado acabó por olvidarse el asunto. La respuesta cenetista no se hace esperar y el 29 de marzo en la calle Prim de Badalona muere el organizador del Ramo del Vidrio del Libre Salvador Aguilar. El 1 de abril en la calle Montaña de Barcelona es asesinado Francisco Celis conserje de la Unión de Propietarios del Barrio de Sant Martí. Para este mes de abril de 1921 se estaba organizando un Pleno Regional de la CNT en Lérida donde sin duda estaba un poco más tolerada la CNT, aunque todavía no se habían concretado las fechas. Hacía primeros de abril la policía paso información policial de los cenetistas a los pistoleros del Libre para que éstos actuaran libremente sobre ellos. Con esta medida los cenetistas quedaban completamente vulnerables y se convertían en un blanco fácil, al capricho de los pistoleros del Libre pagados por la Patronal. También en este principio de abril Arleguí y Anido inician una campaña de desprestigio contra los abogados sindicalistas por lo que algunos de los más amenazados como Puig d'Asprer y José Ulled huyen de la ciudad aunque volverán poco días después. El 6 de abril son detenidos en la calle Tamarit los cenetistas Custodio Beltrán, Jacinto Borrás y María Sanahuja días después son acusados de incendiar la fábrica "Casa Lligé" que ardió dos días después de su detención, cuando ellos estaban en las dependencias policiales. El 12 de abril es asesinado por los pistoleros del Libre el cenetista del sindicato de la Construcción Felipe Hilario en la calle Huerto de la Bomba muy cerca de la cárcel de mujeres de Reina Amalía. El 14 de abril es asesinado el primer abogado defensor de la causa sindicalistas, se trata de José Lastra y los hechos ocurren en su propio gabinete de la calle Diputación número 351. Aquella misma noche José Ulled resultó herido ante su domicilio del Paseo de Gracia 105, pero no tuvo tanta suerte su ordenanza Francisco Estrada que también fue asesinado. Pero no sólo en Barcelona se represalió a los abogados laboristas o sociales también en Madrid atentaron contra los abogados Fontana, Saragoyen y Guerra del Río. A Eduardo Barriobero le prepararon una encerrona en Barcelona, pero éste viéndolas venir y temiendo lo peor, aquella misma noche partió hacia Madrid, entonces como represalia fueron en busca de su pasante en Barcelona, Joan Casanovas que vivía en la calle Aragón, pero éste que iba armado pudo repeler la agresión y salir ileso del percance. El 20 de abril es detenido Basilio Bardagi cuando repartía hojas informativas de la CNT en la fábrica "Manufacturas Reunidas de la Industria Textil" en la Verneda. El 21 de abril la policía monta una redada policial en las Calle de Poniente esquina Peu de la Creu, serán detenidos al encontrarles sellos de cotización así como direcciones de grupos libertarios de Europa y España, Ramón Estany, Josep Prat Roca, Antonio Sesé Arturo, Melchor Tarrida Alix. El 24 de abril se hizo la entrega de una bandera del Somatén con un Santo Cristo bordado por damas de Madrid. Los militantes anarquistas proyectaron lanzar una bomba a la tribuna presidencial en la que debía estar Arleguí, Anido y el Rey (aunque éste último no acudió). A la vez se preparaba otro atentado contra el jefe del Somatén del Distrito VI Emili Vidal-Ribas, que era uno de los que con mayor saña perseguía a los sindicalistas. Así un día antes de la entrega de la Bandera cuando Vidal se disponía a entrar en su almacén de la calle Mercaders fue acribillado, muriendo poco después en el dispensario. La mañana del 24 los activistas Acher, José Pérez "Mula" y Pedro Vandellós cogieron un taxi en la Plaza Cataluña y le indicaron que los condujera hasta Esplugas, por el camino recogieron a Roser Segarra y Juan Elías Saturnino, luego se dirigieron a la Masía la Farinera en busca del paquete que contenía las bombas, más tarde se deshicieron del taxista dejándolo sin sentido y continuaron el camino. Sin embargo se encontraron con que el Paseo de Gracia había sido tomado por la fuerza pública y no se podía circular en coche, por lo que tuvieron que buscar un lugar menos vigilado, entonces en vistas de que no conseguían acercarse a la tribuna decidieron dejar el coche en marcha con las bombas dentro del motor para que estallaran, pero no advirtieron que habían dejado el coche delante de un garaje, por lo que los mecánicos al ver salir el humo se apresuraron a detenerlo, tantas circunstancias impidieron que el atentado se llevará a cabo. Aquel día, desfilaron ante Martínez Anido 40.000 somatenistas y los asistentes al acto no pararon de vitorear a Martínez Anido como un auténtico héroe nacional. Los anarquistas al no enterrarse de lo ocurrido y creyendo que el Rey había estado en el acto, decidieron poner una cuña en la vía ferroviaria, para que descarrilara el tren que debía de devolver al Rey a Madrid, pero otra ver la casualidad frustró los hechos, ya que un guarda agujas impacientado por la tardanza de su hija salió en su busca descubriendo la cuña, teniendo tiempo suficiente de avisar, para que esta fuera retirada. Aquel final de abril fue asesinado junto a su domicilio en la calle Cruz de los Canteros el cenetistas Josep Montserrat. El Pleno que debía celebrarse en Lérida al final, clandestinamente se celebró en casa de un compañero de la barriada del Pueblo Seco el 28 de abril de 1921, este pleno lo presidía Andreu Nin que era S.C.N., en aquel pleno los cenetistas después de analizar la situación decidieron que no tenía más remedio que provocar una revuelta popular, pero para ello necesitaban el apoyo de los Soviets rusos, Nin que tenía el informe desfavorable de Pestaña en aquella ocasión omitió el documento, puesto que estaba interesado en pedirle armas a la III Internacional de la cual formaba parte la CNT, por lo que se acordó que Andreu Nin, Hilarí Arlandis y Joaquin Maurín fueran delegados a Rusia. Partiendo inmediatamente de Barcelona sin apenas dinero, pero los ácratas de los diversos países por los que anduvieron, los cobijaron y les ayudaron a pasar clandestinamente las diferentes fronteras. Al llegar a Moscú fueron recibidos por León Trotsky, que en aquel momento era "Comisario del Pueblo para la Defensa" En la entrevista que tuvieron con Trotsky, éste les preguntó si contaban con los soldados para la revuelta, los delegados cenetistas sorprendidos le respondieron que no, por lo que Trotsky consideró que era una locura entregarles las armas, con lo cual la delegación en este aspecto fue un fracaso. Mientras tanto en Barcelona uno los grupos de afinidad más activo el conocido después por el nombre de la "Calle Toledo "preparaba un atentado contra Juan de la Cierva ex-ministro, la estrategia consistía en colocar una bomba en la vía férrea a la altura de Falset aproximadamente.

El 2 de mayo Roser Benavent hizo salir antes de hora a las operarias de su taller de confección que servía de tapadera y poco después los compañeros fueron llegando y en el pequeño cuarto laboratorio empezaron a preparar las bombas que debían servir para el atentado de La Cierva, alguna cosa debió fallar ya que se provocó una explosión alcanzando de lleno a Roser Benavent quedando gravemente herida y abrasada, mientras que Acher quedó con una mano destrozada, Juan Abrau que murió al instante, Juan Bautista Cucha que murió a los pocos días, los demás pudieron salir por su pie, como Josefa Crespo que herida acudió a una farmacia próxima donde fue detenida (19). Los vecinos vieron como del cuarto piso del nº10 de la calle Toledo salía gran cantidad de humo y gente con las ropas incendiadas, los bomberos que al principio creyeron que se trataba de un incendio fortuito comprobaron que se trataba de liquido inflamables por lo que dieron parte a la policía que inmediatamente trasladó a su brigada especial que se hizo cargo de la situación. El 4 mayo Roser Segarra una de las activistas de la Calle Toledo que había sido hospitalizada en el Clínico logra escaparse y esconderse en Vilanova i la Geltrú. Hacia el 9 de mayo los somatenistas le aplican la Ley de Fugas al cenetista Gregori Fabre "El Brasileño", cuando andaba recogiendo cuotas sindicales. El 10 de mayo la policía registra la vivienda de la compañera de Acher, Luisa Moreno en la calle Bejar nº10 en el registro encuentran una carta firmada por Leonor Pujol, que en realidad se trata de Roser Segarra huida desde la explosión de la calle Toledo. El 17 de mayo y después de los interrogatorios aplicados a los detenidos de la calle Toledo, que se encontraban en el Clínico, fue cercado el cuadrado que comprende las calles de Av.Paral.lel, Olmo, San Beltrán y Santa Madrona, en busca de dos activistas, Pedro Navarro y Josep Saleta "El Nano" sin embargo ambos pudieron escapar aunque el primero al poco tiempo fue detenido en Montalbán, Teruel. También por estos días habían estado detenidas María Fernández y J.Castro cuando intentaban vigilar los movimientos de Miguel Arleguí, aunque éstas disuadieron a la policía y salieron en libertad. En la última semana de aquel mayo fatídico para los grupos de afinidad, perdieron a Ferran Rojas "Negre" uno de los mejores activistas. Por aquel entonces la policía contaba con mucha información debido a los numerosos confidente que tenía dentro de la organización cenetista, así pudo averiguar que los principales responsables de los grupos de afinidad confederal estaban coordinados por Ramón Archs y Pedro Vandellós, a raíz de esto, se convirtieron en los principales objetivos de la policía y del Libre. Los nervios dentro de la organización confederal estaban a flor de piel ya que cualquiera era sospechoso de ser delator, así el 20 de mayo hay un enfrentamiento entre propios compañeros acusándose los unos a los otros de confidente y entablándose una reyerta, muriendo en el tiroteo Manuel Marcos que no pudo negar su acusación algo muy parecido ocurrió entre Pere Bautista y Salvador Coll "Mallorca" al que acusaban de haberse vendido a las autoridades, en Montjuich lo ejecutaron aunque unos días más tarde, los propios compañeros que había realizado el atentado comprobaron su error. Con la estrategia de acercarce a Martínez Anido se planeó un atentado contra el alcalde de Barcelona, en el que intervino Salvador Salsench que era un antiguo carlista pasado a las filas de la CNT, los hechos se llevaron a cabo el 17 de junio en plena Plaza de Sant Jaume resultando herido el alcalde Martínez Domingo, conducido a una clínica privada, varios activistas se apostaron estratégicamente en sus alrededores en espera de ver aparecer a Martínez Anido sin embargo éste nunca apareció por el lugar. También hubo otro intento para acabar con Anido, por ejemplo, en la puerta de la Iglesia de Santa Ana donde solía acudir en diversas ocasiones, el plan lo había organizado el grupo de Anibal Álvarez y los hermanos Asdrúbal, pero Anido como presintiendo alguna cosa no se presento durante unos días por los alrededores de la Iglesia. Aquella noche del 17 de junio la respuesta policial fue sacar a Evelio Boal de la cárcel y trasladarlo hasta jefatura junto a Antoni Feliu (tesorero de la Regional Catalana) y a José Domínguez, al cabo de poco más de una hora quedaron en libertad, mientras volvían a casa, a la altura de Santa María del Mar les esperaban los pistoleros del Libre, cuando hacía apenas un instante se habían separado de Domínguez, fueron acribillados a balazos, minutos más tarde, mientras unos policías examinaban los cadáveres oían unos disparos, que esta vez iban dirigidos hacía Domínguez que había sido alcanzado en la calle Sombrerers, de este atentado pudo escapar Feliu aunque a los pocos días fue cazado por los pistoleros del Libre en el Paseo de Sant Juan muy cerca del Arco del Triunfo. Sin duda resultaban unos tiempos muy difíciles donde los nervios estaban tensión en todos los bandos, así el 23 de junio por la noche cuando Bertrán y Musitu iba por la calle Salmerón con su hijo y en su coche advirtieron que les seguía una moto, recordando lo acontecido a Eduardo Dato bajaron del coche y dispararon, aunque luego pudieron comprobar que se trataba de dos somatenistas que habían decidido escoltar a su jefe, sin embargo éstos no tuvieron tiempo de explicarse en un principio y salieron huyendo, mientras unos guardias que andaban por la zona dispararon hiriendo al hijo de Musitu. El 24 de junio será detenido en la calle Bofarull de Sant Andrés, Pedro Vandellós delatado por algún confidente. Vandellós hombre muy perseguido por la policía solía esconderse durante el día por zonas poco accesibles donde se dedicaba a disfrutar de la lectura, mientras esperaba las primeras horas de la tarde para ir en busca de los obreros que liquidaban su cuota sindical. Aquella noche le aplicaron la Ley de Fugas en la Verneda a la altura de la fábrica de galletas "La Esperanza". El 25 de junio Ramón Archs cae en una trampa mortal que le tiende otro confidente del cual nunca se conoció su identidad, estaban ambos citados en la Plaza Urquinaona, al bajar del tranvía Ramón Archs varios policías secretas lo detienen y lo conducen a presencia de Arleguí. Archs será torturado y su rostro desfigurado, apareciendo el cadáver al día siguiente en la calle Vila i Vilà. Al enterarse de las muertes de Archs y Vandellós, sus compañeros (Josep Saleta "El Nano", Andreu Masdeu "El Llarch", Llorens, Vicens Cervera, Francesc García "El Patillas", Joan Tarragó ) responderán inmediatamente preparando un atentado en la Asociación de Cazadores situado en la Rambla /Plaza Catalunya, donde se decía que se reclutaban los mercenarios . El atentado se lleva a cabo el 30 de junio con un coche lanzaran una ráfaga de metralla sobre la terraza del bar y seguidamente el joven Joan Tarragó lanza una bomba de mano por la ventana del local.

El 2 de julio es capturado el grupo de Francisco Martínez Valls. El 19 de julio será detenida en Puigcerdà Roser Segarra que había estado identificada como integrante del grupo de la calle Toledo. Mientras tanto a más de 1500 Kilómetros de Barcelona, en Marruecos, el 7 de julio las tropas capitaneadas por el general Igueriben ocupan y aseguran la posición de Annual y Monte Arruit, pero este comandamiento será fuertemente sitiado por las tropas de Abd -el-Krim por lo que el convoy de ayuda no logró llegar hasta Monte Arruit. Por ello, los sitiados desesperados pensaron en salir de la fortaleza, ya que llevaban varios días sin agua y apenas comida, a la vez de que nuevas tropas dirigidas por Fernández Silvestre iban en su ayuda, aunque quedaron frenadas en las inmediaciones de Annual por los rifeños de Abd-el -Krim que les impidieron avanzar en este último tramo. En este contexto las tropas desesperadas que ocupaban Monte Arruit decidieron salir de su fortaleza el 21 de julio de 1921 bajo el fuego cruzado del enemigo, muriendo en el intento la mayor parte de la guarnición. Estos hechos del desastre de Annual y Monte Arruit en Africa al desplomarse el frente español capitaneado por los generales Fernández Silvestre y Berenguer ante los ataques de los rifeños, dio atención preferencial de la prensa hacía el problema de Marruecos, dejando en segundo termino la guerra sucia de Barcelona, hecho que permitió a Martínez Anido lanzar una nueva y feroz campaña contra la CNT en Barcelona. El 28 de julio es detenido mientras se bañaba en la Barceloneta el cenetista Jacinto Vila se le acusa de atentar contra el pistolero del Libre "El Mallorquín" como Vila se negó a firmar una inventada declaración fue tremendamente torturado. El 2 de agosto será detenido en el Ateneo La Farinera Josep Saleta y Andreu Masdeu. Este mismo día por la noche la policía saca de la cárcel Modelo a Juan López para que firme unos documentos, al negarse, recibió éste una brutal paliza, de vuelta a la Modelo sus compañeros no reconocieron su persona por el estado físico en que quedó su cuerpo. El 3 de agosto el detenido será Angel Latorre, éste recibirá tortura directamente de Arleguí y Anido durante 6 días, trasladado a la Modelo permanecerá 17 días incomunicado. El 5 de agosto mientras manipulaban una bomba Angel Noguera y otro compañero les explotó en las manos muriendo instantáneamente, los hechos ocurrieron en la calle dels Metges del barrio de Santa Catalina. A partir de esta explosión la policía logró detener en el barrio a Luis Dufur "Larrosa" y Salvador Salsench, estas nuevas detenciones fueron el hilo conductor para descubrir todo un arsenal que el grupo tenía en la montaña de Montjuich, casi al mismo tiempo detenían a los propietarios de can Vidiella de Falset, que había estado en numerosas ocasiones refugio de los confedérales.

1921 El 11 de agosto será procesado Antonio Pellicer por un artículo aparecido en "Bandera Roja" que él nunca escribió.

1921 El 12 de agosto será detenido el cenetista Victoriano Muñoz al cual se le acusa de repartir unas octavillas antimilitaristas.

Aquel septiembre de 1921 Antonio Maura forma nuevo gabinete en el que entraran los catalanes Francesc Cambó y Josep Bertrán i Musitu, la burguesía creía que de nuevo se entraba en una etapa de nuevo paraíso, de sueldos bajos y obreros sumisos. También el Libre con Ramón Sales a la cabeza creyó que había llegado el momento de organizarse sindicalmente, así comenzaron la campaña con un Miting en el cine Boheme de Hostafrachs y plantearon varias reivindicaciones sindicales. La burguesía catalana quedó algo sorprendida y pidió a Martínez Anido que actuará pero éste dejó que el Libre desarrollará su nuevo proyecto.

// That September of 1921 Antonio Maura forms new cabinet in which entered Catalan the Francesc Cambó and Josep Bertrán i Musitu, the bourgeoisie thought that again paradise entered a stage again, of submissive low and working pays. Also the Free one with Ramon Salts at the top thought that the moment had arrived for organizing itself union, thus began the campaign with a Miting in cinema Boheme de Hostafrachs and raised several union vindications. The Catalan bourgeoisie was left something surprised and requested a Martinez I nest that it will act but this one left the Free one will develop its new proyecto.

En Berlín serán detenidos Lluis Nicolau y Lucía, además de Andreu Nin en un barrio obrero de la ciudad. Las autoridades alemanas a cambio de su extradición pidieron que no se les aplicara la pena de muerte ampliando la petición a Pedro Matheu, único detenido directo con relación al atentado de Eduardo Dato en Madrid, mientras los compañeros comunistas de Andreu Nin conseguían que no lo extraditaran.

El 1 de octubre 90.000 hombres licenciados del ejército un año antes son llamados de nuevo a filas y enviados a Africa del Norte.

1921 El 20 de octubre / OCTOBER es detenido Magí Marimón que pertenecía al grupo de la calle Toledo, será tremendamente torturado con corrientes eléctricas y más tarde permanecerá 44 días incomunicado en la Modelo de Barcelona. También será detenido Rafael Sánchez Rex del Sindicato de la Construcción de la CNT, por el delito de ser amigo de Acher será enviado a la prisión del Dueso de la cual pudo escapar aunque a los pocos días apareció su cadáver con un tiro en la frente.

A finales de 1921 Libertad Rodenas y Rosario Dolcet parten hacia Madrid para dar una conferencia en el Ateneo Científico, donde explicarán la situación social por la que atraviesa Barcelona, ningún intelectual se atrevió a presentar el acto.

1921 El 8 de diciembre / DECEMBER será asesinado en la calle Jerusalem el cenetista Manuel Valero.

[Source] http://www.manelaisa.com/texto/Articulos/PagArticulos9.htm


1921 -- DUPLICATE, THERE IS ANOTHER COPY OF THIS IN THE DATABASE; FIGURE OUT WHICH TO DELETE

Barcelona 1917- 1923 -Crònica- Manel Aisa

1921 Martínez Anido, Miguel Arleguí y el comisario Espejo, "La ley de fugas". El 3 de JANUARY ENERO / JANUARY 3 de 1921 los pistoleros del Libre darán muerte al cenetista Josep Julià delegado de la CNT en un telar de la calle Industria. El 4 de ENERO / JANUARY 4 los cenetistas atentan de nuevo contra Marià Sans (que había pertenecido a la banda del varón de Köenning), en la calle Valencia donde tenía un tenderete, en la autopsia le encontraron un tatuaje en el antebrazo con el lema ¡Viva la anarquía!. 1921 El 6 de ENERO / JANUARY 6 unos cuantos cenetistas se reúnen con sus familias en la Font del Quento de la barriada del Clot cuando de pronto irrumpieron numerosos coches de la policía deteniéndolos a todos. Este hecho hizo sospechar de Francisco Villena Presidente del Ramo del Agua de la CNT y por este motivo cayó en sospecha, por lo que decidieron vigilarle. Este mismo día de Reyes, serán detenidos en la calle Viladomat Acrato Vidal y Pedro Álvarez Montaña, acusados de pertenecer al sindicato de Artes Gráficas de la CNT. 1921 El 8 de ENERO / JANUARY 8 es asesinado por los del Libre, el cenetista Manuel Valero, en una taberna de la calle Jerusalem cerca de las Ramblas. También este día del niño, será detenido el cenetista Domingo Colominas, acusado de unos hechos ocurrido en Sta. Eulalia donde en un tiroteo con la policía murió el cenetista C.Figuerola. 1921 El 12 de ENERO / JANUARY 12 en Terrassa es asesinado el Teniente de Alcalde de Terrassa Juan Abella, la policía por este hecho detuvo en Barcelona al cenetista Isidre Tomás, precisamente en el día que estaba velando a su hijo, éste al ver venir a la policía pudo huir y refugiarse en el pueblo de sus padres "La Garriga", donde sería detenido días más tarde. Después de una soberbial paliza se intentó aplicarle la Ley de Fugas, pero estaba Isidre tan débil que no pudo hacer ni tan siquiera el gesto o la intención de escapar. El 15 de JANUARY ENERO / JANUARY 15 el cenetista Juan Caballé estaba pidiendo apoyo para los presos de la CNT, en las proximidades del Arco del Triunfo cuando dos policías se percatan de su cometido y lo detienen, inmediatamente se establece un tiroteo entre la policía y los compañeros cenetistas que cubrían la espalda de Caballé, en la refriega murió el cenetista Francisco Sabate (El Quico), Juan Caballé logró escapar con lo recaudado.

Por aquellos días de Valencia llegaron a Barcelona varios cenetistas (Juan Villanueva, Juli Peris, Ramón Gomar, Antonio Parra), con aportaciones económicas para los presos, enterado el inspector Espejo que los valencianos se encontraban en el Café Español, los detuvo el 17 de ENERO / JANUARY 17, llevándolos a comisaria y acusándoles de haber atentado en la capital del Turia, contra el ex-gobernador Salvatierra.

Ese mismo día 17 de ENERO / JANUARY 17 JANUARY la policía por una delación asalta la vivienda de Isidro Pons Calvo de la calle Carretas nº 69,2º1ª, donde está instalado el Comité Pro-Presos de la CNT, en el lugar requisan numerosa documentación además, detienen a todas las personas que se encuentran en la misma, que son los cenetistas Pablo Martínez Casanova, María López, Juan Canales Moncax y Pablo Martín que usa la identidad de José Ramón Cuartero. Entre la documentación encontrada, había algunos recibos firmados por Companys, Arderius y el abogado Lorogoyen, la policía también encontrará recibos de numerosas mujeres, compañeras en este caso de presos en la Modelo de los cuales el comité Pro-presos se hacía cargo de los gastos familiares. Hubo otras detenciones en la persona de Juan Mata Fernández que trabajaba de practicante de farmacia, al cual se le acusó de tener y leer libros y folletos anarquistas, además de portar un carnet del ramo "Agua, gas y electricidad de la CNT". Por otro lado Ramón Archs había trabajado sus contactos con los grupos de afinidad y en una última reunión en el Novelty habían decidido quienes eran los encargados de acabar con el desagradable inspector Espejo. Así el 18 de ENERO / JANUARY 18 Antonio Espejo y el inspector Ferrer volvieron al Café Español para realizar algunas diligencias, después marcharon por la calle Conde del Asalto y en la Rambla se separaron entrando Espejo por la calle Ancha, mientras tanto un grupo de cenetistas le habían seguido discretamente y en el momento en que tuvo que detenerse -Espejo- para que cruzara el carro de la basura, fue el instante preciso que aprovecharon para asestarle varios disparos, por los testigos presenciales se supo que el ejecutor portaba un impermeable gris que a partir de aquel momento volvió a aparecer en otras ocasiones. Por este hecho la policía detuvo a Eusebio Conde y José Liciaga. Aunque según el semanario carlista "la Protesta" fueron José Domingo "El Marino" y Eusebio Liciaga, que huyeron a Francia. Este mismo día 18 de ENERO / JANUARY 18 en el Clot, Francisco Villena Presidente del Ramo del Agua de la CNT ya confirmado que se trataba de un confidente de la policía, los grupos de afinidad de la CNT fueron a por él, así al salir de la Cooperativa La Flor de Maig situada en la calle Montaña para dirigirse a su casa, se detuvo un momento frente al cine Montaña donde aprovecharon para acribillarlo, el atentado fue atribuido a Buenaventura Telón y Albert Coll (El pintor) que eran miembros del comité sindical del barrio. Otro de los atentados del día fue en la calle de la Marina en el lugar conocido como "Pont dels Angels", donde murió el empresario del Metal Francisco Fontcuberta. Aquella noche como represalia por la muerte del inspector Espejo, Arleguí dio la orden para aplicar la Ley de Fugas a todo cenetista detenido. Así de madrugada sacaron de los calabozos de comisaría a los cenetistas valencianos Juan Villanueva, Antonio Parra, Juli Peris, Ramón Gomar y esposados pretendían conducirlos hasta la Modelo pero a la altura de la calle Calabria los guardias retrocedieron unos pasos y dispararon contra los reos con la excusa de que pretendían escapar. A Antonio Parra herido en el hombro le cayeron encima los cuerpos sin vida de sus compañeros y él no tuvo más que hacerse el muerto y esperar que vinieran los camilleros del Hospital Clínico. Mientras tanto y creyendo a todos muertos, desde jefatura salió un comunicado de prensa con una versión muy particular de los hechos, pero Parra, pudo contar una muy distinta versión a los médicos del Clínico, pese a que al enterrarse las autoridades de que aún vivía le colocaron dos guardias en la puerta de habitación. (Parra, murió en el exilio de Venezuela, en 1970). A la mañana siguiente 19 de ENERO / JANUARY 19 fue detenido el cenetista José Pérez Espín, trasladado a jefatura se le aplicó la Ley de Fugas en la misma comisaría mientras se informaba a la prensa que había pretendido escapar. Ese mismo día a la altura del Arco del Triunfo fueron detenidos Agustín Flor, Hernández Silvestre, Francisco Bravo y Benito Mechano que eran miembros del grupo de afinidad "Internacional" a los que se les aplicó también la Ley de Fugas, en esta ocasión logró salvarse Agustín Flor, que pudo llegar hasta su casa aunque con una tremenda excitación, que poco después le produciría un ataque cardíaco que le ocasiono la muerte. La Ley de Fugas se convirtió en habitual, entrando por ejemplo el día 22 de ENERO / JANUARY 22 de 1921, 36 cadáveres en el Hospital Clínico de Barcelona. Mientras tanto, Ramón Archs seguía con su plan de acabar con la cabeza de la represión, así se reúne con los miembros del grupo de afinidad del metal, acordando acabar con Martínez Anido comprometiéndose a realizar el atentado Domènech Rivas y Ricart Pi, la ocasión idónea evidentemente la encuentran en el entierro del inspector Espejo el día 23 de ENERO / JANUARY 23, pero Anido está fuertemente custodiado por la policía, y aunque los cenetistas lo intentaron, acercándose lo más que pudieron a la figuras mastodóntica del gobernador, éstos fueron detectados, detenidos y conducidos a comisaria, aquella noche misteriosamente aparecieron sus cuerpos acribillados en la avenida de la Diagonal. También durante este mes de enero de 1921 Ramón Archs tuvo otra reunión con los miembros de grupos de afinidad del metal donde se decidió esta vez a suerte quiénes participaban en el atentado a Eduardo Dato. Primero partió hacía Madrid, Ramón Casanellas para preparar el terreno luego lo hizo Pedro Matheu y más tarde Luis Nicolau y su compañera Lucía (nombre de guerra de Joaquina Carlota). 1921 El 22 de ENERO / JANUARY 22 son detenidos los hermanos Ramón y Juan San Romà Poblet, en Montblanc acusados de atentar contra el pistolero del Libre Davila. El 24 de ENERO / JANUARY 24 se aplica la Ley de fugas a los cenetistas Manuel Fernández y Francisco Gil que habían estado detenidos y acusados de la muerte de un guardia de asalto. 1921 El 9 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 9 Julián Besteiro llevará el caso de la Ley de Fugas de Barcelona al Parlamento, preguntándole al Ministro de Gobernación Conde de Bugallal, si aprobaba los métodos empleados por Martínez Anido en Barcelona, el Conde le contestó que en efecto los presos pretendían escaparse en todos los casos aunque dos diputados demostraron que eso era imposible, se trataba de Guerra del Río y de Lluis Companys que había sustituido a Francesc Layret, después del asesinato de éste. Sin embargo Bugallal y el propio Cambó no dudaron en continuar defendiendo las acciones de Martínez Anido y Arleguí en Barcelona. A partir de entonces la Ley de Fugas tuvo una ligera modificación, siendo ahora los encargados de aplicarla, bien el Somatén o los pistoleros del sindicato Libre, siempre a la salida de los cenetistas de la cárcel o de jefatura de policía. Así llegó un momento en que los presos cenetistas se negaban a ser puestos en libertad, sobretodo durante la noche ya que ello significaba la muerte, muchas compañeras de presos temiendo lo peor, pasaban la noche haciendo guardia junto a la Modelo o jefatura. El 16 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 16 en un enfrentamiento con la policía cae mortalmente herido Francisco Rodenas, ese mismo día se atento contra el empresario Joan Serra de la fábrica Serra y Balet, aunque gracias a su chófer pudo llegar hasta su fábrica donde le curaron las heridas. La represión sobre la CNT era tan bárbara que el pánico se apoderó de los trabajadores, lo que obligó a los militantes cenetistas a reducir sus sindicatos a simples esquemas estructúrales para no desaparecer. Todo cenetista se vio obligado a armarse, aunque sólo fuera para defenderse, por lo que el tráfico de armas creció espectacularmente en Barcelona. En esa coyuntura también los del Libre aprovecharon la ocasión para armarse mejor. El 26 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 26 los pistoleros del Libre se presentan a las puertas de la fábrica "Fundición Alexandre" de la calle Ginebra de la Barceloneta donde todos los empleados eran de la CNT, allí abrieron fuego, muriendo Ramón Lloveras y quedaron heridos Francisco Vizcaíno, Emilio Fuentes y Emilio Cervantes también fueron heridos los niños, Elías Vidal y Francisco Marcos. Aquel mismo día volvió a actuar el hombre del impermeable gris, alrededor de las seis de la tarde atento contra el industrial Antonio Pareto, por qué éste empresario había sustituido a todos sus empleados por gente del Libre. Al día siguiente los cenetistas Sebastián Canal y Antonio Cruzat sufrieron un atentado en la Plaza Real en el cruce de Tres Llits. Según Inocencio Feced los autores de este nuevo atentado fueron los del Libre, Vera (Mirete), Paulí Pallás, A.Oliveras y A.Coll (sin embargo Pallás en aquel momento estaba detenido en Tarragona, por un intento de atentado realizado el 4 de ENERO / JANUARY 4, por lo que no pudo formar parte del grupo, fue liberado en un plan de apoyo de Martínez Anido su protector, el 14 de abril). Aquel mes de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY en la calle Toledo número 10 de la Barriada de Sans, donde vivía Vicens Sales con su padre, su joven compañera Roser Benavent montaba un taller de costura, como pantalla financiada por Pedro Vandellós, para en el mismo local preparar explosivos y almacén de los mismos, más tarde el arsenal acumulado sería trasladado a la masía La Farinera de Sant Feliu de Llobregat . 1921 El 27 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 27 es asesinado el tranviario Ramón Esteve, que días después resultó ser un policía infiltrado, los hechos ocurrieron en la carretera del Morrot y la policía acusa del atentado al cenetista Vicens Sales. El 1 de marzo el grupo de afinidad de la "calle Toledo " coloca unos explosivos en la parte trasera de la central eléctrica, en la calle Vila i Vilà, la explosión apenas provocará la rotura de cristales. El 3 de marzo casi fortuitamente después de un registro en la calle Marina 137 la policía detiene a Angel Fernández aunque en realidad se trataba de Evelio Boal, a raíz de está detención Andreu Nin pasará a ser secretario del C.N de la CNT y Ramón Archs secretario del Comité Regional. 1921 El 8 de marzo Eduardo Dato Presidente del Gobierno recibió en audiencia al gobernador de Zaragoza Conde Coello de Portugal y después partió hacía el senado donde asistió al debate entre el Marqués de Santa Cruz y el General Luque, luego marchó hacía su residencia en su coche conducido por el sargento Manuel Ros, por la Calle de Alcalá a la altura de la Plaza de la Independencia una moto sidecar conducida por cenetistas se acercó hasta la proximidad del vehículo y al grito de ¡Visca l'anarquía! Comenzaron a disparar, eran las 8 y 18 minutos de la tarde, Eduardo Dato murió pocos minutos después de llegar al dispensario de la calle Olózaga. La policía que acudió al lugar del atentado y desconociendo el móvil político, tuvo una primera pista gracias a los numerosos testigos que informaron sobre una moto sidecar con un farol rojo. El 11 de marzo una vecina informa a la guardia civil de haber visto una moto de las descritas en la prensa, en la calle Andrés Soria. Lo que condujo a la pista del garaje de Fernández Oviedo, una antigua carnicería, lugar donde se escondía la moto sidecar, al leer esta noticia en la prensa Valeriana López que había estado la anfitriona de los cenetistas, se pone en contacto con la policía, pues bien pudiera tratarse de sus huéspedes, así resultó más tarde, ya que la policía montó una discreta vigilancia sobre aquel domicilio. 1921 El 13 de marzo Pedro Matheu fue a casa de Valeriana a recoger un maletín en el que guardaba algunos documentos, aunque es probable que fuera a buscar una gabardina para protegerse del mal tiempo. De hecho la policía ya iba a abandonar el servicio de vigilancia, cuando por casualidad vieron venir a un hombre joven, el cual resultó ser Pedro Matheu. A su detención Matheu dijo: "Yo no maté a Dato, sino al Ministro que autorizó la Ley de Fugas". Hasta meses después, ya en pleno verano no se supo la identidad de Ramón Casanellas que logró pasar los Pirineos, mientras que Nicolau y Lucía anduvieron escondiéndose por las cercanías de Barcelona hasta que Amor Archs y Luisa Padrós se ocuparon de pasarlos a Francia. Mientras tanto Manuel Allendesalazar se hizo cargo del nuevo gobierno de la nación. A pesar de todo lo ocurrido en Madrid, en Barcelona no se detuvo la Ley de Fugas antes al contrario Martínez Anido y Miguel Arleguí la siguieron aplicando con insistencia. El 17 de marzo los cenetistas Ferran Sánchez Rojas "Negre de Gracia" y Joan Baptista Ascher "El poeta" atentan contra Salvador Anglada y Josep Rafa que eran miembros del Centro Carlista de Sans, en la reyerta resulto herido leve Anglada. 1921 El 21 de marzo es detenido Marcos Alcón acusándole de la muerte de Luis Vivó Tubau, también este mismo día será detenido Progreso Rodenas que de nuevo estaba en busca y captura, al día siguiente su hermana Libertad Rodenas se presentará en la Asamblea de la Asociación Profesional de Banca y Bolsa donde espera a que intervenga el representante del Libre para increparle y calumniarle y así reventar el acto, saliendo escoltada por los compañeros cenetistas. Al otro día 23 de marzo enterado Arleguí de lo sucedido en la Asamblea de Banca e impresionado por el fuerte carácter de Libertad Rodenas manda llamarla y en su despacho tendrán una larga e intensa entrevista en la que al parecer, ante el argumento de Libertad de que estaba segura de que tanto ella como sus hermanos iban a ser asesinados, Arleguí le prometio seguridad para ella y los suyos. (Aunque su hermano Francisco moriría poco después, el 21 de abril en el Clínico resultado de su enfrentamiento con la policía el 16 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 16). El 27 de marzo sale de la cárcel el cenetista Agustí Subirats se dirige hacía su residencia en una pequeña pensión de la calle Mariano Agulló nº27, será seguido por dos pistoleros del Libre que lo asesinan nada más llegar a la pensión. Este mismo día 27 en Mataró los del Libre se presentan en la Fonda Condal cerca del Cine Moderno entre las 3 y las 4 tarde cuando los cenetistas estaban comiendo, allí quedaron muertos los cenetistas Buenaventura Roca y Joan Sans y herido el dueño del local Joan Clavería. Unos carabineros con la ayuda de algunos soldados lograron detener a varios de los agresores, enviados al juzgado acabó por olvidarse el asunto. La respuesta cenetista no se hace esperar y el 29 de marzo en la calle Prim de Badalona muere el organizador del Ramo del Vidrio del Libre Salvador Aguilar. El 1 de abril en la calle Montaña de Barcelona es asesinado Francisco Celis conserje de la Unión de Propietarios del Barrio de Sant Martí. Para este mes de abril de 1921 se estaba organizando un Pleno Regional de la CNT en Lérida donde sin duda estaba un poco más tolerada la CNT, aunque todavía no se habían concretado las fechas. Hacía primeros de abril la policía paso información policial de los cenetistas a los pistoleros del Libre para que éstos actuaran libremente sobre ellos. Con esta medida los cenetistas quedaban completamente vulnerables y se convertían en un blanco fácil, al capricho de los pistoleros del Libre pagados por la Patronal. También en este principio de abril Arleguí y Anido inician una campaña de desprestigio contra los abogados sindicalistas por lo que algunos de los más amenazados como Puig d'Asprer y José Ulled huyen de la ciudad aunque volverán poco días después. El 6 de abril son detenidos en la calle Tamarit los cenetistas Custodio Beltrán, Jacinto Borrás y María Sanahuja días después son acusados de incendiar la fábrica "Casa Lligé" que ardió dos días después de su detención, cuando ellos estaban en las dependencias policiales. El 12 de abril es asesinado por los pistoleros del Libre el cenetista del sindicato de la Construcción Felipe Hilario en la calle Huerto de la Bomba muy cerca de la cárcel de mujeres de Reina Amalía. El 14 de abril es asesinado el primer abogado defensor de la causa sindicalistas, se trata de José Lastra y los hechos ocurren en su propio gabinete de la calle Diputación número 351. Aquella misma noche José Ulled resultó herido ante su domicilio del Paseo de Gracia 105, pero no tuvo tanta suerte su ordenanza Francisco Estrada que también fue asesinado. Pero no sólo en Barcelona se represalió a los abogados laboristas o sociales también en Madrid atentaron contra los abogados Fontana, Saragoyen y Guerra del Río. A Eduardo Barriobero le prepararon una encerrona en Barcelona, pero éste viéndolas venir y temiendo lo peor, aquella misma noche partió hacia Madrid, entonces como represalia fueron en busca de su pasante en Barcelona, Joan Casanovas que vivía en la calle Aragón, pero éste que iba armado pudo repeler la agresión y salir ileso del percance. El 20 de abril es detenido Basilio Bardagi cuando repartía hojas informativas de la CNT en la fábrica "Manufacturas Reunidas de la Industria Textil" en la Verneda. El 21 de abril la policía monta una redada policial en las Calle de Poniente esquina Peu de la Creu, serán detenidos al encontrarles sellos de cotización así como direcciones de grupos libertarios de Europa y España, Ramón Estany, Josep Prat Roca, Antonio Sesé Arturo, Melchor Tarrida Alix. El 24 de abril se hizo la entrega de una bandera del Somatén con un Santo Cristo bordado por damas de Madrid. Los militantes anarquistas proyectaron lanzar una bomba a la tribuna presidencial en la que debía estar Arleguí, Anido y el Rey (aunque éste último no acudió). A la vez se preparaba otro atentado contra el jefe del Somatén del Distrito VI Emili Vidal-Ribas, que era uno de los que con mayor saña perseguía a los sindicalistas. Así un día antes de la entrega de la Bandera cuando Vidal se disponía a entrar en su almacén de la calle Mercaders fue acribillado, muriendo poco después en el dispensario. La mañana del 24 los activistas Acher, José Pérez "Mula" y Pedro Vandellós cogieron un taxi en la Plaza Cataluña y le indicaron que los condujera hasta Esplugas, por el camino recogieron a Roser Segarra y Juan Elías Saturnino, luego se dirigieron a la Masía la Farinera en busca del paquete que contenía las bombas, más tarde se deshicieron del taxista dejándolo sin sentido y continuaron el camino. Sin embargo se encontraron con que el Paseo de Gracia había sido tomado por la fuerza pública y no se podía circular en coche, por lo que tuvieron que buscar un lugar menos vigilado, entonces en vistas de que no conseguían acercarse a la tribuna decidieron dejar el coche en marcha con las bombas dentro del motor para que estallaran, pero no advirtieron que habían dejado el coche delante de un garaje, por lo que los mecánicos al ver salir el humo se apresuraron a detenerlo, tantas circunstancias impidieron que el atentado se llevará a cabo. Aquel día, desfilaron ante Martínez Anido 40.000 somatenistas y los asistentes al acto no pararon de vitorear a Martínez Anido como un auténtico héroe nacional. Los anarquistas al no enterrarse de lo ocurrido y creyendo que el Rey había estado en el acto, decidieron poner una cuña en la vía ferroviaria, para que descarrilara el tren que debía de devolver al Rey a Madrid, pero otra ver la casualidad frustró los hechos, ya que un guarda agujas impacientado por la tardanza de su hija salió en su busca descubriendo la cuña, teniendo tiempo suficiente de avisar, para que esta fuera retirada. Aquel final de abril fue asesinado junto a su domicilio en la calle Cruz de los Canteros el cenetistas Josep Montserrat. El Pleno que debía celebrarse en Lérida al final, clandestinamente se celebró en casa de un compañero de la barriada del Pueblo Seco el 28 de abril de 1921, este pleno lo presidía Andreu Nin que era S.C.N., en aquel pleno los cenetistas después de analizar la situación decidieron que no tenía más remedio que provocar una revuelta popular, pero para ello necesitaban el apoyo de los Soviets rusos, Nin que tenía el informe desfavorable de Pestaña en aquella ocasión omitió el documento, puesto que estaba interesado en pedirle armas a la III Internacional de la cual formaba parte la CNT, por lo que se acordó que Andreu Nin, Hilarí Arlandis y Joaquin Maurín fueran delegados a Rusia. Partiendo inmediatamente de Barcelona sin apenas dinero, pero los ácratas de los diversos países por los que anduvieron, los cobijaron y les ayudaron a pasar clandestinamente las diferentes fronteras. Al llegar a Moscú fueron recibidos por León Trotsky, que en aquel momento era "Comisario del Pueblo para la Defensa" En la entrevista que tuvieron con Trotsky, éste les preguntó si contaban con los soldados para la revuelta, los delegados cenetistas sorprendidos le respondieron que no, por lo que Trotsky consideró que era una locura entregarles las armas, con lo cual la delegación en este aspecto fue un fracaso. Mientras tanto en Barcelona uno los grupos de afinidad más activo el conocido después por el nombre de la "Calle Toledo "preparaba un atentado contra Juan de la Cierva ex-ministro, la estrategia consistía en colocar una bomba en la vía férrea a la altura de Falset aproximadamente.

El 2 de mayo Roser Benavent hizo salir antes de hora a las operarias de su taller de confección que servía de tapadera y poco después los compañeros fueron llegando y en el pequeño cuarto laboratorio empezaron a preparar las bombas que debían servir para el atentado de La Cierva, alguna cosa debió fallar ya que se provocó una explosión alcanzando de lleno a Roser Benavent quedando gravemente herida y abrasada, mientras que Acher quedó con una mano destrozada, Juan Abrau que murió al instante, Juan Bautista Cucha que murió a los pocos días, los demás pudieron salir por su pie, como Josefa Crespo que herida acudió a una farmacia próxima donde fue detenida (19). Los vecinos vieron como del cuarto piso del nº10 de la calle Toledo salía gran cantidad de humo y gente con las ropas incendiadas, los bomberos que al principio creyeron que se trataba de un incendio fortuito comprobaron que se trataba de liquido inflamables por lo que dieron parte a la policía que inmediatamente trasladó a su brigada especial que se hizo cargo de la situación. El 4 mayo Roser Segarra una de las activistas de la Calle Toledo que había sido hospitalizada en el Clínico logra escaparse y esconderse en Vilanova i la Geltrú. Hacia el 9 de mayo los somatenistas le aplican la Ley de Fugas al cenetista Gregori Fabre "El Brasileño", cuando andaba recogiendo cuotas sindicales. El 10 de mayo la policía registra la vivienda de la compañera de Acher, Luisa Moreno en la calle Bejar nº10 en el registro encuentran una carta firmada por Leonor Pujol, que en realidad se trata de Roser Segarra huida desde la explosión de la calle Toledo. El 17 de mayo y después de los interrogatorios aplicados a los detenidos de la calle Toledo, que se encontraban en el Clínico, fue cercado el cuadrado que comprende las calles de Av.Paral.lel, Olmo, San Beltrán y Santa Madrona, en busca de dos activistas, Pedro Navarro y Josep Saleta "El Nano" sin embargo ambos pudieron escapar aunque el primero al poco tiempo fue detenido en Montalbán, Teruel. También por estos días habían estado detenidas María Fernández y J.Castro cuando intentaban vigilar los movimientos de Miguel Arleguí, aunque éstas disuadieron a la policía y salieron en libertad. En la última semana de aquel mayo fatídico para los grupos de afinidad, perdieron a Ferran Rojas "Negre" uno de los mejores activistas. Por aquel entonces la policía contaba con mucha información debido a los numerosos confidente que tenía dentro de la organización cenetista, así pudo averiguar que los principales responsables de los grupos de afinidad confederal estaban coordinados por Ramón Archs y Pedro Vandellós, a raíz de esto, se convirtieron en los principales objetivos de la policía y del Libre. Los nervios dentro de la organización confederal estaban a flor de piel ya que cualquiera era sospechoso de ser delator, así el 20 de mayo hay un enfrentamiento entre propios compañeros acusándose los unos a los otros de confidente y entablándose una reyerta, muriendo en el tiroteo Manuel Marcos que no pudo negar su acusación algo muy parecido ocurrió entre Pere Bautista y Salvador Coll "Mallorca" al que acusaban de haberse vendido a las autoridades, en Montjuich lo ejecutaron aunque unos días más tarde, los propios compañeros que había realizado el atentado comprobaron su error. Con la estrategia de acercarce a Martínez Anido se planeó un atentado contra el alcalde de Barcelona, en el que intervino Salvador Salsench que era un antiguo carlista pasado a las filas de la CNT, los hechos se llevaron a cabo el 17 de junio en plena Plaza de Sant Jaume resultando herido el alcalde Martínez Domingo, conducido a una clínica privada, varios activistas se apostaron estratégicamente en sus alrededores en espera de ver aparecer a Martínez Anido sin embargo éste nunca apareció por el lugar. También hubo otro intento para acabar con Anido, por ejemplo, en la puerta de la Iglesia de Santa Ana donde solía acudir en diversas ocasiones, el plan lo había organizado el grupo de Anibal Álvarez y los hermanos Asdrúbal, pero Anido como presintiendo alguna cosa no se presento durante unos días por los alrededores de la Iglesia. Aquella noche del 17 de junio la respuesta policial fue sacar a Evelio Boal de la cárcel y trasladarlo hasta jefatura junto a Antoni Feliu (tesorero de la Regional Catalana) y a José Domínguez, al cabo de poco más de una hora quedaron en libertad, mientras volvían a casa, a la altura de Santa María del Mar les esperaban los pistoleros del Libre, cuando hacía apenas un instante se habían separado de Domínguez, fueron acribillados a balazos, minutos más tarde, mientras unos policías examinaban los cadáveres oían unos disparos, que esta vez iban dirigidos hacía Domínguez que había sido alcanzado en la calle Sombrerers, de este atentado pudo escapar Feliu aunque a los pocos días fue cazado por los pistoleros del Libre en el Paseo de Sant Juan muy cerca del Arco del Triunfo. Sin duda resultaban unos tiempos muy difíciles donde los nervios estaban tensión en todos los bandos, así el 23 de junio por la noche cuando Bertrán y Musitu iba por la calle Salmerón con su hijo y en su coche advirtieron que les seguía una moto, recordando lo acontecido a Eduardo Dato bajaron del coche y dispararon, aunque luego pudieron comprobar que se trataba de dos somatenistas que habían decidido escoltar a su jefe, sin embargo éstos no tuvieron tiempo de explicarse en un principio y salieron huyendo, mientras unos guardias que andaban por la zona dispararon hiriendo al hijo de Musitu. El 24 de junio será detenido en la calle Bofarull de Sant Andrés, Pedro Vandellós delatado por algún confidente. Vandellós hombre muy perseguido por la policía solía esconderse durante el día por zonas poco accesibles donde se dedicaba a disfrutar de la lectura, mientras esperaba las primeras horas de la tarde para ir en busca de los obreros que liquidaban su cuota sindical. Aquella noche le aplicaron la Ley de Fugas en la Verneda a la altura de la fábrica de galletas "La Esperanza". El 25 de junio Ramón Archs cae en una trampa mortal que le tiende otro confidente del cual nunca se conoció su identidad, estaban ambos citados en la Plaza Urquinaona, al bajar del tranvía Ramón Archs varios policías secretas lo detienen y lo conducen a presencia de Arleguí. Archs será torturado y su rostro desfigurado, apareciendo el cadáver al día siguiente en la calle Vila i Vilà. Al enterarse de las muertes de Archs y Vandellós, sus compañeros (Josep Saleta "El Nano", Andreu Masdeu "El Llarch", Llorens, Vicens Cervera, Francesc García "El Patillas", Joan Tarragó ) responderán inmediatamente preparando un atentado en la Asociación de Cazadores situado en la Rambla /Plaza Catalunya, donde se decía que se reclutaban los mercenarios . El atentado se lleva a cabo el 30 de junio con un coche lanzaran una ráfaga de metralla sobre la terraza del bar y seguidamente el joven Joan Tarragó lanza una bomba de mano por la ventana del local.

El 2 de julio es capturado el grupo de Francisco Martínez Valls. El 19 de julio será detenida en Puigcerdà Roser Segarra que había estado identificada como integrante del grupo de la calle Toledo. Mientras tanto a más de 1500 Kilómetros de Barcelona, en Marruecos, el 7 de julio las tropas capitaneadas por el general Igueriben ocupan y aseguran la posición de Annual y Monte Arruit, pero este comandamiento será fuertemente sitiado por las tropas de Abd -el-Krim por lo que el convoy de ayuda no logró llegar hasta Monte Arruit. Por ello, los sitiados desesperados pensaron en salir de la fortaleza, ya que llevaban varios días sin agua y apenas comida, a la vez de que nuevas tropas dirigidas por Fernández Silvestre iban en su ayuda, aunque quedaron frenadas en las inmediaciones de Annual por los rifeños de Abd-el -Krim que les impidieron avanzar en este último tramo. En este contexto las tropas desesperadas que ocupaban Monte Arruit decidieron salir de su fortaleza el 21 de julio de 1921 bajo el fuego cruzado del enemigo, muriendo en el intento la mayor parte de la guarnición. Estos hechos del desastre de Annual y Monte Arruit en Africa al desplomarse el frente español capitaneado por los generales Fernández Silvestre y Berenguer ante los ataques de los rifeños, dio atención preferencial de la prensa hacía el problema de Marruecos, dejando en segundo termino la guerra sucia de Barcelona, hecho que permitió a Martínez Anido lanzar una nueva y feroz campaña contra la CNT en Barcelona. El 28 de julio es detenido mientras se bañaba en la Barceloneta el cenetista Jacinto Vila se le acusa de atentar contra el pistolero del Libre "El Mallorquín" como Vila se negó a firmar una inventada declaración fue tremendamente torturado. El 2 de agosto será detenido en el Ateneo La Farinera Josep Saleta y Andreu Masdeu. Este mismo día por la noche la policía saca de la cárcel Modelo a Juan López para que firme unos documentos, al negarse, recibió éste una brutal paliza, de vuelta a la Modelo sus compañeros no reconocieron su persona por el estado físico en que quedó su cuerpo. El 3 de agosto el detenido será Angel Latorre, éste recibirá tortura directamente de Arleguí y Anido durante 6 días, trasladado a la Modelo permanecerá 17 días incomunicado. El 5 de agosto mientras manipulaban una bomba Angel Noguera y otro compañero les explotó en las manos muriendo instantáneamente, los hechos ocurrieron en la calle dels Metges del barrio de Santa Catalina. A partir de esta explosión la policía logró detener en el barrio a Luis Dufur "Larrosa" y Salvador Salsench, estas nuevas detenciones fueron el hilo conductor para descubrir todo un arsenal que el grupo tenía en la montaña de Montjuich, casi al mismo tiempo detenían a los propietarios de can Vidiella de Falset, que había estado en numerosas ocasiones refugio de los confedérales.

1921 El 11 de agosto será procesado Antonio Pellicer por un artículo aparecido en "Bandera Roja" que él nunca escribió.

1921 El 12 de agosto será detenido el cenetista Victoriano Muñoz al cual se le acusa de repartir unas octavillas antimilitaristas.

Aquel septiembre de 1921 Antonio Maura forma nuevo gabinete en el que entraran los catalanes Francesc Cambó y Josep Bertrán i Musitu, la burguesía creía que de nuevo se entraba en una etapa de nuevo paraíso, de sueldos bajos y obreros sumisos. También el Libre con Ramón Sales a la cabeza creyó que había llegado el momento de organizarse sindicalmente, así comenzaron la campaña con un Miting en el cine Boheme de Hostafrachs y plantearon varias reivindicaciones sindicales. La burguesía catalana quedó algo sorprendida y pidió a Martínez Anido que actuará pero éste dejó que el Libre desarrollará su nuevo proyecto.

// That September of 1921 Antonio Maura forms new cabinet in which entered Catalan the Francesc Cambó and Josep Bertrán i Musitu, the bourgeoisie thought that again paradise entered a stage again, of submissive low and working pays. Also the Free one with Ramon Salts at the top thought that the moment had arrived for organizing itself union, thus began the campaign with a Miting in cinema Boheme de Hostafrachs and raised several union vindications. The Catalan bourgeoisie was left something surprised and requested a Martinez I nest that it will act but this one left the Free one will develop its new proyecto.

En Berlín serán detenidos Lluis Nicolau y Lucía, además de Andreu Nin en un barrio obrero de la ciudad. Las autoridades alemanas a cambio de su extradición pidieron que no se les aplicara la pena de muerte ampliando la petición a Pedro Matheu, único detenido directo con relación al atentado de Eduardo Dato en Madrid, mientras los compañeros comunistas de Andreu Nin conseguían que no lo extraditaran.

El 1 de octubre 90.000 hombres licenciados del ejército un año antes son llamados de nuevo a filas y enviados a Africa del Norte.

1921 El 20 de octubre / OCTOBER es detenido Magí Marimón que pertenecía al grupo de la calle Toledo, será tremendamente torturado con corrientes eléctricas y más tarde permanecerá 44 días incomunicado en la Modelo de Barcelona. También será detenido Rafael Sánchez Rex del Sindicato de la Construcción de la CNT, por el delito de ser amigo de Acher será enviado a la prisión del Dueso de la cual pudo escapar aunque a los pocos días apareció su cadáver con un tiro en la frente.

A finales de 1921 Libertad Rodenas y Rosario Dolcet parten hacia Madrid para dar una conferencia en el Ateneo Científico, donde explicarán la situación social por la que atraviesa Barcelona, ningún intelectual se atrevió a presentar el acto.

1921 El 8 de diciembre / DECEMBER será asesinado en la calle Jerusalem el cenetista Manuel Valero.

http://www.manelaisa.com/texto/Articulos/PagArticulos9.htm


1940 -- US: 1940-1948 The daily left-leaning PM newspaper was published over this period. Theodor Seuss Geisel drew cartoons for the paper from 1941-1943.


1953 -- SITUATIONIST CHRONOLOGY

April 1951

20 Guy-Ernest Debord meets the lettrists at the Cannes Film Festival, following the screening of Isou's Traité de bave et d'éternité (Treatise on Slime and Eternity).

April 1952

2 The Anticoncept is banned by the French film censorship commission.

23 Ion #1, Paris, Editor: Marc-Gilbert Guillaumin, contains the scripts for The Anticoncept and an early version of Howls for Sade, as well as Guy-Ernest Debord's Prolégomènes à tout cinéma futur (Prolegomena to Any Future Cinema).

Fini le Cinéma français (No More French Cinema), tract distributed at the Cannes Film Festival, signed by Serge Berna, Guy-Ernest Debord, François Dufrêne, Monique Geoffrey, Jean-Isidore Isou, Yolande du Luart, Marc,O., Gabriel Pomerand, Poucette and Gil J. Wolman.

June 1952

Serge Berna, Jean-Louis Brau, Guy-Ernest Debord and Gil J. Wolman secretly form the radical Lettrist International tendency within the lettrist movement.

30 First projection of Guy Debord's film Howls for Sade in Paris.
75 minutes, 35mm, black and white.
Voice-over: Gil J. Wolman, Guy Debord, Serge Berna, Barbara Rosenthal, Jean-Isidore Isou.

(NOTE: POST IN FEBRUARY OR LATE JANUARY)

Early 1953

Guy Debord writes Never Work! on a wall in the rue de Seine.

June 1954

22 Potlatch #1, internal bulletin of the French Lettrist International group, Paris. Editor-in-chief: André Frank Conord.

June 1956

Toutes ces dames au salon! (All the Ladies in the Room!), tract denouncing the exhibition The Oil Industry in the Eyes of Artists, held at the Palais de Beaux-Arts, Brussels, 2 to 14 June, signed by members of the Lettrist International (Michèle Bernstein, Mohamed Dahou, Guy Debord, Jacques Fillon, Alexander Trocchi, Gil J. Wolman), the Les Lèvres nues group (Paul Bourgoignie, Jane Graverol, Marcel Mariën, Paul Nougé, Gilbert Senecaut), the Nuclear Art Movement (Enrico Baj, Sergio Dangelo, Asger Jorn) and several independent artists (Ernest Carlier, Paul Joostens, Herbert Read).

July 1956

Eristica #1. Journal of the International Movement for an Imaginist Bauhaus. Editor: Giuseppe Pinot Gallizio. Editorial Committee: Enrico Baj, Christian Dotremont, Walter Korun.

November 1956

2 Potlatch #27, information bulletin of the Lettrist International, Paris.

Publication in Les Lèvres nues #9 of Guy Debord's article, 'Theory of the dérive,' in which the word 'situationist' makes its first appearance.

http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/



1958 --

background > chronology >

1958

January1958

1 Nervenruh! Keine Experimente! (Stay Calm! No Experiments!), the first manifesto of the SI's German section, signed by Asger Jorn and Hans Platschek, Munich.

25 to 26 2nd SI Conference in Paris. Participants: Michèle Bernstein, Guy-Ernest Debord, Asger Jorn, Abdelhafid Khatib, Giuseppe Pinot Gallizio.
Exclusions of Walter Olmo, Piero Simondo and Elena Verrone of the Italian Section.

To the Producers of Modern Art, a 'filoform tract' by the French section.

A New Cultural Theater of Operations, tract by the French section.

March1958

15 March to 5 April Exhibition by Jorn at Rive Gauche Gallery, Paris.

April1958

4 Exclusion of Ralph Rumney, Italian section.

12 Address by the Situationist International to the General Assembly of the International Association of Art Critics, Meeting on 14 April 1958 at the World's Fair in Brussels, signed by A. Khatib, W. Korun, G.-E. Debord, H. Platschek, G. Pinot Gallizio and A. Jorn on behalf of the Algerian, Belgian, French, German, Italian and Scandinavian sections of the Situationist International.
On the back of the pamphlet: 'The classless society has found its artists. Long live the Situationist International!'
Judicial proceedings are initiated against Walter Korun for his role in the scandal.

24 April to 31 May Exhibition by Jorn at the Institute of Contemporary Arts (ICA), London.

26 'First Industrial Conference' in Alba, Italy. Lecture by tape recorder and in person by Debord and Pinot Gallizio from the Italian translation of Debord's Report on the Construction of Situations.

May1958

Rapporto sulla costruzione delle situazioni, Italian edition of Guy Debord's Report on the Construction of Situations, with an introduction by Pinot Gallizio, Turin.

'Interview with Asger Jorn' by Walter Korun, on the meaning of the changes in experimental art before and after Cobra (1948-1951) in Kunstmeridiaan (Taptoe 58), volume V number 4-5-6, devoted to the avant-garde gallery Taptoe in Brussels.

30 First exhibition of industrial paintings by Giuseppe Pinot Gallizio, assisted by Giors Melanotte, Notizie Gallery, Turin. Elogio di Pinot Gallizio (In Praise of Pinot Gallizio), by Michèle Bernstein.

June 1958

Second edition of Debord's Report on the Construction of Situations, Brussels.

Guy Debord and Michèle Bernstein meet Henri Lefebvre in the street.

Internationale Situationniste #1. Central bulletin published by the sections of the Situationist International. Editor: G.-E. Debord. Editorial committee: Mahomed Dahou, Giuseppe Pinot Gallizio, Maurice Wyckaert.

July1958

4 Difendete la libertà ovunque (Defend Freedom Everywhere), pamphlet by the SI's Italian section protesting the internment in a Milanese lunatic asylum of the 'otherwise completely uninteresting' painter Nunzio Van Gugliemi, who has impulsively damaged a painting by Raphael (The Coronation of the Virgin) by pasting the tract 'Long live the Italian revolution! Down with the clerical government!' to its protective glass.

7 Stand By Van Gugliemi!, pamphlet in French by Asger Jorn on behalf of the SI, Paris.

8 Second showing of Pinot-Gallizio's exhibition of industrial painting, Montenapoleone Gallery, Milan.
Reissue of Michèle Bernstein, Elogio di Pinot Gallizio.
Asger Jorn presents a conference on industrial painting in Turin.

September1958

3 September to mid-October Exhibition by Jorn at Van de Loo Gallery, Munich.

Constant initiates a debate on Asger Jorn's ideas ('On our means and perspectives,' I.S. #2).

Publication of Pour la Forme: ébauche d'une méthodologie des arts (In Favor of Form: Toward a Methodology of the Arts), a collection of texts by Asger Jorn written and published in several languages, notably 'Image and form' (1954), 'Form and structure' (1956), 'Structure and change' (1956), 'Against functionalism' (1957), and 'The situationists and automation' (1958). Published by the Situationist International, Paris.

This chronology has been adapted and expanded from Jean-Jacques Raspaud and Jean-Pierre Voyer, L'Internationale Situationniste: Chronologie, bibliographie, protagonistes (avec un index des noms insulté) (Paris: Champ Libre, 1972); Christophe Bourseiller, Vie et mort de Guy Debord (Paris: Plon, 1999); and Guy Debord, Correspondance (volumes 1, 2 & 3) (Paris: Arthème Fayard, 1999 , 2001 & 2003).
http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/


1960 --

background > chronology >

1960

January

9 January to 9 February A text on Constant by Guy Debord appears in heavily altered form on the occasion of an exhibition of Constant's constructions and maquettes at Van de Loo Gallery, Essen; Debord makes it known that he withdraws his signature.

Retrospective exhibition of the Experimental Laboratory in Alba, Notizie Gallery, Turin.

March 1960

16 Stavrim, sonetter (Stanzas and Sonnetts), book by Jørgen Nash with drawings by Asger Jorn, Copenhagen.

Exclusions of A. Alberts and Har Oudejans (architects who have accepted an offer to build a church in Volendam), then of Armando, Dutch section.

May 1960

6 to 31 Exhibition of thirty-one paintings by Jorn, Rive Gauche Gallery, Paris.

17 Manifesto of the Situationist International (IS #4).

Critique de la politique économique (Critique of Economic Politics), followed by La Lutte finale (The Last Struggle), by Asger Jorn, Brussels. 'This publication is the second in the series of "Reports presented to the Situationist International."' The legend on the back cover — 'Not everyone can read Internationale Situationniste, central bulletin edited by the section of the Situationist International' — is accompanied by a photograph of paratroopers, leading to the seizure of the brochure at the Belgian border.

Resignation of Heinrich Höfl, German section.

Cahier pour un paysage à inventer #1, Montréal. Editor: Patrick Straram. Texts by Gilles Leclerc, Gaston Miron, Marie-France O'Leary, Paul-Marie Lapointe, Gilles Hénault, Serge Garant, Marcel Dubé, Asger Jorn, Gilles Ivain, Guy-Ernest Debord, Louis Portugais and Patrick Straram

31 Exclusions of Giuseppe Pinot Gallizio, Giors Melanotte and Glauco Wuerich, Italian section.

June 1960

1 Resignation of Constant, Dutch section.

Second London screening of Howls for Sade.

10 Christian Christensen, to whom Jorn had dedicated his Critique de la politique économique, dies in Denmark.

Internationale Situationniste #4. Central bulletin published by the sections of the Situationist International. Editor: G.-E. Debord. Editorial committee: Constant, Asger Jorn, Helmut Sturm, Maurice Wyckaert.

July 1960

20 Preliminaries Toward Defining a Unitary Revolutionary Program by G.-E. Debord and P. Canjeurs (pseudonym of Daniel Blanchard of the Socialisme ou Barbarie group).

Pinot Gallizio, texts by Michèle Bernstein ('In praise of Pinot Gallizio') and Jorn ('L'état des passions au milieu du XXe siècle et Gallizio-le-Tatoué' [Gallizio the Tattooed Man and the state of the passions in the middle of the twentieth century]), second monograph by Bibliothèque d'Alexandrie, Paris: 'This monograph on Pinot Gallizio is published on the occasion of his exclusion from the Situationist International.'

26 Erwin Eisch is dismissed from the SI's German section.

Announcement of the creation of a situationist library at Silkeborg Museum.

August 1960

Spur #1, journal of the German section of the SI, Munich. Editors: Helmut Sturm, Heimrad Prem, Hans-Peter Zimmer, Lothar Fischer.

30 Tous les chevaux du roi (All the King's Horses), novel by Michèle Bernstein, Paris.

September 1960

Shooting begins for Guy Debord's film, Critique of Separation.

8 Erklärung der deutschen Sektion des I.S. über den Wahnsinn (Declaration on Madness by the German section of the SI), signed by Sturm, Prem, Fischer, Zimmer, Jorn and Debord, Munich.

http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/


1965 --

1965

January 1965

Following a complaint from the American Moral Rearmement movement, J.V. Martin, representing the Situationist International in Scandinavia, is charged with offenses to morals and good taste, eroticism, pornography, antisocial activity, outrages to the state and injury to the Danish royal family over eritico-political leaflets published by the SI and distributed in Denmark and Spain.

March 1965

16 At the appeal of a committee chaired by J.V. Martin, protestors come from all over Denmark to violently oppose the entry of German troops about to participate in joint manouvres with the Danish army under the auspices of NATO.

18 A firebomb placed by a provocateur destroys Martin's home in Randers (Denmark), known as 'riot headquarters.' Most of the anti-paintings by Michèle Bernstein and J.V. Martin, completed for the Destruction of RSG6 exhibition in June 1963, disappear in the flames.

24 La tortue dans la vitrine (dialectique du robot at du signal) (The Tortoise in the Tank: Dialectic of the Robot and the Signal), tract signed by édith Frey, Théo Frey, Jean Garnault and Mustapha Khayati, as well as a reprint of Correspondance avec un cybernéticien [Correspondence with a Cyberneticist] (IS #9) are distributed during the interruption of a conference in Strasbourg by cyberneticist Abraham Moles and cybernetic sculptor Nicolas Schöffer.

Exclusion of Uwe Lausen, German section, in response to his projected organization of a happening in Munich.

July 1965

Address to the Revolutionaries of Algeria and All Countries, tract by the SI regarding the Boumédienne putsch, mimeographed and distributed clandestinely in Algieria.

http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/


1967 --

1967

January 1967

Et ça ne fait que commencer (And That's Just the Start of It), tract by the SI (signed by Jean Garnault and Théo Frey) and the AFGES (signed by André Schneider and Bruno Vayr-Piova), Strasbourg.

11 Avis (Notice), flyposter announcing the closure of the Strasbourg University Psychological Aid Centre (BAPU) by the AFGES "considering that the BAPU's are the manifestation in the student milieu of a repressive psychiatry's parapolice control, whose obvious function is to maintain [...] the passivity of all exploited sectors."

15 Exclusion of the Garnautins (Théo Frey, Jean Garnault and Herbert Holl), French section. Because of her solidarity with the Garnautins, édih Frey is also excluded.

22 Attention! Trois provocateurs (Warning! Three Provocateurs), tract explaining the exclusion of the Garnautins, signed by Michèle Bernstein, Guy Debord, Mustapha Khayati, J.V. Martin, Donald Nicholson-Smith, Raoul Vaneigem and René Viénet, Paris.

Winter

Sexologie de la misère. Misere de la sexologie (The Sexology of Poverty and the Poverty of Sexology), tract distributed in the university residences of Lyon, Nantes, Paris, Strasbourg and Toulouse.

March 1967

Second edition of On the Poverty of Student Life, Paris. The tract is subsequently published in several languages, including an English edition translated by Christopher Gray and Donald Nicholson-Smith as Ten Days that Shook the University with a postscript ('If you want to make revolution, do it for fun'). An inferior translation by Tony Verlaan later appears in New York, and a third partial translation is published in Seattle. A complete translation is distributed in Sweden, while partial versions appear in radical journals in Spain (Acción Communista) and Italy (Nuova Presenza and Fantazaria).

15 to 24 Ny-irrealisme, Operation Playtime. Exhibition of anti-paintings by Michèle Bernstein (The Victory of the Spanish Republicans) and J.V. Martin (the Golden Ships series), and five Nothing Boxes by René Viénet, Århus, Denmark. J.V. Martin's brochure Ny-irrealism is reprinted in Situationistisk Revolution #2.

April 1967

An SI post office box is opened in New York.

June

Resignation of Michèle Bernstein, French section. Bernstein nevertheless continues her association with the SI for around three years.

August

The Explosion Point of Ideology in China, anonymous tract written by Debord denouncing Mao's Cultural Revolution, Paris, reprinted in Internationale Situationniste #11.

http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/


1968 --

1968

January 1968

26 At the faculty of Nanterre, dean Grappin appeals to the police to reprimand a demonstration by anarchists and Enragés against the presence of plain-clothes police on campus. The police are chased off and cars are set alight.

29 En attendant la cybernétique, les flics (Waiting for Cybernetics, the Cops), fly-poster denouncing "Billy-club Grappin" by the Nanterre Enragés.

March1968

19 A Gust of Wind through the Japanese Apple Tree, tract by the Enragés against the "meta-Stalinist" Henri Lefebvre.

April

The Power of Negative Thinking – or – Robin Hood Rides Again, booklet by Robert Chasse, New York.

The Question of Organization for the SI, also known as The April Theses, notes by Guy Debord.

May 1968

6 Gut Rage!, tract by the Enragés.

10 The Castle is Burning! Address to the Council of the University of Paris, tract by René Riesel.
The situationists participate in the night of the barricades in the rue Gay-Lussac.

14 Constitution of the Enragés-Situationist International Committee in the Occupied Sorbonne.

15 Minimum Definition of Revolutionary Organizations, tract by the Enragés-Situationist International Committee.
The Enragés-Situationist International Committee adds its support and participates in the Sorbonne Occupation Committee.
De l'I.S. Paris aux membres de l'I.S., aux camarades qui se declarés en accord avec nos thèses (From the SI in Paris to the Members of the SI and the Comrades who have Declared Themselves in Accord with our Theses), circular by Guy Debord, Mustapha Khayati, Raoul Vaneigem and René Viénet.

16 At 3.30pm, the Sorbonne Occupation Committee "calls for the immediate occupation of every factory in France and the formation of workers councils."
Vigilance!, tract by the Sorbonne Occupation Committee, 4.30pm.
Watch Out!, tract by the Occupation Committee of the Popular and Autonomous Sorbonne University, 6.30pm.
Slogans to be Spread Now by Every Means, tract by the Occupation Committee of the Popular and Autonomous Sorbonne University, 7pm.
Situationist International Circular, Paris, 10.30pm.

17 Constitution of the Council for Maintaining the Occupations (CMDO), composed of a dozen situationists and Enragés as well as workers, a dozen high-school and university students, and a dozen other councilists without any particular allegiances.

19 Report on the Occupation of the Sorbonne, CMDO tract.

22 Power to the Workers Councils, CMDO tract.

The CMDO publishes six posters: Down with the Spectacle-Commodity Society; Abolition of Class Society; Occupation of the Factories; End of the University; Power to the Workers Councils; What Can the Revolutionary Movement Do Now? Everything. What Does It Become in the Hands of the Parties and the Unions? Nothing. What Does the Movement Want? The Realization of a Classless Society through the Power of the Workers Councils.

30 Address to All Workers, tract signed by the Enragés-Situationist International Committee and the Council for Maintaining the Occupations.

June

8 It's Not Over!, CMDO tract..

15 The CMDO dissolves itself.

The situationists and most compromised students go into exile in Belgium.

Asger Jorn completes four posters in homage to May 68: Long Live the Passionate Revolution of Creative Intelligence; Smash the Frame that Stifles the Image; Support the Students Who Should Study and Learn Freely; No Power of Imagination Without Powerful Images.

July 1968

26 In Brussels, the situationists finish work on Enragés and Situationists in the Occupations Movement.

September

The Newest School Buildings are Indistinguishable from the Newest Prisons or the Newest Industrial Complexes, tract by the American section of the SI, New York.

Reply to Murray Bookchin Concerning His Theories of the Recent French 'Revolution', tract by the American section of the SI, New York.

An Open Letter to Radical Action Cooperative, Students for a Democratic Society, Students, Faculty, Others Engaged by University Life, tract by the American section of the SI, New York.

http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/


1970 --

1970

January 1970

17 to 19 Delegates conference in Wolsfield and Trier, East Germany. Participants: JV Martin, Claudio Pavan, René Riesel, Tony Verlaan.
Exclusion of Robert Chasse and Bruce Elwell, American section.

19 Report from the Delegates Conference Held in Wolsfield and Trier, 17 to 19 January 1970, bilingual internal document in French and English signed by Martin, Pavan, Riesel and Verlaan.

February

20 Exclusion of Claudio Pavan, Italian section.

March

Notes on the SI's Direction, internal document by Raoul Vaneigem.

April

21 Exclusion of Eduardo Rothe, Italian section.

Summer

Forced resignation of François de Beaulieu, French section.

Resignation of Patrick Cheval, French section.

July

27 Remarks on the SI Today, internal document by Guy Debord.

September 1970

18 Exclusion of Paolo Salvadori, Italian section.

October 1970

The Workers of Italy and the Revolt in Reggio Calabria, tract by Gianfranco Sanguinetti in the name of the Italian section of the SI, Milan.

Reprint of the tract Is the Reichstag Burning?

Situationistisk Revolution #3, bulletin of the Scandinavian section of the SI, Randers, Denmark. Editor: JV Martin.

http://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/chronology/


?
1981 -- ARCHIVE century Taíno Indians who inhabited the territory, called the island Boriken or Borinquen which 2 means: "the great land of the valiant & noble Lord". Today this word -used in various modifications- is still popularly used to designate the people & island of Puerto Rico. The Taíno Indians, who came from South America, inhabited the major portion of the island when the Spaniards arrived. —

1521 Concerned about potential threats from European enemies, Spain began constructing massive defenses around San Juan. El Morro Castle featured 18-foot-thick walls; San Cristóbal & San Geronimo Forts also garrisoned troops. Next the Spaniards constructed a wall, parts of which still survive, around the entire city. Government Center is moved to the isle of San Juan. The ever arriving Spaniards settlers, many of them gold-seekers, brought no women on their ships. To populate the country, the Spaniard took Indian woman. With the arrival of African slaves, other elements were added. This historic intermingling has resulted in a contemporary Puerto Rico without racial problems. Juan Ponce de León arrived to Florida, where he suffered a serious injury. He died in La Habana, Cuba. ——————

1876 Spain proclaims "El Yunque" a Forest Reserve, making it one of the oldest reserves in the Western Hemisphere.

1904 Luis Muñoz Rivera & José de Diego founded the Unionist Party of Puerto Rico to fight against the colonial government established under the Foraker Act.

1912 Rosendo Matienzo Cintrón, Manuel Zeno Gandía, Luis Llorens Torres, Eugenio Benítez Castaño, & Pedro Franceschi founded the Independence Party which was the first party in the history of the island to exclusively want Puerto Rican independence. Though short-lived, it established a precedent for future organizations with similar ideologies. 1937 At the beginning of "Nacionalista de Puerto Rico" Party parade, in Ponce, occurred as called "Masacre de Ponce" were 20 people are killed & 100 people are wounded. Pedro Albizu Campos & other Nationalists are transferred out of Puerto Rico to serve time in Atlanta, Georgia. --------- 1954 Nationalists (Lolita Lebron, Rafael Cancel Miranda, Irvin Flores & Andres Figueroa) open fire in the U.S. House of Representatives, wounding five Congressmen. They are sentenced to 50 years imprisonment. 1966 The shopping mall "Plaza Las Americas" is inaugurated, the largest shopping center in central & South America. 1968 Formal research efforts to save the endangered Puerto Rican parrot began in the Forest with collaboration of U.S. Fish & Wildlife, the PR Department of Natural Resources & the World Wildlife Fund. 1971 United States army takes possession of almost all of Culebra Island. 1976 The 936 section of the United States Internal Revenue Tax Code is implemented. This new code allowed American companies to make profit in the island without paying taxes. Banks on the island experienced an unprecedented growth. About 100,000 Puerto Ricans were directly dependent on employment generated by Section 936 companies. The "Ateneo Puertorriqueño" is founded. 1980 The U.S. Congress recommends the Navy leave Vieques. Other Resources: The 1996 Atlantic Hurricane Season Caribbean History Archives The Changing of the Guard: Puerto Rico in 1898 Christopher Columbus Christopher Columbus Comisión Estatal de Elecciones de Puerto Rico Conoce a Puerto Rico Declaración de Lares al Mundo Elections in Puerto Rico FEMA Fact Sheet: Hurricanes Puerto Rican Independence then & now by José Cruz The World of 1898: The Spanish-American War http://www.spanamwar.com/SanJuan.htm
http://welcome.topuertorico.org/history5.shtml


1997 -- 2005: NEW, NEED TO UPDATE, NEED EXACT DATE??

First big meeting between Polish & Russian anarchists. 1997
http://insurgentes.vilabol.uol.com.br/passos.htm http://insurgentes.vilabol.uol.com.br/passos.htm


1999 -- "It seems to me," says Andrew Manshel, attorney for the Grand Central Partnership, "we could agree as a society that occupying public space to sell things is antisocial." He goes on to say, "It's mostly about how they look as much as what they're doing. . . . [T]hey don't look like they've made a capital investment in what they're doing." Village Alliance president Honi Klein further clarifies: "I don't think the First Amendment should protect people who are street people. They are not homeless. These people never had homes." http://www.villagevoice.com/vls/165/sante.shtml




2000 -- Among Goldman's closest comrades were Mollie Steimer & Senya Fleshin, who also left Soviet Russia after conditions there became intolerable for anarchists. She was a wonderful girl, with an iron will & a tender heart, but she was fearfully set in her ideas. "A sort of Alexander Berkman in skirts," I jokingly remarked to Stella. Mollie was a true factory child of revolutionary spirit. She had gone to work at the age of thirteen & she had continued in the shop until she fell into the hands of the authorities. She was essentially of the idealistic youth of Russia in times of the Tsar, who sacrificed their lives before they had scarcely begun to live. What a fearful fate--from the factory to the Missouri prison for fifteen years, with no joy in between for my lovely young comrade! ---Emma Goldman, Living My Life by Emma Goldman Volume two New York: Alfred A Knopf Inc.,1931. Chapter 50 http://www.spunk.org/texts/pubs/sekhmet/8/sp001228.txt


http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/USAsteimer.htm

2001 -- MONOLITH

Local News : Thursday, January 04, 2001

Monolith is gone but not forgotten

By Richard Martin Seattle Times assistant metro editor

The Seattle monolith departed yesterday as mysteriously as it arrived.

Gone from public view to local lore, sure to become another "remember when" question for years to come.

Remember when someone attached a 700-pound steel ball & shackles on the Hammering Man in 1993? Remember when someone left an 1,800-pound metal heart in Westlake Park in 1996?

Remember when a dark-gray, 9-foot-tall rectangular steel structure appeared at Magnuson Park on New Year's Eve? The one that brought back memories of the dark, shrieking monolith in Stanley Kubrick's "2001: A Space Odyssey"?

"It seems to be kind of a tradition here," said Barbara Goldstein, who manages the Seattle Arts Commission's public-art program.

Make no mistake, the mysterious monolith isn't among commission-approved artwork that appears throughout the city, such as the towering Hammering Man at the Seattle Art Museum, the bronze dance steps laid along the sidewalk in Capitol Hill, or numerous paintings on the walls inside public buildings.

But Goldstein said it appeared to fulfill the purpose of public art, which is to bring people together and stimulate discussion.

"I don't think there's anything wrong with it," Goldstein said. "As long as it's temporary, as long as the parks department was comfortable & as long as the people who created it remove it."

Goldstein, however, considers such anonymous work more social commentary than art, something similar to postering, where social or political messages are rarely signed.

"Usually, artists want their work to be recognized," she said. "This seems to be more satirical commentary on the fact we've reached the year 2001."

Goldstein also said it's important to distinguish the monolith from other renegade public art statements as the ball & shackles on the Hammering Man.

"When you make an alteration to something you didn't create, without permission, it's kind of intruding on someone's intellectual property," she said.

A main issue with temporary art is whether it's going to fall over & hurt somebody, Goldstein said.

That was also a concern of city parks officials, who were just getting ready to inspect the sculpture yesterday morning, only to discover it was gone. Only a rectangular hole with concrete inside, a few candles & a broken-stemmed rose remained.

"We were looking forward to having the sculpture around for a while," said C. David Hughbanks, executive director of Sand Point Magnuson Park.

_____________

Local News : Friday, January 05, 2001

Duck Island on Green Lake is new home to monolith

By Richard Martin Seattle Times assistant metro editor

A man claiming to be one of the people responsible for the mysterious monolith that first appeared, then disappeared from Magnuson Park says it was stolen from that spot before it surfaced again yesterday at Green Lake, on a small, remote bird sanctuary called Duck Island.

As it has done every day of its brief existence in the public eye, the dark-gray 9-foot steel rectangular structure attracted its fair share of visitors, inviting comparisons to the shrieking black monolith in Stanley Kubrick's classic 1968 film "2001: A Space Odyssey."

Caleb Schaber, a 27-year-old Ballard artist, said a group of about 15 people, members of a loosely organized group called "Some People," planned the monolith's appearance at Magnuson Park on New Year's Eve, but had nothing to do with its disappearance Wednesday morning & relocation to Green Lake.

He said he wants it back, but has no means to remove it from the island, which sits about 50 yards from the lake's northwest shore.

The group had been planning the monolith project for several months. They raised money, hired someone to build it - someone who Schaber said prefers to remain anonymous - & planned its appearance at Magnuson Park's Kite Hill.

Placing it there involved a number of steps, carried out over two days. On Saturday, they mixed the concrete in a wheelbarrow, poured it into a rectangular hole near the top of the grassy hill and set four hollow tubes in the concrete. The 350-pound monolith, which was built with four pieces of rebar protruding from its base, was brought to the site the next evening, Schaber said, & the rebar was set inside the tubes with epoxy.

The rest is history.

People & pets flocked. News crews converged. & city parks officials obliged. "It's whimsical & creative & interesting," said Seattle parks spokesman David Takami. "We're enjoying it like other people."

Christopher Williams, Green Lake park manager, said the monolith's new location is actually safer than its old one. Duck Island is off limits to park-goers, & there is no easy access to it.

"We're going to leave it there, hoping that whomever left it there will pick it up eventually," Williams said.

"It's great that we've gotten such a good response," said Schaber. "We're very happy we got to send a positive message from Seattle."

That's one of the group's intentions, said Schaber & another member of "Some People," identified only as Honky The Clown.

"This town takes itself too seriously, & we're trying to change that," Honky The Clown wrote in an e-mail. "It's nonsense, beautiful nonsense.

"Pondering the monolith has given the citizens of our city joy & childlike wonder. Not many things can do that anymore."




2002 -- THIS BLEED REFERENCE PAGE ENTRY, & THE BLEED entry, removed Jan 2007; this is highly suspect, from what appears to be a very unreliable source (http://www.anarchy.no/ a one-man band who appears to have created a massive presence for himself & misc looping / self-referencing pages for an organization that does not exist except to reference itself); I have checked over the years for other references to this "boycott" without success, & email query turned nothing up either. The online letter by Seamus Cain looks simply that he got suckered & sent off a letter per the site request, as it uses much the same language provided at the site. [January 10] Brazil: Call for International Solidarity, Stop the Boycott & Ochlarchy against Edgar Rodrigues.

The anarchist, Edgar Rodrigues, 80 years old, with 46 books published, is being boycotted by the Union of Writers of Rio de Janeiro (Brasil), SERJ, with which he is affiliated.
Por ser anarquista, Edgar Rodrigues, 80 anos, 46 livros publicados, está sendo boicotado pelo Sindicato dos Escritores do Rio de Janeiro, SERJ, ao qual é filiado.

His work has been damaged. He is the victim of political obfuscation. His creative efforts in the world are blockaded. He is the victim of oligarchical behavior. Indeed, the actions of SERJ have silenced an important writer,

Edgar Rodrigues was the first person to provide specific detail, documents, & evidence of the role played by the descendants of African slaves in Brazil in the beginnings of the organized labor movement in Brazil!

The works of Edgar Rodrigues have been regularly collected by the Libraries around the world.

Send protest letters...

http://www.anarchy.no/edgar.html


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2004 -- TO DO: YEARLY UPDATES: LINKS TO CHECK ANOW

2004: argentina.htm dates selected from the Bleed using "argentina" as search term; page then edited in composer http://recollectionbooks.com/anow/world/la/argentina/argentina.htm


2004 -- Kropotkin, was doubtless the most distinguished. When he came to America to lecture, he was heard throughout the country with great interest & respect; that he was a guest of Hull-House during his stay in Chicago attracted little attention at the time, but two years later, when the assassination of President McKinley occurred, the visit of this kindly scholar, who had always called himself an "anarchist" & had certainly written fiery tracts in his younger manhood, was made the basis of an attack upon Hull-House by a daily newspaper, which ignored the fact that while Prince Kropotkin had addressed the Chicago Arts & Crafts Society at Hull-House, giving a digest of his remarkable book on "Fields, Factories, & Workshops," he had also spoken at the State Universities of Illinois & Wisconsin & before the leading literary & scientific societies of Chicago. These institutions & societies were not, therefore, called anarchistic. Hull-House had doubtless laid itself open to this attack through an incident connected with the imprisonment of the editor on an anarchistic paper, who was arrested in Chicago immediately after the assassination of President McKinley. In the excitement following the national calamity & the avowal by the assassin of the influence of the anarchistic lecture to which he had listened, arrests were made in Chicago of every one suspected of anarchy, in the belief that a widespread plot would be uncovered. The editor's house was searched for incriminating literature, his wife & daughter taken to a police station, & his son & himself, with several other suspected anarchists, were placed in the disused cells in the basement of the city hall. It is impossible to overstate the public excitement of the moment & the unfathomable sense of horror with which the community regarded an attack upon the chief executive of the nation, as a crime against government itself which compels an instinctive recoil from all law-abiding citizens. Doubtless both the horror & recoil have their roots deep down in human experience; the earliest forms of government implied a group which offered competent resistance to outsiders, but assuming no protection was necessary between any two of its own members, promptly punished with death the traitor who had assaulted anyone within. An anarchistic attack against an official thus furnishes an accredited basis both for unreasoning hatred & for prompt punishment. Both the hatred & the determination to punish reached the highest pitch in Chicago after the assassination of President McKinley, & the group of wretched men detained in the old-fashioned, scarcely habitable cells, had not the least idea of their ultimate fate. They were not allowed to see an attorney & were kept "in communicado" as their excited friends called it. I had seen the editor & his family only during Prince Kropotkin's stay at Hull-House, when they had come to visit him several times. The editor had impressed me as a quiet, scholarly man, challenging the social order by the philosophic touchstone of Bakunin & of Herbert Spencer, somewhat startled by the radicalism of his fiery young son & much comforted by the German domesticity of his wife & daughter. Perhaps it was but my hysterical symptom of the universal excitement, but it certainly seemed to me more than I could bear when a group of his individualistic friends, who had come to ask for help, said: "You see what becomes of your boasted law; the authorities won't even allow an attorney, nor will they accept bail for these men, against whom nothing can be proved, although the veriest criminals are not denied such a right." Challenged by an anarchist, one is always sensitive for the honor of legally constituted society, & I replied that of course the men could have an attorney, that the assassin himself would eventually be furnished with one, that the fact that a man was an anarchist had nothing to do with his rights before the law! I was met with the retort that that might do for a theory, but that the fact still remained that these men had been absolutely isolated, seeing no one but policemen, who constantly frightened them with tales of public clamor & threatened lynching. The conversation took place on Saturday night and, as the final police authority rests in the mayor, with a friend who was equally disturbed over the situation, I repaired to his house on Sunday morning to appeal to him in the interest of a law & order that should not yield to panic. We contended that to the anarchist above all men it must be demonstrated that law is impartial & stands the test of every strain. The mayor heard us through with the ready sympathy of the successful politician. He insisted, however, that the men thus far had merely been properly protected against lynching, but that it might now be safe to allow them to see some one; he would not yet, however, take the responsibility of permitting an attorney, but if I myself chose to see them on the humanitarian errand of an assurance of fair play, he would write me a permit at once. I promptly fell into the trap, if trap it was, & within half an hour was in a corridor in the city hall basement, talking to the distracted editor & surrounded by a cordon of police, who assured me that it was not safe to permit him out of his cell. The editor, who had grown thin & haggard under his suspense, asked immediately as to the whereabouts of his wife & daughter, concerning whom he had heard not a word since he had seen them arrested. Gradually he became composed as he learned, not that his testimony had been believed to the effect that he had never seen the assassin but once & had then considered him a foolish half-witted creature, but that the most thoroughgoing "dragnet" investigations on the part of the united police of the country had failed to discover a plot & that the public was gradually becoming convinced that the dastardly act was that of a solitary man with no political or social affiliations. The entire conversation was simple & did not seem to me unlike, in motive or character, interviews I had had with many another forlorn man who had fallen into prison. I had scarce returned to Hull-House, however, before it was filled with reporters, & I at once discovered that whether or not I had helped a brother out of a pit, I had fallen into a deep one myself. A period of sharp public opprobrium followed, traces of which, I suppose, will always remain. & yet in the midst of the letters of protest & accusation which made my mail a horror every morning came a few letters of another sort, one from a federal judge whom I had never seen & another from a distinguished professor in the constitutional law, who congratulated me on what they termed a sane attempt to uphold the law in time of panic. Although one or two ardent young people rushed into print to defend me from the charge of "abetting anarchy," it seemed to me at the time that mere words would not avail. I had felt that the protection of the law itself extended to the most unpopular citizen was the only reply to the anarchistic argument, to the effect that this moment of panic revealed the truth of their theory of government; that the custodians of law & order have become the government itself quite as the armed men hired by the medieval guilds to protect them in the peaceful pursuit of their avocations, through sheer possession of arms finally made themselves rulers of the city. At that moment I was firmly convinced that the public could only be convicted of the blindness of its course, when a body of people with a hundred-fold of the moral energy possessed by a Settlement group, should make clear that there is no method by which any community can be guarded against sporadic efforts on the part of half-crazed, discouraged men, save by a sense of mutual rights & securities which will include the veriest outcast. It seemed to me then that in the millions of words uttered & written at that time, no one adequately urged that public-spirited citizens set themselves the task of patiently discovering how these sporadic acts of violence against government may be understood & averted. We do not know whether they occur among the discouraged & unassimilated immigrants who might be cared for in such a way as enormously to lessen the probability of these acts, or whether they are the result of anarchistic teaching. By hastily concluding that the latter is the sole explanation for them, we make no attempt to heal & cure the situation. Failure to make a proper diagnosis may mean treatment of a disease which does not exist, or it may furthermore mean that the dire malady from which the patient is suffering be permitted to develop unchecked. & yet as the details of the meager life of the President's assassin were disclosed, they were a challenge to the forces for social betterment in American cities. Was it not an indictment to all those whose business it is to interpret & solace the wretched, that a boy should have grown up in an American city so uncared for, so untouched by higher issues, his wounds of life so unhealed by religion that the first talk he ever heard dealing with life's wrongs, although anarchistic & violent, should yet appear to point a way of relief? The conviction that a sense of fellowship is the only implement which will break into the locked purpose of a half-crazed creature bent upon destruction in the name of justice, came to me through an experience recited to me at this time by an old anarchist. He was a German cobbler who, through all the changes in the manufacturing of shoes, had steadily clung to his little shop on a Chicago thoroughfare, partly as an expression of his individualism & partly because he preferred bitter poverty in a place of his own to good wages under a disciplinary foreman. The assassin of President McKinley on his way through Chicago only a few days before he committed his dastardly deed had visited all the anarchists whom he could find in the city, asking them for "the password" as he called it. They, of course, possessed no such thing, & had turned him away, some with disgust & all with a certain degree of impatience, as a type of the ill-balanced man who, as they put it, was always "hanging around the movement, without the slightest conception of its meaning." Among other people, he visited the German cobbler, who treated him much as the others had done, but who, after the event had made clear the identity of his visitor, was filled with the most bitter remorse that he had failed to utilize his chance meeting with the assassin to deter him from his purpose. He knew as well as any psychologist who has read the history of such solitary men that the only possible way to break down such a persistent & secretive purpose, was by the kindliness which might have induced confession, which might have restored the future assassin into fellowship with normal men. In the midst of his remorse, the cobbler told me a tale of his own youth; that years before, when an ardent young fellow in Germany, newly converted to the philosophy of anarchism, as he called it, he had made up his mind that the Church, as much as the State, was responsible for human oppression, & that this fact could best be set forth "in the deed" by the public destruction of a clergyman or priest; that he had carried firearms for a year with this purpose in mind, but that one pleasant summer evening, in a moment of weakness, he had confided his intention to a friend, & that from that moment he not only lost all desire to carry it out, but it seemed to him the most preposterous thing imaginable. In concluding the story he said; "That poor fellow sat just beside me on my bench; if I had only put my hand on his shoulder & said, 'Now, look here, brother, what is on your mind? What makes you talk such nonsense? Tell me. I have seen much of life, & understand all kinds of men. I have been young & hot-headed & foolish myself,' if he had told me of his purpose then & there, he would never have carried it out. The whole nation would have been spared this horror." As he concluded he shook his gray head & sighed as if the whole incident were more than he could bear--one of those terrible sins of omission; one of the things he "ought to have done," the memory of which is so hard to endure.


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2005 -- www.unboundbooks.org/ posters.html unbound books for links to add to their link page www.unboundbooks.org/ posters.html


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EMMA GOLDMANRed Emma Goldman, anarchist




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2005 -- link: http://mysite/mypage.html -site:mysite link: http:/recollectionbooks.com/bleed/gallery/galleryindex.htm -site:recollectionbooks.com link: http:/recollectionbooks.com/bleed/gallery/galleryindex.htm -site:http://www.eskimo.com link: http://www.recollectionbooks.com/bleed/calmast.htm -site:http://www.recollectionbooks.com/ Anarchy Now


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2005 -- TO DO : YEAR END, REMOVE/DELETE PAGES IN HERE & THE FOLDER http://recollectionbooks.com/recall/bleed/saints/ THE OLD LINKS WERE REPLACED WITH http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/Encyclopedia/saints/ IN March 2004 & old ones should be pretty much dead/useless by now


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2005 -- jan 2-Jan 3-Jan 4-Jan 5 Sept 4-Sept 5-Sept 6-Sept 7 Nov 29-Nov 30 Dec 2-Dec 3-Dec 4-Dec 5- Dec 6-Dec 7-Dec 8- Dec 9-Dec 10-Dec 11- Dec 12-Dec 13-Dec 14- Dec 15-Dec 16-Dec 17- Dec 18-Dec 19-Dec 20- Dec 21-Dec 22-Dec 23- Dec 24- Dec 29 http://www.geocities.com/gwbushyouth/index.html


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Addio, Lugano bella.

Gli esuli politici nella Svizzera italiana di fine Ottocento Dadò editore, Locarno, 2002, 686 pp. Indice Prefazione di Nicola Tranfaglia Introduzione di Maurizio Binaghi

PROLOGO I temi e lo spazio CAPITOLO PRIMO Repubblica e Nazione 1. La Nazione italiana tra Repubblica e Monarchia 2. La Svizzera di fronte al nazionalismo europeo 3. Il Canton Ticino tra fedeltà alla Svizzera e sostegno alla causa italiana CAPITOLO SECONDO Democrazia e Questione sociale l. La diffidenza italiana verso la democrazia 2. La democrazia nella Svizzera radicale 3. Regimi elettorali e movimenti sociali nel Canton Ticino

CAPITOLO TERZO Libertà e Diritto d'asilo l. La Libertà e le libertà nel Regno d'Italia 2. La libera accoglienza degli esuli in Svizzera 3. La tradizionale ospitalità ticinese: genesi e storia

PARTE PRIMA Le radici: Mazzini e Bakunin CAPITOLO QUARTO Giuseppe Mazzini a Lugano e l'ultima illusione repubblicana 1. Mazzini e l'Alleanza Repubblicana Universale (1866-1869) La presenza di Mazzini a Lugano tra mito e realtà 1.2. Le molteplici anime dell' Alleanza Repubblicana Universale: l'esempio di Ippolito Pederzolli 1.3. L'espulsione di Mazzini dalla Svizzera Italiana 2. La Banda Nathan e le sue conseguenze sul Canton Ticino (1870) 2.1. I moti di Pavia e l'arrivo dei disertori in Ticino 2.2. Lo sconfinamento del Passo del San Lucio 2.3. La paura di un blocco economico e la rottura dell'unità cantonale 3. Decadenza politica e morte di Giuseppe Mazzini (1870-1872) 3.1. Le ultime lotte contro l'Internazionale 3.2. L'ombra di Mazzini a Lugano: una lunga serie di addii CAPITOLO QUINTO Michail Bakunin a Locarno e la sua rete di influenze tra Italia e Svizzera 1 1. Bakunin e l'ltalia (1869-1872) 1 .l. Il rapporto con l’ambiente democratico in Italia e la scelta di Locamo 1.2. Il conflitto con Mazzini e la sua eco in Italia 1.3. Le ristrettezze economiche e la sosta di Carlo Cafiero a Locamo 2. Michail Bakunin e la Svizzera (1869-1872) 2.1. Radicali e conservatori ticinesi a contatto con Bakunin 2.2. La politica federale e Bakunin: l' opuscolo «Gli Orsi di Berna e l'Orso di Pietroburgo» 2.3. Il dibattito per la revisione costituzionale del 1872 PARTE SECONDA L 'età dell'Internazionale nella Svizzera italiana CAPITOLO SESTO I comunardi a Lugano e il Congresso della Pace e della Libertà 1. I profughi della Comune a Lugano (1871-1874) 1.1. Gli esuli comunardi in Svizzera e la presenza di Elisee Reclus a Lugano 1.2. Il ticinese Carlo Salvioni e il suo apprendistato internazionalista 1.3. Una serie di nuovi profughi comunardi in Ticino: Paul Guerin, Benoit Malon, Andre Leo e Arthur Arnould 2. Le tentazioni socialiste del disorientato movimento repubblicano (1871-1874) 2.1. Il ritorno degli esuli repubblicani e i conflitti tra autorità cantonale e federale 2.2. Un'emigrazione repubblicana in crisi di identità: gli esempi di Luigi Cecchini e di Giuseppe Ferrero-Gola 2.3. Il garibaldino ticinese Natale Imperatori: un arrabbiato radicale 3. Il Congresso della Pace e della Libertà a Lugano (1872) 3.1. Un movimento pacifista che crea divisioni: il dibattito tra Carlo Battaglini e Bernardino Lurati 3.2. Le divisioni interne al partito liberale-radicale 3.3. Lo svolgimento del Congresso della Pace e della Libertà CAPITOLO SETTIMO La Baronata, un tentativo di un centro anarchico a Locamo 1. La Baronata (1872-1874) 1.1. L'attività politica di Bakunin: la lotta per un'altra Internazionale 1.2. Il ritiro di Bakunin dall'attività politica: l'acquisto della Baronata 1.3. Il fallimento dell'esperienza della Baronata 2. Il diavolo al Pontelungo: l'attività clandestina di Bakunin (1874) 2.1. Bakunin, l' organizzazione Ypsilon e il Comitato italiano per la Rivoluzione sociale 2.2. Azione clandestina e sorveglianza politica 2.3. Il processo anarchico ai coniugi Bakunin: la reale fine di una lunga carriera rivoluzionaria CAPITOLO OTTAVO Il definitivo ritiro di Michail Bakunin a Lugano 1. Il ritiro Michail Bakunin a Lugano (1874-1876) 1.1. La permanenza di Bakunin a Lugano e l' acquisto di una villa a Besso 1.2. Radicali ticinesi, comunardi e socialisti italiani al cospetto del celebre esule 1.3. La presunta conversione al socialismo di Ippolito Pederzolli 2. La morte di un rivoluzionario a Berna (1876) 2.1. Il progressivo isolamento a Lugano 2.2. La decadenza fisica e la morte a Berna PARTE TERZA I conflitti politici nel Canton Ticino: la lotta per un' eredità politica CAPITOLO NONO La creazione della Sezione del Ceresio 1. «L' Agitatore», un periodico socialista (1874-1875) 1.1. Il pragmatismo evoluzionista di Benoît Malon 1.2. L'attività politica di Ludovico Nabruzzi e di Tito Zanardelli 1.3. Il giornale «L'Agitatore» 2. La Sezione del Ceresio (1875-1876) 2.1. L' «Almanacco del proletario» e la creazione della Sezione del Ceresio 2.2. Lo sviluppo della Sezione e i suoi componenti CAPITOLO DECIMO La crisi politica ticinese e il coinvolgimento della Sezione del Ceresio 1. Lo sciopero di Goschenen (1875) 1.1. Il traforo del Gottardo e i suoi costi sociali: la repressione dello sciopero a Goschenen 1.2. Le accuse all'Internazionale e a Bakunin 2. Il tentativo di colpo di stato liberale (1875-1877) 2.1. Il nuovo corso conservatore e il periodico «Il Giovine Tricino» 2.2. Il fallito Pronunciamento radicale e il coinvolgimento della Sezione del Ceresio 2.3. La nascita e lo sviluppo della loggia massonica ticinese «Il Dovere» CAPITOLO UNDICESIMO Apice e declino della Sezione del Ceresio 1. Lo sforzo organizzativo della sezione dissidente (1875-1876) 1.1. La propaganda politica della Sezione del Ceresio 1.2. L'organizzazione di un congresso dissidente a Lugano 1.3. La decadenza della Sezione del Ceresio 2. La guerra dei capi internazionalisti alla Sezione della Ceresio (1875-1876) 2.1. Carlo Cafiero e l'attacco politico alla Sezione dissidente 2.2. Carlo Salvioni e la creazione della Sezione di Bellinzona 2.3. Errico Malatesta a Lugano e la liquidazione della Ceresio 2.4. La banda del Matese e la «propaganda dell’atto» PARTE QUARTA Socialdemocrazia o anarchismo ? Le scelte di Carlo Cafiero e Andrea Costa CAPITOLO DODICESIMO Andrea Costa e Anna Kulisciov: la lotta tra priorità politiche e sentimenti personali 1. Anna Kulisciov e «La società di propaganda Socialista in Lugano» (1876-1879) 1.1. L'incontro tra Andrea Costa e Anna Kulisciov 1.2. «La società di propaganda Socialista in Lugano» 2. Andrea Costa, Benoît Malon e la svolta verso un nuovo socialismo (1877-1879) 2.1. La rivista «Le Socialisme progressif» : Lugano centro della riflessione internazionalista 2.2. Le relazioni epistolari tra Andrea Costa e Benoît Malon 2.3. Anna Kulisciov e la sua polemica con «Le Socialisme progressif» 3. Andrea Costa e la socialdemocrazia tedesca esiliata in Svizzera (1879-1881) 3.1. L' arrivo a Lugano di Andrea Costa e la «Lettera agli amici di Romagna» 3.2. Andrea Costa al servizio dei socialdemocratici tedeschi 3.3. Lo scambio dei ruoli: Costa in prigione e Anna Kulisciov sola a Lugano CAPITOLO TREDICESIMO Cafiero e il Congresso anarchico di Chiasso 1. La ricerca di una linea comune per il movimento socialista italiano (1880-1881) 1.1. Il lavoro organizzativo di Cafiero a Lugano 1.2. Il Congresso anarchico di Chiasso 1.3. L'ideologia rivoluzionaria di Cipriani e «Il Comizio dei Comizi» 2. Anna Kulisciov tra Andrea Costa e Carlo Cafiero (1880-1881) 2.1. La solitudine di Anna Kulisciov a Lugano 2.2. L'impossibile pacificazione tra Costa e Cafiero 3. Il crollo politico e mentale di Carlo Cafiero (1881-1883) 3.1. Il sostegno radicale a Cafiero e agli esuli internazionalisti tra luci e ombre 3.2. La fine dell'esperienza ticinese 3.3. La pazzia di Cafiero PARTE QUINTA L'irredentismo e la crisi della forze radicali italiane CAPITOLO QUATTORDICESIMO L 'irredentismo e la Svizzera Italiana 1. Il Ticino covo e obiettivo di irredentisti? (1880-1884) 1.1. La rinascita dell' irredentismo 1.2. Un presunto attentato contro l'imperatore austriaco Francesco Giuseppe 1.3. Le accuse di irredentismo alla Loggia massonica di Lugano 2. «Svizzeri o Italiani?» (1884) 2.1. L'opuscolo irredentista «Svizzeri o Italiani?» 2.2. Un anonimo sostegno alla causa irredentista: un secondo opuscolo «Svizzeri o Italiani?» 3. L'allontanamento del console italiano Grecchi (1884) 3.1. Sospetti e dubbi sull'operato del console italiano a Lugano 3.2. La strategia della tensione 3.3. Il nuovo console italiano Antonio Marazzi CAPITOLO QUINDICESIMO La difficile sopravvivenza delle forze radicali italiane in Ticino 1. Il movimento democratico in cerca di coesione (1880-1886) 1.1. Radicali, repubblicani e costiani alleati nel «Fascio per la Democrazia» 1.2. L'eterogeneo ambiente radicale e repubblicano nel Canton Ticino 1.3. Pietro Sbarbaro e il gruppo radicale luganese 2. L'estinzione dell'eredità risorgimentale (1886-1887) 2.1. L'inizio dello sfaldamento del gruppo di Lugano: l'arresto di Pietro Sbarbaro 2.2. L'agonia dell'anima repubblicana: l'allontanamento di Ippolito Pederzolli 2.3. I segni di un mutamento dei tempi e dei costumi politici: diritto d'asilo o neutralità? PARTE SESTA Anarchici, repubblicani e radicali ticinesi. Nuove generazioni a confronto CAPITOLO SEDICESIMO Una stabile colonia anarchica a Lugano 1. Una nuova generazione anarchica (1884-1887) 1.1. Il rapporto sull'anarchismo del procuratore federale Muller 1.2. Le origini del giovane ambiente anarchico nella Svizzera Italiana 1.3. Composizione e forma del gruppo anarchico di Lugano 2. «Il Lavoratore», giornale socialista (1887-1889) 2.1. La collaborazione con il periodico socialista «Il Lavoratore» 2.2. I rapporti de «Il Lavoratore» con i radicali e con la Società del Grütli 3. Azione e propaganda degli anarchici toscani a Lugano (1889-1890) 3.1. La prima riunione a Capolago 3.2. La rete di propaganda clandestina tra Lugano egli altri centri anarchici in Europa 3.3. L'azione per lo sciopero generale del 1° Maggio 1890 CAPITOLO DICIASSETTESIMO Una nuova colonia repubblicana e l'insurrezione liberale del 1890 1. Una nuova generazione repubblicana (1889-1890) 1.1. La trinità ideologica de «La Carabina»: Repubblica, Nazione e Questione sociale 1.2. Il crollo delle illusioni di un'unione delle forze progressiste 1.3. Il rifiuto repubblicano di confondersi con l'anarchismo 2. Un colpo di mano del 1890: tesi e supposizioni 2.1. L'azione rivoluzionaria dell'11 SETTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER 1890 2.2. L'appoggio italiano all'insurrezione liberale 2.3. Qualche ipotesi su una possibile confluenza tra anarchici e radicali 3. La ritualità risorgimentale del repubblicanesimo italiano (1890-1895) 3.1. Le venature repubblicane e radicali nella colonia italiana in Ticino 3.2. I simboli del mito repubblicano 3.3. Una commemorazione risorgimentale a Lugano PARTE SETTIMA La breve vita del partito anarchico: il Congresso di Capolago CAPITOLO DICIOTTESIMO Il Congresso anarchico di Capolago sotto la guida di Errico Malatesta 1. Il Congresso nazionale anarchico di Capolago (GENNAIO / JANUARY 1891) 1.1. Una lunga genesi preparatoria 1.2. L'importante sede organizzativa di Lugano 1.3. Il Congresso di Capolago 2. Gli anarchici sotto la sorveglianza italiana e svizzera (1889-1891) 2.1. La diversa struttura repressiva di Italia e Svizzera 2.2. L'intrecciata rete di sorveglianza politica durante il Congresso di Capolago CAPITOLO DICIANNOVESIMO Il crollo delle illusioni 1. L'arresto e il processo di Errico Malatesta (1891) 1.1. Errico Malatesta agli arresti a Lugano 1.2. La richiesta di estradizione del governo italiano 2. Lo sviluppo del movimento anarchico in Ticino (1891-1892) 2.1. L'iniziativa rivoluzionaria e il ruolo dirigente di Isaia Pacini 2.2. Il Circolo di studi sociali «Humanitas» 2.3. La propaganda per 1° Maggio 1892 PARTE OTTAVA Il terrorismo e la repressione CAPITOLO VENTESIMO La deviazione verso il terrorismo anarchico 1. La definitiva divisione tra socialismo e anarchia (1891-1894) 1.1. La scissione tra socialisti e anarchici in Italia 1.2. Radicali e conservatori di fronte all'anarchismo 1.3. Lo studio di Fulgenzio Chicherio, direttore del penitenziario cantonale 2. L'età degli attentati (1892-1894) 2.1. Il terrorismo anarchico 2.2. La reazione ticinese all'esplosione del terrorismo anarchico in Francia 2.3. Le conseguenze dell'azione terroristica sulla tolleranza degli esuli anarchici in Ticino 3. Il novantaquattro (1894) 3.1. L' Anarchia in tribunale 3.2. Vita e MORTE / DIED di Sante Caserio 3.3. Le nuove leggi antianarchiche e la collaborazione tra Svizzera e Italia CAPITOLO VENTUNESIMO Il gioco della paura e la politica occulta 1. Una nuova marea di esuli: socialisti e anarchici in fuga da Crispi (1894) 1.1. Pietro Gori a Lugano 1.2. La revoca di un primo provvedimento repressivo 1.3. Il nuovo nucleo anarchico a Lugano 2. L'esplosione della fobia anarchica (1894) 2.1. La tessitura di una pericolosa ragnatela 2.2. Il caldo autunno degli esuli anarchici in Ticino: l'attentato a Pietro Gori 2.3. Una nuova bomba anarchica a Milano CAPITOLO VENTIDUESIMO Addio, Lugano bella 1. L'inquietudine collettiva e le due ondate di espulsioni (1895) 1.1. L'insofferenza e le paure della popolazione locale 1.2. La stampa di un manifesto rivoluzionario e la richiesta di un severo provvedimento 1.3. La prima ondata di espulsioni 2. Il secondo provvedimento repressivo (1895) 2.1. Le accuse radicali ai governi ticinese e svizzero 2.1. L'insoddisfazione italiana e la seconda serie di espulsioni 2.3. Ragione e sentimento Conclusione Tavola delle abbreviazioni Bibliografia Appendice I Valutazione statistica del prototipo ideale di rifugiato ( 1880-1895) Appendice Il Lista complessiva degli esuli presenti in Ticino (1880-1895) Indice dei nomi Fonti delle illustrazioni

ROBOT TRANSLATION:Goodbye, beautiful Lugano. Esuli political in Italian Switzerland of the fine Dadò 1800's publisher, Locarno, 2002, 686 pp. Index Preface of Nicholas Tranfaglia Introduction of Maurizio Binaghi PROLOGO the topics & the space UNDERSTOOD IT FIRST Republic & Nation 1. The Italian Nation between Republic & Monarchy 2. Switzerland of forehead to European nationalism 3. The Canton Ticino between fidelity to Switzerland & support to the Italian cause UNDERSTOOD IT SECOND Democracy & social Issue l. the Italian diffidenza towards democracy 2. The democracy in radical Switzerland 3. Electoral regimes & social movements in the Canton Ticino UNDERSTOOD IT THIRD Freedom & Right of asylum l. The Freedom & the freedoms in the Reign of Italy 2. The free acceptance of the esuli in Switzerland 3. The traditional ticinese hospitality: genesis & history PART BEFORE the roots: Mazzini & Bakunin UNDERSTOOD IT FOURTH Giuseppe Mazzini to Lugano & last republican illusion 1. Mazzini & the Universal Republican Alliance (the 1866-1869) presence of Mazzini to Lugano between myth & truth 1.2. The multiple spirits of the Universal Republican Alliance: the example of Ippolito Pederzolli 1.3. The expulsion of Mazzini from Italian Switzerland 2. The Nathan Band & its consequences on the Canton Ticino (1870) 2.1. The motions of Pavia & the arrival of the deserters in Ticino 2.2. The sconfinamento of the Step of Saint Lucio 2.3. The fear of an economic block & the breach of cantonal unit 3. Political forfeiture & died of Giuseppe Mazzini (1870-1872) 3.1. The last fights against International the 3.2. The shadow of Mazzini to Lugano: one long series of goodbyes UNDERSTOOD IT FIFTH Michail Bakunin to Locarno & its net of infuences between Italy & Switzerland 1 1. Bakunin & ltalia (the 1869-1872) 1 l. The relationship with the atmosphere democratic in Italy & the choice of Locamo 1.2. The conflict with Mazzini & its echo in Italy 1.3. The economic ristrettezze & the pause of Carl Cafiero to Locamo 2. Michail Bakunin & Switzerland (1869-1872) 2.1. Radicals & ticinesi conservatives to contact with Bakunin 2.2. Federal politics & Bakunin: the pamphlet "the Bears of Bern & the Bear of Pietroburgo" 2.3. The debate for the constitutional review of the 1872 SECOND PART L ' age of the International one in Italian Switzerland UNDERSTOOD IT the SIXTH comunardi to Lugano & Conference of the Peace & Freedom 1. The profughi of the Common one to Lugano (1871-1874) 1.1. Esuli comunardi in Switzerland & the presence of Elisee Reclus to Lugano 1.2. The ticinese Carl Salvioni & its internazionalista apprenticeship 1.3. One series of new profughi comunardi in Ticino: Paul Guerin, Benoit Malon, Andre Leo & Arthur Arnould 2. The temptations Socialists of confuseed republican movement (1871-1874) 2.1. The conflict & return esuli republican between cantonal & federal authority 2.2. A republican emigration in identity crisis: the examples of Luigi Sharpshooters & Giuseppe Ferrero-Gola 2.3. The garibaldino ticinese Been born them Emperors: an angry radical 3. The Conference of the Peace & the Freedom to Lugano (1872) 3.1. A pacifist movement that creates divisions: the debate between Carl Battaglini & Bernardino Lurati 3.2. The inner divisions to the party liberal-radical 3.3. The development of the Conference of the Peace & the Freedom UNDERSTOOD IT the SEVENTH Baronata, an attempt of an anarchical center to Locamo 1. Baronata (1872-1874) 1.1. The political activity of Bakunin: the fight for other International 1.2. The withdrawal of Bakunin from the political activity: the purchase of Baronata 1.3. The failure of the experience of Baronata 2. The devil to the Pontelungo: the clandestine activity of Bakunin (1874) 2.1. Bakunin, the Ypsilon organization & the Italian Committee for social Revolution 2.2. Clandestine action & political surveillance 2.3. The anarchical process to the Bakunin spouses: the real aim of one long revolutionary career UNDERSTOOD IT the EIGHTH definitive withdrawal of Michail Bakunin to Lugano 1. The withdrawal Michail Bakunin to Lugano (1874-1876) 1.1. The permanence of Bakunin to Lugano & the purchase of one villa to Besso 1.2. Ticinesi radicals, comunardi & Italian Socialists to the cospetto of celebre esule the 1.3. The presumed conversion to the Socialism of Ippolito Pederzolli 2. The dead women of a revolutionary to Bern (1876) 2.1. The progressive isolation to Lugano 2.2. The physical forfeiture & the dead women to Bern PART the THIRD political conflicts in the Canton Ticino: the fight for a political inheritance UNDERSTOOD IT the NINTH creation of the Section of Ceresio 1. "the Agitator", a socialist periodical (1874-1875) 1.1. The evoluzionista pragmatism of Benoît Malon 1.2. The political activity of Ludovico Nabruzzi & Tito Zanardelli 1.3. The newspaper "Agitator" 2. The Section of Ceresio (1875-1876) 2.1. The "creation & Almanac proletarian" of the Section of Ceresio 2.2. The development of the Section & its members UNDERSTOOD IT TENTH the ticinese political crisis & the involvement of the Section of Ceresio 1. Strike of Goschenen (1875) 1.1. Traforo of the Gottardo & its indirect labor costs: the repression of strike to Goschenen 1.2. The accusations to the International one & Bakunin 2. The attempt of liberal coup d'état (1875-1877) 2.1. The new conservative course & the periodical "the Giovine Tricino" 2.2. The failed radical Pronunciamento & the involvement of the Section of Ceresio 2.3. The birth & the development of loggia the massonica ticinese "the Duty" UNDERSTOOD IT ELEVENTH Apex & decline of the Section of Ceresio 1. The organizational effort of dissident section (1875-1876) 1.1. The political propaganda of the Section of Ceresio 1.2. The organization of a dissident conference to Lugano 1.3. The forfeiture of the Section of Ceresio 2. The war of the internazionalisti heads to the Section of Ceresio (1875-1876) 2.1. Carl Cafiero & the political attack to dissident Section 2.2. Carl Salvioni & the creation of the Section of Bellinzona 2.3. Errico Malatesta to Lugano & the liquidation of Ceresio 2.4. The band of the Matese & the "propaganda of the action" PART QUARTER Social democracy or anarchism? The choices of Carl Cafiero & Andrea Coast UNDERSTOOD IT TWELFTH Andrea Costa & Anna Kulisciov: the personal fight between political priorities & feelings 1. Anna Kulisciov & "the society of Socialist propaganda in Lugano" (1876-1879) 1.1. The encounter between Andrea Costa & Anna Kulisciov 1.2. "the society of Socialist propaganda in Lugano" 2. Andrea Coast, Benoît Malon & the carried out one towards a new Socialism (1877-1879) 2.1. The review "the Socialisms progressif": Lugano center of internazionalista reflection 2.2. The epistolari relations between Andrea Costa & Benoît Malon 2.3. Anna Kulisciov & its controversy with "Socialisms progressif" 3. Andrea Coast & the esiliata German social democracy in Switzerland (1879-1881) 3.1. The arrival to Lugano di Andrea Coast & the "Letter to the friends of Romagna" 3.2. Andrea Coast to the service of German social democrats 3.3. The exchange of the roles: Coast in prison & Anna single Kulisciov to Lugano UNDERSTOOD IT THIRTEENTH Cafiero & the anarchical Conference of Uproar 1. The search of one common line for Italian socialist movement (1880-1881) 1.1. The organizational job of Cafiero to Lugano 1.2. The anarchical Conference of Uproar 1.3. The revolutionary ideology of Cipriani & "the Meeting of Comizi" 2. Anna Kulisciov between Andrea Costa & Carl Cafiero (1880-1881) 2.1. The solitudine of Anna Kulisciov to Lugano 2.2. The impossible pacification between Costa & Cafiero 3. The political & mental landslide of Carl Cafiero (1881-1883) 3.1. The radical support to Cafiero & esuli internazionalisti between lights & shadows 3.2. The end of ticinese experience 3.3. The madness of Cafiero PART the FIFTH irredentismo & the crisis of the Italian radical forces UNDERSTOOD IT FOURTEENTH L ' irredentismo & Italian Switzerland 1. The Ticino I brood & objective of irredentisti? (1880-1884) 1.1. The rebirth of irredentismo 1.2. Presuming attempted against the Austrian emperor Francisco Giuseppe 1.3. The accusations of irredentismo to the massonica Loggia of Lugano 2. "Swiss or Italian" (1884) 2.1. The irredentista pamphlet "Swiss or Italian" 2.2. An anonymous support to the irredentista cause: according to pamphlet "Swiss or Italian ones" 3. The removal of Italian consul Grecchi (1884) 3.1. Suspiciones & doubts on the acts of the Italian consul to Lugano 3.2. The strategy of tension 3.3. The new Italian consul Antonio Marazzi UNDERSTOOD IT the FIFTEENTH difficult survival of the Italian radical forces in Ticino 1. The movement democratic in tries of cohesion (1880-1886) 1.1. Radicals, republicans & costiani ally to you in the "Bundle for Democracy" 1.2. The heterogenous radical & republican atmosphere in the Canton Ticino 1.3. Peter Sbarbaro & luganese radical group 2. The extinction of risorgimentale inheritance (1886-1887) 2.1. The beginning of the chipping of the group of Lugano: the arrest of Peter Sbarbaro 2.2. The agony of the republican spirit: the removal of Ippolito Pederzolli 2.3. The signs of a change of the times & the political customs: straight of asylum or neutrality? PART SIXTH ticinesi Anarchists, republicans & radicals. New generations to comparison UNDERSTOOD IT SIXTEENTH One stable anarchical colony to Lugano 1. One new anarchical generation (1884-1887) 1.1. The relationship on the anarchism of the federal proxy Muller 1.2. The origins of the anarchical ambient young person in Italian Switzerland 1.3. Composition & shape of the anarchical group of Lugano 2. "the Worker", socialist newspaper (1887-1889) 2.1. The collaboration with the socialist periodical "Worker" 2.2. The relationships de "the Worker" with the radicals & the Society of Grütli 3. Action & propaganda of the from Tuscany anarchists to Lugano (1889-1890) 3.1. The first reunion to Capolago 3.2. The net of clandestine propaganda between Lugano he other anarchical centers in Europe 3.3. The action for the general strike of 1° May 1890 UNDERSTOOD IT SEVENTEENTH One new republican colony & the liberal uprising of 1890 1. One new republican generation (1889-1890) 1.1. The ideological trinità de "the Carabina": Republic, Nation & social Issue 1.2. The landslide of the illusions of a union of the forces progressives 1.3. The republican refusal to get confused with anarchism 2. A surprise attack of 1890: thesis & supposizioni 2.1. The Revolutionary Action of the 11 september 1890 2.2. The Italian support to liberal uprising 2.3. Some hypothesis on one possible confluence between anarchists & radicals 3. The risorgimentale ritualità of repubblicanesimo Italian (1890-1895) 3.1. The republican & radical venature in the Italian colony in Ticino 3.2. The symbols of republican myth 3.3. One risorgimentale commemoration to Lugano PART the SEVENTH short life of the anarchical party: the Conference of Capolago UNDERSTOOD IT the EIGHTEENTH anarchical Conference of Capolago under the guide of Errico Malatesta 1. The anarchical national Conference of Capolago (January 1891) 1.1. One long preparatoria genesis 1.2. The important organizational center of Lugano 1.3. The Conference of Capolago 2. The anarchists under Italian & Swiss surveillance (1889-1891) 2.1. The various repressive structure of Italy & Switzerland 2.2. The interlaced net of political surveillance during the Conference of Capolago UNDERSTOOD IT the NINETEENTH landslide of illusions 1. The arrest & the process of Errico Malatesta (1891) 1.1. Errico Malatesta to the arrests to Lugano 1.2. The demand for extradition of Italian government 2. The development of the anarchical movement in Ticino (1891-1892) 2.1. The revolutionary initiative & the managing role of Isaia Pacini 2.2. The Circle of social studies "Humanitas" 2.3. The propaganda for 1° May 1892 PART the EIGHTH terrorism & the repression UNDERSTOOD IT the TWENTIETH shunting line towards anarchical terrorism 1. The definitive division between Socialism & anarchy (1891-1894) 1.1. The division between Socialists & anarchists in Italy 1.2. Radicals & conservatives of forehead to anarchism 1.3. The study of Fulgenzio Chicherio, director of cantonal penitentiary 2. The age of attacks (1892-1894) 2.1. Anarchical terrorism 2.2. The ticinese reaction to the outbreak of the anarchical terrorism in France 2.3. The consequences of the terroristic action on the tolerance of the esuli anarchical in Ticino 3. Novantaquattro (1894) 3.1. The Anarchy in court 3.2. Life & died of Saints Caserio 3.3. The new antianarchical laws & the collaboration between Switzerland & Italy UNDERSTOOD IT VENTUNESIMO the game of the fear & hidden politics 1. One new tide of esuli: Socialists & anarchists in escape from Crispi (1894) 1.1. Peter Gori to Lugano 1.2. Revoca of a first repressive provision 1.3. The new anarchical nucleus to Lugano 2. The outbreak of fobia anarchical (1894) 2.1. Webbing of one dangerous ragnatela 2.2. The warm autumn of the esuli anarchical in Ticino: the attack to Peter Gori 2.3. One new anarchical bomb to Milan UNDERSTOOD IT VENTIDUESIMO Goodbye, beautiful Lugano 1. The collective restlessness & the two big waves of expulsions (1895) 1.1. The intolerance & the fears of local population 1.2. The press of a revolutionary manifesto & the demand for a strict provision 1.3. The first big wave of expulsions 2. According to repressive provision (1895) 2.1. The radical accusations to ticinese & Swiss governments 2.1. The Italian dissatisfaction & the second series of expulsions 2.3. Reason & feeling Conclusion Table of the abbreviations Bibliography Appendix the Appraisal statistics of the ideal prototype of refugee (1880-1895) Appendix the total List of esuli present in Ticino (the 1880-1895) Index of the names Sources of the illustrations
http://www.ps-ticino.ch/sonvico/mondo/pubblicazioni/Addio%20lugano%20bella%201.03.htm


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2005 -- http://www.texaschapbookpress.com/magellanslog26/adquiz/0005.jpg

AMERICAN EDUCATION American education; source, http://www.akpress.org




2005 -- MID-2002 ANARCHIST TIMELINE 2,000 ENTRIES
JAN 2003: 3375 ENTRIES BEFORE EDITING
JUNE 2004: 2778? OR 2145?


2005 --

ANARCHIST HISTORY

* 1903 - Somewhere in the woods outside Bialystok. Regional anarchists from many countries conspire to organize revolution. The movement is made up of Jews, Poles, Russians, Belarussians, Lithuanians, Ukrainians...

*2003 - Somewhere just a little further (with not as many trees), regional anarchists conspire to organize revolution.

* 1905 - Thousands of workers & anarchists take over Krynki & burn the police station. Krynki becomes a center of anarchism & workers' radicalism. Krynki eventually organizes the second workers' soviet - after Petersburg.

* 2001 - Hundreds of anarchists & anti-border activists occupy Krynki. Someone wants to burn the police station. Tanks occupy the city --- police repression unseen in Poland for 20 years - not seen in Krynki since the good old days. The anarchists are defeated miserably by the local football team. Krynki is declared an international anarchist heritage site.

* 1904 - an strange international group of anarchists help political prisoners escape by hiding a Browning in brown bread

* 2000+ - an even stranger international group of anarchists help political prisoners by sending them packets of soy products

* 1930s - underground anarchists pretend to hold talks on Lessing but discuss Kropotkin. Anarchist heroes publish thousands of copies of WALKA in an underground press; 25+ comrades are arrested & put on show trial.

* 1940s - The Union of Syndicalists fight nazis, holding out valliantly despite constant bombing & fighting.

BET YOU DIDN'T KNOW THAT!! THIS IS JUST THE TIP OF THE ICEBERG. FIND OUT MORE ABOUT THE SECRET HISTORY OF ANARCHISM IN THIS PLACE CALLED POLAND!

 




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2005 -- TOBOCMAN, Seth, anarchist. author's experiences in & around the Lower East Side squatting movement in the late 80s & early 90s, in which it is sometimes unclear where self organization ends & authoritarianism begins. movexxx


2005 -- Most of the writing, painting, composing done in is done by peo-ple whose careers are records of bone-chilling frivolity. Once it was Cubism, then Futurism, then Surrealism. The dominant school today is the Pre-Frontal Lobotomy Move-ment. This produces framed canvases carefully painted all over to represent empty space, columns of type indented on both margins & written by Professors of Creative Poetry, which are really elaborately camouflaged holes in the paper. It also produces hydrogen bombs. Against the armies of the mindless I will take what few allies I can find, whatever their faults. The Beat Generation may once have been human beings -today they are simply comical bogies conjured up by the Luce publications. Their leading spokesmen are just "Engine Charley" Wilson & Dr. Oppenheimer dressed up in scraggly beards & dirty socks. For this reason I have omitted from this collection all those articles which discussed the revolt or emotional suicide of young American writers, published back in the days when Madison Avenue and its outposts in the Quarterlies were all insisting that everything was conformity, peace, & professor ships.

--- Rexroth, bird in the Bush movexxx


Nazi books, by Clifford Harper
2005 -- upload bBallSkull.jpg & LINK

harperNaziBk.jpg

also put these in scanned folder

ditto Souchy photos movexxx


2005 -- As democracy is perfected, the office of the president represents, more & more closely, the inner soul of the people. On some great & glorious day the plain folks of the land will reach their heart's desire at last & the White House will be adorned by a downright moron.

H. L. Mencken (1880-1956), Jan. 26, 1920 Baltimore Evening Sun. movexxx


2005 -- O 4o CONGRESSO DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL VISTO POR DOMINGOS PASSOS ( * )

(*) Domingos Passos, havia sido deportado de São Paulo, para o Oiapoque, campo de concentração na selva amazônica, de onde fugiu para participar deste Congresso.

"O 3o. Congresso Operário do Rio Grande do Sul'', realizou-se no governo de Artur Bernardes, sob os efeitos das deportações e expulsões de trabalhadores estrangeiros, e com a intervenção de alguns partidários do bolchevismo, cujo partido embrionário já influía nos debates, provocando desarmonia entre o proletariado. Todavia, assim mesmo, o sindicalismo continuava vigoroso naquela região sulina, menos atacada pela repressão do governo bernardista . Dir-se-ia que era o único reduto da liberdade em terras brasileiras, pois, ali ainda se permitia a realização de um "4o. Congresso Operário", de amplas proporções anarco-sindicalistas.

Domingos Passos, um dos mais ativos militantes anarco-sindicalistas, que particípou do 4o. Congresso, presta o seu depoimento .

"Com a chegada da delegação de Porto Alegre no dia 2, iniciou-se os trabalhos do Congresso . Estavam representados os seguintes organismos :

“Federação Local de Porto Alegre'', "Trabalhadores de S . Paulo", "Federação da C . T. do Pará", "Sindicato de Canteiros de Santos", "Liga Operária de Pelotas", "Sindicato de Ofícios Vários", "Vila Petrópolis", Bagé, "União G. dos Trabalhadores", "União Geral dos Trabalhadores de Uruguaiana", "Sindicato dos Canteiros de Porto Alegre". "União Operária Beneficente de Caciqui", "União O. Beneficente de Alegrete", "Liga O. Internacional", Poços de Caldas, "Sindicato dos Canteiros do Capão do Leão", entre outros.

Fizeram-se representar também : "Grupo Libertário de S . Paulo", "Grupo Cultural Livre Pensamento", "Grupo Braço e Cérebro", "Grupo de Propaganda Social do Pará", “Grupo de Propaganda Social de Pelotas", "Grupo GerminaI do Rio Grande".

Ao iniciarem-se os trabalhos, o secretário da "F.O.R.G.S." propõe que fosse aclamado um relator e um secretário para os trabalhos, sendo apontado o 1o. representante dos trabalhadores de S. Paulo, que recusa alegando estar encarregado de elaborar os relatórios para as organizações que representa .

Constitui-se a mesa, com os delegados João Martins e Pinto

Florentino propõe que os delegados libertários devem ter voz e voto no congresso, aconselhando, também, que se aumente o número de representantes, sendo aprovado.

Reduzindo, após propor que o secretário fosse efetivo, lê as condições funcionais da "Federação Estadual", dizendo que durante todo o ano não foi recebida nenhuma contribuição, e que a "Federação Local de Bagé", está em idênticas condições.

Florentino historia o movimento da "Federação O. de Porto Alegre", mostrando como se desenvolveu a campanha pró Sacco e Vanzetti - tendo, por esta ocasião, sido levados a efeito 30 reuniões públicas . Que das organizações operárias, a única que em Porto Alegre corresponde às necessidades do momento, é o "Sindicato dos Canteiros". Lembra a greve dos marítimos, que, apesar de ter sido filiada à federação, desviou-se deste caminho, enveredando pela ação indireta, estando, porém, atualmente, em vias de entendimento com a Federação . Movimenta-se agora o "C.F.", no sentido de organizar ferroviários.

João Francisco fala sobre os estivadores de Pelotas, dizendo que entre eles trabalha-se para a organização, ao lado dos trabalhadores revolucionários, tendo ultimamente realizado duas reuniões, nas quais Passos falou Iongamente, propondo a ação direta .

Pinto chama a atenção do Congresso para a organização de Uruguaiana, onde os militantes predominam na “União Geral", que é um dos mais sólidos e confortáveis edifícios sociais, cujos associados lutam agora pela aquisição de uma tipografia para a publicação de um jornal.

Mostra como Uruguaiana está destinada a influir na cidade Argentina Libres, tendo a sociedade desta cidade pedido filiação à "Federação de Uruguaiana". Não só no norte da Argentina esta organização pode desenvolver a propaganda, mas também ao norte do Uruguai e do Paraguai .

O "Comitê Pró-Presos e Deportados", declara que distribuiu bônus pró-deportados do Oiapoque (*), não tendo até certa data sido recebidos.

(*) Oiapoque, região amazônica escolhida para construção de um campo de trabalhos forçados, pelo governo de Artur Bernardes. Lá perderam a vida alguns dos mais esclarecidos militantes operários: José Alves do Nascimento, Nicolau Parada, Biófilo Panclasta, Pedro Augusto Mota e Nino Martins, entre outros.

Procedendo-se à leitura dos temas apresentados, verificou-se que todos eles coincidem sobre a organização, sendo colocado que se começasse a discutir "do sindicato à confederação" .

http://www.nodo50.org/insurgentes/textos/passos/10congresso.htm


2005 -- Act in the valley so that you need not fear those who stand on the hill. -Danish proverb


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2005 --


2005 --


Annexes

  • FICHE SIGNALéTIQUE
    • Indications accompagnant le nom du journal
    • Lieux de conservation des collections
    • Siège de l’administration et de la rédaction
    • Périodicité
    • Date du premier et du dernier numéro
    • Zone principale de diffusion
    • Prix au numéro
    • Pagination
    • Nom et adresse de l’imprimeur
    • Nombre d’éditions et zones couvertes par chacune d’elles


Le Libertaire (1917-1956) > Annexes > Chronologie 1915-1919


1915 15 février Londres. Publication d’un manifeste pacifiste intitulé « L’Internationale Anarchiste et la Guerre », signé par 36 compagnons, parmi lesquels : Errico Malatesta, Domela Neuwenhuis, Louis Lecoin, Louis Bertoni, Alexandre Berkman, Emma Goldman et Alexandre Schapiro. 5-8 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Suisse. Conférence socialiste internationale de Zimmerwald rassemblant les opposants à la guerre. 7 novembre Suisse. Création d’un Comité d’action international pacifiste. 21 novembre Paris. Constitution du groupe parisien du Comité pour la Reprise des Relations Internationales (C.R.R.I.). 1916 JANVIER / JANUARY Paris. Des socialistes et des syndicalistes pacifistes fondent un Comité pour la reprise des relations internationales (C.R.R.I.). 14 mars Publication du « Manifeste des Seize » daté du 28 février dans les colonnes du quotidien La Bataille. avril Les militants syndicalistes du C.R.R.I. créent un Comité de défense syndicaliste qui représente la minorité pacifiste de la C.G.T. 2 avril Paris. Sébastien Faure lance, en compagnie de Mauricius, le journal pacifiste Ce Qu’il Faut Dire (C.Q.F.D.). 14 avril Nouvelle publication du « Manifeste des Seize » dans La Libre Fédération. Cette fois, le texte est suivi d’une centaine de signatures, parmi lesquelles de nombreux Italiens. 16 avril Le groupe des Amis du Libertaire organise une promenade champêtre à Clamart. 8 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Un appel intitulé « Aux lecteurs du Libertaire » est tiré à 3 000 exemplaires. Ce texte rend homage à l’activité de Pierre Martin et porte la signature du nouveau gérant du journal : Content. 22 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Le groupe des Amis du Libertaire publie un nouveau tract rédigé par Content, Lecoin et Ruff. Sous le titre « Notre attitude », ils s’opposent aux signataires du « Manifeste des Seize ». 7 décembre / DECEMBER Les Amis du Libertaire diffusent le tract de Louis Lecoin « Imposons la Paix » tiré à 12 000 exemplaires. Malgré les nombreuses perquisitions et les arrestations de militants, ce texte est distribué sur la voie publique et parvient jusque dans les tranchées.


1917 JANVIER / JANUARY Sébastien Faure signe un « Appel aux intellectuels ». 8-12 mars Petrograd. Mouvements de grèves et nombreuses manifestations. 15 mars Russie. Constitution d’un Gouvernement provisoire de tendance libérale. 16 mars Russie. Le tsar Nicolas II abdique au profit de son frère Michel qui renonce au trône. 1er mai Paris. Une réunion pacifiste réunit entre 5 000 et 10 000 personnes à l’appel du Comité de défense syndicaliste. 15 juin Parution d’un numéro clandestin du Libertaire. Selon un rapport de police, les neuf-dixièmes de l’édition auraient été saisis. Cette mesure est suivie, le 19 juin, de l’arrestation des responsables de la publication. 5-12 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Stockholm. Troisième conférence « zimmerwaldienne ». 7-8 novembre Petrograd. La Révolution d’Octobre orchestrée par les bolchéviques renverse le gouvernement Kerenski. 18 décembre / DECEMBER Le Conseil de guerre condamne Louis Lecoin à cinq années de prison.


1918 11 JANVIER / JANUARY Arrestation de Sébastien Faure impliqué dans une affaire de moeurs. 28 JANVIER / JANUARY Munich. Le leader anarchiste Erich Mühsam est arrêté par la police, et placé en résidence surveillée. 3 mars Brest-Litovsk. Traité de paix entre l’Allemagne et la Russie. La Russie accepte de verser une indemnité de guerre à l’Allemagne et l’Autriche-Hongrie et reconnait l’indépendance de la Finlande et de l’Ukraine. Enfin elle cède des territoires à l’Allemagne et l’Empire ottoman. 11-12 avril Moscou. La Tcheka organise les premières rafles dans les clubs anarchistes. Six cent personnes sont arrêtées. 19-20 mai Saint-Etienne. Au cours du congrès des minoritaires de la C.G.T organisé par le Comité de défense syndicaliste, une résolution préconisant la grève générale est votée. 21 décembre / DECEMBER La Fédération anarchiste reconstituée organise un rassemblement. Ce groupement prévoit dans son programme la publication d’un journal.


1919

5 JANVIER / JANUARY Allemagne. Début de l’insurrection spartakiste qui sera durement réprimée par le ministre social-démocrate Gustav Noske et les corps francs. 7 JANVIER / JANUARY Buenos Aires. Début de la « semaine sanglante ». Des policiers argentins tirent sur des manifestants qui réclament la journée de 8 heures faisant 4 morts et une trentaine de blessés. Cette répression provoque une grève générale tandis que de nouveaux accrochages avec la police, le jour des obsèques, feront plus de cinquante morts. Affrontement entre anarchistes et syndicalistes réformistes secondés par des membres de groupes para-militaires et des forces de police. 10 JANVIER / JANUARY Arrestation d’Erich Mühsam, ainsi que 11 militants pour éviter des troubles lors des élections législatives allemandes. Ils seront relâchés le lendemain, grâce à la mobilisation du conseil des ouvriers. 23 JANVIER / JANUARY Ukraine. Nestor Makhno réunit le premier congrès régional des ouvriers et paysans. 26 JANVIER / JANUARY Le Libertaire reparaît avec une périodicité hebdomadaire. Les premiers numéros sont soumis à la censure. 8 février L’anarchiste Emile Cottin tire sur Clemenceau. Il est condamné à mort le 14 mars alors que Raoul Villain, l’assassin de Jaurès est acquitté. Sa peine sera commuée en en dix ans de réclusion et vingt ans d’interdiction de séjour. 12 février Ukraine. Après le deuxième congrès de la makhnovtchina à Goulaï-Polé, Nestor Makhno prend la tête d’une insurrection d’inspiration libertaire. 21 février Munich. Le président de la République de Bavière Kurt Eisner est assassiné par un officier d’extrême droite. Le conseil central de la république lance un appel à la grève générale et décrète l’état de siège. 2-7 mars Moscou. Fondation de l’Internationale communiste. 21 mars Budapest. Proclamation de la République des Conseils de Hongrie. 7 avril Munich. Proclamation de la République des Conseils de Bavière. Les anarchistes Gustav Landauer, Erich Müsham, Ernst Toller, Ret Marut occupent des fonctions importantes au sein du Conseil central avant d’être évincés par les communistes. 10 avril Mort d’Emiliano Zapata. 12-14 avril Florence. Naissance de l’Union communiste anarchiste italienne qui deviendra par la suite l’Union anarchiste italienne. 19-21 avril Mutineries sur les navires français de la mer Noire. 29 avril-1er mai Bavière. Les troupes gouvernementales entrent dans Munich et mettent fin à la République des Conseils. Gustav Landauer est exécuté, Erich Müsham et Ernst Toller sont envoyés en prison. 1er mai Paris. L’interdiction des défilés ouvriers provoque de violents affrontements entre manifestants et forces de l’ordre. On relève un mort, des centaines de blessés et des centaines d’arrestations. 1919 15-17 juin Sofia. Naissance de la Fédération Anarchiste Communiste Bulgare (F.A.C.B.). 4-6 août Hongrie. Les troupes roumaines occupent Budapest, le gouvernement social-démocrate qui s’était formé le 1er août est destitué et remplacé par un régime contre-révolutionnaire. 14 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Lyon. Une conférence des minoritaires en préparation du congrès de la C.G.T. abouti à la création des Comités syndicalistes révolutionnaires (C.S.R.). 16 novembre Victoire du Bloc national représentant les partis de droite. Election de la « chambre bleu horizon ». 22 décembre / DECEMBER Etats-Unis. Deux cent cinquante opposants politiques, anarchistes (parmi lesquels Emma Goldman et Alexandre Berkman), communistes et syndicalistes, sont expulsés vers l’Union soviétique. 25-28 décembre / DECEMBER Paris. Congrès communiste qui aboutit sous l’impulsion d’éléments anarchistes à la transformation du P.C. en Fédération communiste des Soviets (F.C.S.). 27-30 décembre / DECEMBER Berlin. Naissance de la Freie Arbeiter Union Deutschland (F.A.U.D.), centrale anarcho-syndicaliste allemande.


1920-1924


1920

5 mai Etats-Unis. Arrestation de Nicolas Sacco et Bartolomeo Vanzetti dans l’État du Massachusetts. Ils sont accusés de meurtre dans le cadre d’une attaque à main armée. En dépit de solides alibis, ils ne parviennent pas à se disculper. juin Lénine stigmatise les « gauchistes » dans La Maladie infantile du communisme. 31 août-4 octobre Italie. Un mouvement d’occupation d’usines né en Lombardie se propage dans tous le pays. 25-27 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Orléans. Création des Comités syndicalistes révolutionnaires (C.S.R.) regroupant les minoritaires de la C.G.T. 14-15 novembre Paris. Congrès constitutif de l’Union anarchiste (U.A.). Le Libertaire devient l’organe de la nouvelle organisation. 20 novembre Espagne. La Confédération nationale du travail (C.N.T.) est mise hors la loi. 23 novembre Ukraine. Les troupes makhnovistes reçoivent l’ordre d’intégrer l’Armée rouge. Les soldats bolcheviques arrêtent de nombreux makhnovistes sur le front de Crimée. 26 novembre Ukraine. L’Armée rouge réprime l’insurrection makhnoviste. Nestor Makhno parvient à s’enfuir avec cent cinquante cavaliers. 20-26 décembre / DECEMBER Tours. Congrès socialiste qui voit la naissance du Parti communiste français (P.C.F.).


1921

13 février
Moscou. L’enterrement du théoricien Pierre Kropotkine (décédé le 8 février) est la dernière manifestation anarchiste dans la capitale soviétique. Le gouvernement bochévique, dans sa grande mansuétude, accepta de libérer temporairement quelques anarchistes pour leur permettre d’assister aux funérailles. On estime à cent mille personnes le nombre de participants au cortège.
8-16 mars
Moscou. Au Xème congrès du parti communiste, Lénine qualifie la révolte de Cronstadt de « manifestation petite bourgeoise », il condamne l’opposition ouvrière assimilée aux tendances syndicalistes et anarchistes.

18 mars Cronstatd. L’Armée rouge écrase dans le sang la révolte des marins.

4-20 juillet Moscou. Congrès constitutif de l’Internationale syndicale rouge (I.S.R.). Un syndicaliste français Sirolle intervient en faveur des nombreux anarchistes emprisonnés mais critique les partisans makhnovistes que la propagande communiste assimile à des bandits. Les protestations permettent la libération et l’exil d’un certain nombre de militants.

25-30 juillet Lille. Le congrès national de la CGT) enregistre un net progrès des minoritaires. 19 août Mort du romancier anarchiste Georges Darien. 28 août Ukraine. Nestor Makhno réussit à s’enfuir en Roumanie. 19-21 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Le comité national de la C.G.T. décide la dissolution des Comités syndicalistes révolutionnaires. 27 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Les C.S.R. répliquent en lançant un appel à la convocation d’un congrès extraordinaire de la C.G.T. 26-27 novembre Villeurbanne. L’Union anarchiste réunie pour son deuxième congrès condamne la dictature du prolétariat. 21 déc.-2 janvier Berlin. Congrès anarchiste international. 22-24 décembre / DECEMBER Paris. Réunie en congrès, la minorité de la C.G.T. fait scission pour fonder la C.G.T.U.


1922

13-14 JANVIER / JANUARY Naissance officielle de la C.G.T.U. 2 août Paris. Exécution de Mécislas Charrier. Anarchiste illégaliste, il avait fait part de ses convictions dans une lettre publiée par Le Libertaire du 26 mai 1922. 25-26 août Le Havre. Grève des dockers, de violents affrontements avec les forces de l’ordre font trois morts. 29 août Grève générale lancée par la C.G.T.U. pour protester contre la répression au Havre. 2-4 décembre / DECEMBER Levallois. Troisième congrès de l’U.A. 25 déc.-2 janvier Berlin. Congrès de constitution de l’Association internationale des travailleurs (A.I.T.), de tendance anarcho-syndicaliste, à laquelle participent des organisations représentant environ deux millions d’adhérents en Europe et en Amérique latine.


1923

22 JANVIER / JANUARY Germaine Berton tue Marius Plateau, secrétaire général de l’Action française et responsable des Camelots du roi, au siège du journal de la ligue. Elle sera acquittée le 24 décembre / DECEMBER. 10 mars Barcelone. Assassinat du leader anarcho-syndicaliste Salvador Segui. SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Japon. La police impériale exécute l’anarcho-syndicaliste Osugi Sakae accusé d’avoir provoqué un tremblement de terre ! 12-17 novembre Bourges. IIème congrès national de la C.G.T.U. L’adhésion à l’I.S.R. est confirmée en même temps que la prédominance des syndicalistes communistes. 24 novembre Philippe Daudet, fils du dirigeant de l’Action française meurt, à l’âge de quatorze ans, dans des conditions mystérieuses. 4 décembre / DECEMBER Le Libertaire devient quotidien. 24 décembre / DECEMBER Germaine Berton est acquittée.


1924

11 JANVIER / JANUARY De violents affrontements entre militants anarchistes et communistes à la Grange-aux-Belles font deux morts. 20 février Paris. Dans un restaurant, l’anarchiste Ernesto Bonomini tue, de plusieurs coups de revolver, Nicola Bonservizi, secrétaire du fascio de Paris. 20 février Au cours d’un congrès extraordinaire réuni pour sauver Le Libertaire quotidien de la faillite, l’U.A. crée l’association des Amis du Libertaire. 4 et 11 mai Victoire du Cartel des gauches aux élections législatives. juillet Boris Souvarine est exclu du P.C. octobre Paris. Ernesto Bonomini est condamné à 8 ans de prison par la cour d’assises de la Seine. octobre Moscou. Arrestation du militant syndicaliste Nicolas Lazarevitch décembre / DECEMBER Exclusion des syndicalistes Pierre Monatte et Alfred Rosmer du P.C.F.


1925-1929


1925

1er JANVIER / JANUARY Premier numéro de la revue La Révolution prolétarienne animée par Pierre Monatte et Alfred Rosmer. 3 JANVIER / JANUARY Italie. Mussolini met fin au régime parlementaire. Un décret ordonne la dissolution de l’Union Syndicale Italienne d’obédience anarcho-syndicaliste. 26 mars Dernier numéro de la série quotidienne du Libertaire. juin Début de la publication de l’Encyclopédie anarchiste en fascicules. L’argent nécessaire à cette entreprise a été apporté par les membres du groupe Los Solidarios : Durruti, les frères Ascaso, Garca Oliver et Jover. 5 août Mort du philosophe individualiste libertaire Georges Palante. 12 octobre Grève générale contre la guerre du Rif au Maroc. 21 octobre-2 nov. Pantin. Congrès de l’Union anarchiste. 1er décembre / DECEMBER 1925 Mort de Joseph Tortelier, menuisier, militant et orateur anarcho-syndicaliste : Il fut l’un des animateur de la Ligue des antipatriotes et de la Ligue des antipropriétaires, propagandiste de la grève générale.


1926

20 février Mort de Jules Durand. Ce leader anarcho-syndicaliste du Havre avait été rendu responsable de la mort d’un ouvrier en 1910. Condamné à mort le 25 novembre 1910, il est libéré le 15 février 1911 à la suite d’une campagne de la Ligue des Droits de l’Homme. Rendu fou par son enfermement, il finira ses jours à l’asile. Il fut totalement innocenté par une révision de son procès le 15 juin 1918. 11 avril Rome. Mussolini est la cible d’un attentat manqué. L’auteur, un anarchiste originaire de Carrare, sera condamné à 30 ans de prison. 12 mai Etats-Unis. La cour suprême de l’Etat du Massachusetts confirme la condamnation à mort de Sacco et Vanzetti. 25 mai Paris. L’anarchiste russe Samuel Schwartzbard tue à coups de revolver l’hetman Petlioura qu’il jugeait responsable des pogroms commis en Ukraine. Il sera acquitté par la cour d’assises de la Seine le 26 octobre 1927. juin Le Groupe des anarchistes russes à l’étranger publie dans la revue Dielo Trouda la « Plate-forme d’organisation de l’Union générale des anarchistes ».


1927

JANVIER / JANUARY Adhésion des principaux surréalistes au Parti communiste. 11 mai Moscou. Arrestation de l’anarchiste italien Francesco Ghezzi.


1928

8 JANVIER / JANUARY Scission dans l’U.A.C.R. la minorité synthésiste crée l’Association des fédéralistes anarchistes (A.F.A.). 7 avril Mort de l’instituteur libertaire Marcel Wullens. 3 mai Buenos Aires. Un attentat anarchiste contre le consulat italien fait 9 morts et 34 blessés. 12-15 août Amiens. Réunis en congrès, les délégués de l’U.A.C.R. renoncent aux statuts « plate-formistes » adoptés l’année précédente et reprennent le « Manifeste d’Orléans ». 28 octobre Coursan. Congrès régional qui voit la création de la Fédération communiste libertaire du Languedoc. 2-4 novembre Lyon. Deuxième congrès de la C.G.T.-S.R.


1929

24 avril Mort de Séverine, de son vrai nom Caroline Remy. Militante féministe libertaire. Elle dirigea le journal de Jules Vallès Le Cri du Peuple après la mort de ce dernier en 1885. Membre de la Ligue des Droits de l’Homme, elle a participé aux campagnes de soutien en faveur de Germaine Berton, Ascaso, Jover et Durruti ou Sacco et Vanzetti. SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Paris. Lors de son cinquième congrès, la C.G.T.U. reconnaît le rôle dirigeant du Parti communiste.


1930-1934


1930

8 juin Mort d’Antoine Antignac. Orateur anarchiste, collaborateur du Libertaire.

1931 7 février Parution d’un numéro spécial du Libertaire consacré à la répression en U.R.S.S. sous le titre : « Sous la botte de Staline ! ». 29 mai Rome. Exécution de l’anarchiste italien Michele Schirru qui avait tenté de tuer Mussolini. 21 juillet Mort d’Emile Pouget, propagandiste anarchiste et syndicaliste révolutionnaire, éditeur d’un des principaux organes libertaires français d’avant la Première Guerre mondiale : Le Père Peinard. Secrétaire adjoint de la C.G.T. de 1902 à 1906. 7 octobre U.R.S.S. Mort d’André Colomer. Poète anarchiste individualiste, animateur du Libertaire, il avait finalement rejoint le Parti communiste. 17-18 octobre Toulouse. Congrès de l’Union anarchiste communiste révolutionnaire.


1932

18 JANVIER / JANUARY Espagne. Le communisme libertaire est proclamé dans plusieurs localités de la région minière du Haut Llobregat en Catalogne. Il suffira d’une semaine au gouvernement espagnol pour mater l’insurrection. Une centaine de militants, parmi lesquels Ascaso et Durruti, seront déportés à Rio de Oro. 16 février Espagne. Nouvelle proclamation du communisme libertaire à Terrassa qui ne dure pas plus longtemps que les expériences précédentes. 24 février Genève. Echec de la conférence sur le désarmement. mars Fondation de l’Association des Ecrivains et Artistes Révolutionnaires (A.E.A.R.). avril Amsterdam. Création du Comité mondial contre la guerre. 22 juillet Rome. Mort, à l’âge de 78 ans, d’Errico Malatesta. Le Libertaire du 5 août consacre deux articles en première page en hommage au théoricien anarchiste italien. 18-22 août Madrid. Constitution de la Fédération Ibérique des Jeunesses Libertaires (F.I.J.L.). octobre Parution aux éditions Denoël & Steele du premier roman de Louis-Ferdinand Céline Voyage au bout de la nuit. Le livre reçoit un accueil enthousiaste dans les milieux anarchistes. Le Libertaire en publie un extrait. 11-13 novembre Paris. Quatrième congrès de la C.G.T.-S.R.


1933

12 JANVIER / JANUARY Espagne. La répression d’une insurrection anarchiste à Casas Viejas en Andalousie fait une vingtaine de victimes.

30 JANVIER / JANUARY Allemagne. Adolphe Hitler devient chancelier du Reich.

14-16 juillet Orléans. Congrès de l’Union anarchiste communiste révolutionnaire. 19 juillet Bruxelles. Le Conseil de Guerre condamne deux objecteurs de conscience, Hem Day et Léo Campion, à respectivement 2 ans et 18 mois de prison, pour avoir renvoyé leurs papiers militaires à l’expèditeur. Soutenu par une campagne internationale, il seront libérés le 3 août.


1934

6 février Paris. Manifestation des ligues d’extrême droite. On relève 14 morts. 9 février Paris. Manifestation antifasciste à l’appel du P.C.F. et de la C.G.T.U. Les affrontements avec la police font 6 morts. 12 février Paris. L’U.A.C. participe aux manifestations et à la grève générale de protestation contre l’extrême droite. 5 mars Paris. Création du Comité de Vigilance des Intellectuels Antifascistes (C.V.I.A.) 20-21 mai Congrès d’unité de l’U.A.C.R. qui reprend l’appelation d’Union anarchiste (U.A.). Création de la Fédération communiste libertaire (F.C.L.) d’une scission de l’U.A. 10 juillet Allemagne. Mort de l’anarchiste Erich Mühsam dans le camp de concentration d’Oranienburg. 14 juillet Paris. Grande manifestation du Rassemblement populaire. 25 juillet Paris. Mort de l’anarchiste ukrainien Nestor Makhno. 4 octobre Espagne. Début d’une grève générale dans les régions des Asturies. 5 octobre Mort du cinéaste libertaire Jean Vigo. 1er-3 novembre Paris. Cinquième congrès de la C.G.T.-S.R.


1935-1939


1935

29 mars New-York. Mort de Clément Duval. Illégaliste, il était membre du groupe anarchiste parisien La panthère des Batignolles créé en 1882. D’abord condamné à mort, il sera finalement envoyé au bagne où il passera 14 ans. juin Création du Rassemblement universel pour la paix. 24 juin Montevideo. Mort du théoricien anarchiste italien Luigi Fabbri. 14 juillet Dans toute la France, on relève de grandes manifestations en faveur du Front populaire. 15 août Paris. Mort du peintre néo-impressionniste Paul Signac. Anarchiste, collaborateur des Temps Nouveaux, déçu par le « Manifeste des Seize », il soutient la révolution soviétique. A la fin de sa vie, il était membre du Comité de Vigilance des Intellectuels Antifascistes et de l’Association des Ecrivains et Artistes Révolutionnaires.


1936

13 février Une tentative d’attentat contre Léon Blum provoque la dissolution de l’Action française. 2-5 mars Toulouse. Réunification de la C.G.T. et de la C.G.T.-U. Le Libertaire titre « L’esprit syndicaliste l’a emporté ». 12-13 avril Paris. Congrès de l’Union anarchiste. 2 mai Bordeaux. Procès du médecin autrichien Norbert Bartosek, accusé de « castration et coups et blessures volontaires » pour avoir pratiqué des vasectomies sur Aristide Lapeyre et André Prévotel, également inculpés. Le médecin sera condamnés à trois ans de prison et les deux militants anarchistes écoperont quant à eux de six mois, peine réduite en appel à respectivement un an et quatre mois de prison. 5 mai Victoire des partis du Front populaire au second tour des élections législatives. 11-13 mai Début des grèves avec occupation aux usines d’aviation du Havre et de Toulouse. Le mouvement va rapidement s’étendre à toute la France. 15 mai Les groupes de la F.C.L. rejoignent les rangs de l’Union anarchiste et se constituent en tendance. 3 juin Roger Salengro, futur ministre de l’Intérieur déclare : « Entre l’ordre et l’anarchie, je maintiendrai l’ordre envers et contre tous ». 7 juin Paris. Signature des accords de Matignon. 11 juin Maurice Thorez, secrétaire général du P.C.F., soutient qu’« il faut savoir terminer une grève ». 28 juin Nice. Alexandre Berkman se suicide. Il avait passé 18 ans en prison aux Etats-Unis. 18 juillet Espagne. Soulèvement des troupes nationalistes au Maroc espagnol. Début de la Guerre d’Espagne. 30 juillet Paris. Meeting de solidarité organisé par la C.G.T.-S.R. au Palais de la Mutualité. 7 août Paris. Le conseil des ministres du gouvernement Léon Blum décide de la politique de non-intervention dans la Guerre d’Espagne. 15-16 août Toulouse. Constitution d’une Fédération anarchiste de langue française (F.A.F.) à partir d’une scission de l’U.A. 18 août Espagne. Création du groupe international de la colonne Durruti. 26 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Barcelone. La C.N.T. occupe trois postes dans le gouvernement régional de Catalogne. 4 novembre Espagne. Quatre ministres anarchistes entrent au gouvernement espagnol pour le compte de la C.N.T. Il s’agit de Federica Montseny (Santé), Juan Juan García Oliver (Justice), Juan Lopez (Commerce) et Juan Peiro (Industrie). 18 novembre Paris. Suicide du ministre de l’Intérieur Roger Salengro, à la suite des attaques de L’Action française et de Gringoire. 19 novembre Espagne. Buenaventura Durruti, figure emblématique de la C.N.T. trouve la mort pendant les combats pour la défense de Madrid. 17 décembre / DECEMBER Moscou. On peut lire dans La Pravda : « En Catalogne a déjà commencé le nettoyage des trotskistes et des anarcho-syndicalistes. Il sera mené avec la même énergie qu’en Union soviétique ».


1937

6-11 JANVIER / JANUARY Paris. Sixième congrès de la C.G.T.-S.R. 21 JANVIER / JANUARY La France interdit officiellement le passage des volontaires pour l’Espagne. 16 mars Clichy. Les forces de l’ordre tirent sur des manifestants venus empêcher une réunion du Parti social français (P.S.F.) du colonel de La Rocque. Bilan : 6 morts et 300 blessés. 3-8 mai Barcelone. « Journées de Mai ». Malgré les appels au calme de la direction de la C.N.T., des militants du P.O.U.M. et de la C.N.T. affrontent les communistes et les forces de l’ordre. L’anarchiste italien Camillo Berneri est assassiné le 5. 16 juin Espagne. Arrestation et exécution de membres du P.O.U.M. 21 juin Démission de Léon Blum. 14-15 août Clermont-Ferrand. Deuxième congrès de la Fédération anarchiste de langue française. 11 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Paris. Deux attentats détruisent en partie les sièges de la C.G.P.F. (Confédération générale du patronat français) et de l’Union des industries mécaniques. Si la police se sert de ces événements pour enquêter dans les milieux d’extrême gauche, il s’agit en réalité de provocations orchestrées par la Cagoule. 23 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Le numéro 537 du Libertaire est saisi. On pouvait y lire : « Quand les anarchistes commettent des attentats, ils ne s’en prennent pas aux pierres... mais aux responsables ! ». Vague d’arrestations dans les milieux libertaires. 30 octobre-1er nov. Paris. Dernier congrès de l’Union anarchiste. Louis Lecoin y annonce la naissance de la section française de la Solidarité internationale antifasciste (S.I.A.) 15 novembre Paris. Plénum de l’Association internationale des travailleurs (A.I.T.). décembre / DECEMBER Parution du premier pamphlet antisémite de Louis-Ferdinand Céline : Bagatelles pour un massacre.


1938

28 JANVIER / JANUARY Mort de l’anarchiste Emile Bidault, éditeur de La Brochure mensuelle et gérant, en 1934, de La Conquête du Pain. Il avait été l’un des animateurs, en 1886, de la Ligue des antipatriotes. 15 juin Dans son manifeste le Comité syndical d’action contre la guerre propose l’organisation d’une conférence européenne pour réviser le traité de Versailles, répartir les matières premières équitablement et cesser la course aux armements. 25 juillet Mexique. André Breton, Diego Rivera et Léon Trotsky signent le manifeste « Pour un art révolutionnaire indépendant ». mi-août Lyon. Congrès de la F.A.F. 29-30 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Munich. L’Allemagne, l’Italie, la France et la Grande-Bretagne signent des accords internationaux qui constituent une véritable capitulation face aux exigences d’Hitler. 10 novembre Lancement de l’hebdomadaire S.I.A. par la Solidarité internationale antifasciste.


1939

25 février Constitution en France du Conseil général du Mouvement libertaire qui regroupe les membres des trois organisations anarchistes espagnoles en exil : la C.N.T., la F.A.I. et la Fédération ibérique des jeunesses libertaire (F.I.J.L.). 28 mars Madrid. Fin de la guerre civile espagnole. 31 août Parution du dernier numéro du Libertaire largement censuré.


1940-1944


1940

14 mai Toronto. Décès d’Emma Goldman, militante anarchiste et féministe à la renommée internationale. 10 juin Mort de René Frémont sur le front. Il fut administrateur, en 1931, puis gérant du Libertaire d’octobre 1934 à mai 1935. Secrétaire de l’U.A. en 1939, il avait répondu à son ordre de mobilisation dans l’espoir d’un sursaut internationaliste.


1941

19 JANVIER / JANUARY Montpellier. Mort de Paul Reclus. Il avait été l’un des signataires du « Manifeste des Seize » et l’animateur en compagnie du docteur Pierrot de la revue Plus Loin. 7 février Mort du peintre néo-impressionniste Maximilien Luce. Avant la Première Guerre mondiale, il avait collaboré à de nombreux titres de la presse libertaire. 17 mars 1941 Argenteuil. Mort de Jules Sellenet dit Francis Boudoux, co-fondateur avec Pierre Besnard de la C.G.T.-S.R.


1942


11 mai Paris. Mort de Georges Yvetot. Militant pacifiste libertaire, il avait signé en 1939, le tract « Paix immédiate » de Louis Lecoin.
27 mai Mort de Rudolf Grossmann, plus connu sous le nom de Pierre Ramus, écrivain anarchiste autrichien.
14 juillet Mort de Sébastien Faure, fondateur et fidèle collaborateur du Libertaire.


1943

JANVIER / JANUARY Mort de la philosophe Simone Weil. Durant la guerre d’Espagne, elle avait combattu dans les rangs de la colonne Durruti et avait continué à soutenir la cause des libertaires espagnols en participant à des meetings de la S.I.A. à son retour en France.
16 mai Italie. Réunion anarchiste clandestine à Florence.
juin Marseille. André Arru rédige en compagnie de Voline et fait paraître le premier numéro du journal anarchiste clandestin La Raison.
19 juillet Toulouse. Tenue d’un congrès anarchiste clandestin auquel participent notamment André Arru, Maurice Laisant et Voline en dépit de l’interdiction de quitter Marseille qui frappait celui-ci.
1944
29 février Mort du critique d’art Félix Fénéon. Militant libertaire jusqu’à la révolution soviétique il avait collaboré à de nombreuses revues et assuré momentanément la direction de L’En Dehors la revue de Zo D’Axa.
10 mai Epinal. Mort de Victor Loquier. Militant anarchiste végétarien, il s’était rapproché des communistes au moment de la Révolution russe mais continua à collaborer au Libertaire jusqu’en 1921.
2 juin Villeneuve-sur-Lot. Mort de Benoît Broutchoux. Militant anarcho-syndicaliste et néo-malthusien, collaborateur du Libertaire.
29-30 octobre Agen. Un « pré-congrès » anarchiste décide la reparution du Libertaire.
19-24 août Libération de Paris. Le 24 les troupes de la 2ème D.B., dans lesquelles on trouve de nombreux anarchistes espagnols, entrent dans la capitale. 21 décembre / DECEMBER Reparution du Libertaire. Le premier numéro est imprimé à Toulouse.


1945-1949

1945
mars Création de la Fédération syndicaliste française (F.S.F.).
10 mars Bulgarie. Arrestation des délégués de la Fédération anarchiste bulgare réunis en congrès extraordinaire. Ils seront torturés, et condamnés aux travaux forcés.
1er-12 mai Paris. Premier congrès des fédérations locales du Mouvement libertaire espagnol (M.L.E.).
8 mai Sétif. Répression sanglante d’une manifestation d’Algériens.
juin La censure sur la presse est levée.

1946 17 février Les groupes C.Q.F.D. intègrent les rangs de la Fédération anarchiste.
12 mai Tokyo. Naissance de la Fédération anarchiste japonaise.
8-19 mars Toulouse. Deuxième congrès national de la F.I.J.L. en exil.
1er mai La F.S.F. lance un Appel à la constitution de la C.N.T.
14 juin Les Auberges de jeunesses passent sous la tutelle de l’Etat (décret André Morice).
27 octobre Paris. Promulgation de la constitution de la IVème République.
7-9 décembre / DECEMBER Paris. Congrès constitutif de la C.N.T.F. (Confédération Nationale du Travail Française).

1947
19 JANVIER / JANUARY Genève. Mort de l’animateur du journal Le Reveil anarchiste, le Suisse Luigi Bertoni.
30 mars Insurrection à Magadascar.
25 avril-16 mai Important mouvement de grève à la régie Renault qui provoque le 5 mai le départ des ministres communistes du gouvernement Ramadier.
SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER-novembre Une vague de grèves entraîne une scission dans la C.G.T. le 19 décembre / DECEMBER.
9-11 novembre Angers. Congrès de la Fédération anarchiste.

1948
21 février Espagne. Autodissolution du M.L.R.
23 mars Naissance de la F.E.N.
12 avril Congrès constitutif de la C.G.T.-F.O.
20-21 novembre Paris. Première conférence du Cartel national d’unité d’action syndicaliste qui regroupe la C.N.T., la tendance Ecole Emancipée de la F.E.N., les minorités C.G.T. du Livre, F.O. des P.T.T. et des adhérents de l’Unité syndicale.
25 décembre / DECEMBER Bulgarie. Le Ve congrès du Parti communiste bulgare met les anarchistes hors la loi.

1949
24 JANVIER / JANUARY - 4 avril Procès Kravchenko.
10 novembre Garry Davis lance le mouvement des Citoyens du Monde.
12-13 novembre Paris. Deuxième conférence du Cartel national d’unité d’action syndicaliste. 25 novembre Grève générale de 24 heures.


1950-1954 1950 JANVIER / JANUARY Naissance, au sein de la Fédération anarchiste, de l’Organisation Pensée-Bataille (O.P.B.) dont les membres se proposent de noyauter la F.A. et dont l’existence ne sera rendue publique qu’en 1955. 20 JANVIER / JANUARY Maurice Lemaître lance une enquête sur le procès de Louis-Ferdinand Céline dans Le Libertaire. février-mars Mort du Dr. Marc Pierrot, signataire du « Manifeste des Seize » et principal animateur de la revue Plus Loin. avril Brest. Grève de quatre semaines dans le bâtiment. Un ouvrier est tué par les gendarmes. 8 avril Barcelone. Un attentat anarchiste dans un commissariat blesse 6 policiers et fait d’importants dégâts matériels. octobre France. Vote d’une loi portant la durée du service militaire de 12 à 18 mois. 8-10 décembre / DECEMBER Italie. IVème Congrès national de la Fédération anarchiste italienne à Ancône. Un certain nombre de militants, regroupés autour du périodique L’Impulso proche des thèses de Georges Fontenis, sont poussés à la porte de l’organisation. 1951 24-25 février Italie. Constitution des Groupes anarchistes d’action prolétarienne (G.A.A.P.) par des militants exclus de la F.A.I. au congrès d’Ancône. 31 mai Mort de Gaston Havard, connu dans les milieux libertaires sous le nom de Jean Marestan. Militant anarchiste pacifiste et néo-malthusien, collaborateur du Libertaire. 12 octobre Publication dans Le Libertaire de la « Déclaration préalable », manifeste anarcho-surréaliste inaugurant la collaboration des membres du groupe surréaliste à l’organe de la F.A. Fin de l’année Naissance d’un Mouvement Indépendant des Auberges de Jeunesses (M.I.A.J.) d’inspiration libertaire. 1952 5 juin Le Libertaire publie une lettre d’Albert Camus qui répond à l’étude de Gaston Leval sur « Bakounine et L’Home révolté ». 18 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Dans Le Libertaire n°327, l’article « Le vrai sens d’une rencontre » marque la rupture entre les militants de la F.C.L. et le groupe surréaliste. 11 octobre Le Mans. Constitution de l’Entente anarchiste. 16 décembre / DECEMBER Mort de Charles Laisant. 1953 23-25 mai Paris. La Fédération anarchiste réunie en congrès adopte une Déclaration de principes, de nouveaux statuts et deviendra après un réferendum interne la Fédération communiste libertaire (F.C.L.) qui rompt ouvertement avec l’anarchisme traditionnel. 28 juillet Importantes manifestations de vignerons dans le Midi. 2 août Libération du militant anticolonialiste Henri Martin. 25-27 décembre / DECEMBER Paris. Congrès de reconstitution de la Fédération anarchiste. L’Entente anarchiste disparait au profit de la nouvelle organisation. 1954 17 février Bruxelles. Mort de Ernestan, de son vrai nom Ernest Tanrez, militant et théoricien anarchiste belge. 26 avril Genève. Ouverture d’une conférence internationale réunissant les représentants de 19 pays en vue de statuer sur l’avenir de la Corée et de l’Indochine. 5-7 juin Paris. Congrès constitutif de l’Internationale communiste libertaire qui regroupe la F.C.L. pour la France et les G.A.A.P. pour l’Italie. août Le groupe Kronstadt dévoile dans un Mémorandum l’existence et les activités de l’O.P.B. 15-20 août Toulouse. Vème plénum intercontinental de la C.N.T. octobre Lancement du Monde libertaire, organe de la nouvelle Fédération anarchiste. 1er novembre Une vague d’attentats sur tout le territoire algérien marque le début de la guerre d’Algérie. 11 novembre Saisie du Libertaire. 9 décembre / DECEMBER Création du Comité de lutte contre la répression coloniale.
1955-1956 1955 février Le Caire. Naissance du Front de libération national (F.L.N.). 28-30 mai Deuxième congrès de la Fédération communiste libertaire. 4 août Le n°441 du Libertaire est saisi. La rédaction du journal réplique en publiant un numéro spécial composé des mêmes articles mais sans les passages incriminés par la police. 12 SEPTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER Grève générale dans la région de Nantes relayée dans les villes de Belfort, Lorient, Le Havre, Montluçon et Saint-Etienne. 4 octobre Nantes. Fin du conflit dans la métallurgie. 15 décembre / DECEMBER Dans Le Libertaire, la F.C.L. présente une liste de dix candidats aux élections législatives de janvier 1956 dans la premier secteur de la Seine. 25 décembre / DECEMBER Paris. Mort de l’écrivain libertaire Aurèle Patorni. 1956

2 JANVIER / JANUARY Paris. Election législatives anticipées. La liste de la F.C.L. ne recueille que 2 617 suffrages. 14-26 février Moscou. Le XXème congrès du Parti communiste d’Union Soviétique condamne le culte de la personnalité. 12 mars Le gouvernement de Guy Mollet obtient les pouvoirs spéciaux en Algérie. La C.G.T. prend position pour l’indépendance de l’Algérie.

12 avril Le n°474 du Libertaire est saisi à l’imprimerie.

7 juin Le Libertaire n°482 daté du 7 juin est saisi à l’imprimerie pour « atteinte à la sureté intérieure et extérieure de l’Etat ». Ce numéro ne comporte pourtant aucun article sur la Guerre d’Algérie.

19 juin Saisie du Libertaire n°484.

26 juin Saisie du Libertaire n°485.

5 juillet Grève générale des Algériens en France et à Alger.

12 juillet La F.C.L. annonce l’interruption provisoire du Libertaire et la publication d’une revue mensuelle Le Partisan qui ne vera jamais le jour. Un tract signé La Volonté du Peuple appelant à la désertion est distribué dans les gares.

13 juillet Sept militants de la F.C.L. sont arrêtés par la D.S.T., le siège de l’organisation fait l’objet d’une perquisition, la correspondance est saisie.

14 juillet La F.C.L. publie une édition spéciale du Libertaire pour protester contre la répression qui frappe ses militants. Ce sera le dernier numéro du journal.

décembre / DECEMBER Parution du premier numéro de la revue Les Cahiers de critique sociale sur les événements de Hongrie.

http://libertaire.org/rubrique13.html
http://libertaire.org/article131.html


2007 -- DAILYDOO anarchist group Los Solidarios: Jan 2007, Creating a list of members; search thru this database & bleed, etc for more members & add to this list for an ENCYCL PAGE Also check online for such a list

Miguel García Vivancos , together with Buenaventura Durruti, Francisco Ascaso, Juan García Oliver, Gregorio Jover, Ramona Berri, Eusebio Brau, Manuel Campos, and Aurelio Fernández formed the group


2007 -- DAILYDOO ADD LINK IN ANOW SPAIN PAGE FOR STUART CHRISTIE; ALSO BLEEDWORK?? Stuart Christie

See also: We, The Anarchists, a study of the FAI, 1927-1931 by Stuart Christie (The Meltzer Press)




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3000 --



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3500 -- "Les fusillés, les affamés viennent vers nous du fond du passé rien n'a changé mais tout commence et va mûrir dans la violence Brûlez repaires de curés nids de marchands, de policiers! Au vent qui sème la tempête se récoltent les jours de fête". Extrait de "La vie s'écoule"; texte anonyme belge, écrit en 1961





3500 -- locate the email & do up for bleed Re: Links to cl-photo.jpg Date: Fri, 24 Sep 1999 04:34:53 -0400 From: Webmaster Dave: Attached, in MIME encoded format, please find a newly created image for use on your Web page at . The file name is corliss-lamont.jpg & measures 140 pixels wide by 183 pixels high. The size of the file is 5763 bytes. Please upload it to your server & adjust your HTML accordingly. Should you experience any difficulity in reading the attached file, please let us know & we'll re-send it in BinHex or UUencode format. Thank you. At 13:28 9/22/99 -0700, you wrote: >Beth,





3500 -- http://home.newyorknet.net/ias/application.htm GRANT APPLICATION


http://home.newyorknet.net/ias/application.htm


3500 -- RADICAL STUDIES

ABT, John with Michael MYERSON. Advocate & Activist: Memoirs of an American Communist Lawyer. Foreword by Margaret Burnham. 1993. 344 pages. Illus. 02030-8. $29.95s

ANDERSON, Kevin. Lenin, Hegel, & Western Marxism: A Critical Study. 1995. 336 pages. 02167-3. $49.95x. Paper. 06503-4. $17.95a

BARRETT, James R. William Z. Foster & the Tragedy of American Radicalism. 1999. 392 pages. Illus. 02046-4. $34.95s

BEAMISH, Rob. Marx, Method, & the Division of Labor. 1992. 208 pages. 01878-8. $24.95s

BLATT, Martin Henry. Free Love & Anarchism: The Biography of Ezra Heywood. 1989. 240 pages. Illus. 01638-6. $26.95s

BRUNDAGE, David. The Making of Western Labor Radicalism: Denver's Organized Workers, 1878-1905. 1994. 224 pages. (The Working Class in American History series). 02075-8. $26.95s

BRUNDAGE, W. Fitzhugh. A Socialist Utopia in the New South: The Ruskin Colonies in Tennessee & Georgia, 1894-1901. 1996. 288 pages. Illus. 02244-0. $38.95x. Paper. 06548-4. $16.95a

BRUNS, Roger A. The Damndest Radical: The Life & World of Ben Reitman, Chicago's Celebrated Social Reformer, Hobo Ki. 1987. 350 pages. Illus. 00984-3. $29.95

BUHLE, Mari Jo. Women & American Socialism, 1870-1920. 1981. 370 pages. (The Working Class in American History series). 00873-1. $34.95x. Paper. 1983. 01045-0. $15.95a

_____; Paul BUHLE; & Dan GEORGAKAS (Editors). Encyclopedia of the American Left. 976 pages. 7 x 10 inches. Illus. Paper. 1992. 06250-7. $29.95

CAMERON, Ardis. Radicals of the Worst Sort: Laboring Women in Lawrence, Massachusetts, 1860-1912. 260 pages. Illus. (Women in American History & The Working Class in American History series). Paper. 1995. 06318-X. $16.95a

CAREY, Alex. Taking the Risk Out of Democracy: Corporate Propaganda versus Freedom and Liberty. Edited by Andrew LOHREY. Foreword by Noam Chomsky. 240 pages. (The History of Communication series). (USA). Paper. 1997. 06616-2. $15.95a

CHARNS, Alexander. Cloak & Gavel: FBI Wiretaps, Bugs, Informers, & the Supreme Court. 1992. 240 pages. Illus. 01871-0. $24.95

COINER, Constance. Better Red,: The Writing & Resistance of Tillie Olsen & Meridel Le Sueur. 312 pp. Illus. Paper. 1998. 06695-2. $19.95a

COOPER, Patricia A. Once a Cigar Maker: Men, Women, & Work Culture in American Cigar Factories, 1900-1919. 1987. 376 pages. Illus. (The Working Class in American History series). 01333-6. $34.95x. Paper. 1992. 06257-4. $15.95a

CORBIN, David A. Life, Work, & Rebellion in the Coal Fields: The Southern West Virginia Miners, 1880-1922. 328 pages. (The Working Class in American History series). Paper. 1990. 00895-2. $14.95a

CROZIER, Michael & Peter MURPHY (Editors). The Left in Search of a Center. 1996. 224 pages. 02199-1. $39.95x. Paper. 06497-6. $15.95a

DEBS, Eugene V. Letters of Eugene V. Debs: 3 Volume Set. Edited by J. Robert CONSTANTINE. Vol. 1: 1874-1912. Vol. 2: 1913-1919. Vol. 3: 1919-1926. 1991. 1952 pages. Illus. 01742-0. $120.00s

DUNAYEVSKAYA, Raya. Rosa Luxemburg, Women's Liberation, & Marx's Philosophy of Revolution. Foreword by Adrienne Rich. Second edition. 1991. 280 pages. 6 x 9 1/4 inches. 01838-9. $32.50x. Paper. 06189-6. $15.95a

DUNNE, Finley Peter. Mr. Dooley in Peace & in War. Introduction by Paul M. Green. 176 pages. 5 1/2 x 8 1/4 inches. (A Prairie State Book). Paper. 1988. 06040-7. $11.95 FARRELL, James T. Chicago Stories. 245 pp. (Prairie State Books). Paper. 1998. 01981-4. $17.95

FULLER, Linda. Where Was the Working Class? Revolution in Eastern Germany. 1999. 280 pp. 02442-7. $44.95x. Paper. 06751-7. $19.95a

GAVENTA, John. Power & Powerlessness: Quiescence & Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley. 288 pages. Illus. (CUSA). Paper. 1982. 00985-1. $13.95a

GIBBONS, Reginald & Terrence DES PRES (Editors). Thomas McGrath: Life & the Poem. 1992. 248 pages. 01852-4. $29.95x. Paper. 06177-2. $12.95a

GILPIN, Toni; Gary ISAAC; Dan LETWIN; & Jack McKIVIGAN. On Strike for Respect: The Clerical & Technical Workers' Strike at Yale University, 1984-85. Foreword by David Montgomery. 96 pages. 5 1/2 x 8 1/4 inches. Paper. 1995. 06454-2. $6.95a

GODFRIED, Nathan. WCFL, Chicago's Voice of Labor, 1926-78. 1997. 432 pages. Illus. (The History of Communication series). 02287-4. $49.95x. Paper. 06592-1. $19.95a

GOLDMAN, Peter L. The Death & Life of Malcolm X. Second edition. 476 pages. 5 1/2 x 8 1/4 inches. (Blacks in the New World series). Paper. 1979. 00774-3. $15.95

HALKER, Clark D. For Democracy, Workers, & God: Labor Song-Poems & Labor Protest, 1865-95. 1991. 264 pages. (The Working Class in American History series). 01747-1. $29.95s

HERBST, Josephine. Pity Is Not Enough. 400 pp. (The Radical Novel Reconsidered series). Paper. 1998. 06652-9. $16.95

HONEY, Michael K. Southern Labor & Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers. 1993. 400 pages. Illus. (The Working Class in American History series). 02000-6. $49.95x. Paper. 06305-8. $17.95a

HOROWITZ, David A. Beyond Left & Right: Insurgency & the Establishment. 1997. 472 pages. 02266-1. $49.95x. Paper. 06568-9. $19.95a

HORWITZ, Dorothy G. (Editor). We Will Not Be Strangers: Korean War Letters between a M.A.S.H. Surgeon & His Wife. Foreword by James I. Matray. 1997. 248 pages. Illus. 02204-1. $24.95

ISSERMAN, Maurice. If I Had a Hammer: The Death of the Old Left & the Birth of the New Left. 280 pages. Illus. Paper. 1993. 06338-4. $14.95

_____Which Side Were You On?: The American Communist Party during the Second World War. 328 pages. Paper. 1993. 06336-8. $16.95a

_____. See Healey

JAMESON, Elizabeth. All That Glitters: Class, Conflict, & Community in Cripple Creek. 1998. 400 pp. Illus. (The Working Class in American History series). 02391-9. $60.00x. Paper. 06690-1. $23.95a

KAPLAN, Judy & Linn SHAPIRO (Editors). Red Diapers: Growing Up in the Communist Left. 1998. 320 pp. Illus. 02161-4. $49.95x. Paper. 06725-8. $19.95.

LEVINE, Bruce. The Spirit of 1848: German Immigrants, Labor Conflict, & the Coming of the Civil War. 1992. 400 pages. (The Working Class in American History series). 01873-7. $34.95s

LEVY, Peter B. The New Left & Labor in the 1960s. 1994. 328 pages. Illus. (The Working Class in American History series). 02074-X. $49.95x. Paper. 06367-8. $16.95a

LIEBERMAN, Robbie. "My Song Is My Weapon": People's Songs, American Communism, and the Politics of Culture, 1930-50. 1989. 232 pages. Illus. (Music in American Life series). 01559-2. $24.95s. Paper. 1995. 06525-5. $16.95

LONGHI, Jim. Woody, Cisco, & Me: Seamen Three in the Merchant Marine. 1997. 304 pp. Illus. (Music in American Life series). 02276-9. $24.95. Paper. 1998. 06700-2. $16.95.

LUMPKIN, Grace. To Make My Bread. Introduction by Suzanne Sowinska. 424 pages. 5 3/8 x 8 inches. (The Radical Novel Reconsidered series). Paper. 1995. 06501-8. $15.95

LYND, Staughton (Editor). "We Are All Leaders": The Alternative Unionism of the Early 1930s. 1996. 360 pages. (The Working Class in American History series). 02243-2. $44.95x. Paper. 06547-6. $17.95a

MAUND, Alfred. The Big Boxcar. Introduction by Alan Wald. 216 pp. 5 1/2 x 8 in. Paper. 1999. 06754-1. $14.95

McCORMICK, Charles H. This Nest of Vipers: McCarthyism & Higher Education in the Mundel Affair, 1951-52. 1989. 248 pages. Illus. 01614-9. $24.95s

MILKMAN, Ruth. Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II. 232 pages. Illus. (The Working Class in American History series). Paper. 1987. 01357-3. $15.95a

MONTGOMERY, David. Beyond Equality: Labor & the Radical Republicans, 1862-1872. 552 pages. 5 3/8 x 8 1/4 inches. Paper. 1981. 00869-3. $26.95a

MORGAN, William J. Leftist Theories of Sport: A Critique & Reconstruction. 1994. 288 pages. (Sport & Society series). 02068-5. $49.50x. Paper. 06361-9. $17.95a

MORRIS, Celia. Fanny Wright: Rebel in America. 352 pages. Illus. Paper. 1992. 06249-3. $16.95a

MULLEN, Bill V. Popular Fronts: Chicago & African-American Cultural Politics, 1935-46. 1999. 248 pp. Illus. 02440-0. $39.95x. Paper. 06748-7. $16.95a

_____ & Sherry LINKON (Editors). Radical Revisions: Rereading 1930s Culture. 1996. 304 pages. Illus. 02206-8. $39.95x. Paper. 06505-0. $15.95

MURPHY, James F. The Proletarian Moment: The Controversy over Leftism in Literature. Foreword by Cary Nelson. 1991. 240 pages. 01788-9. $27.50s

NELSON, Bruce. Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen, & Unionism in the 1930s. 384 pages. Illus. (The Working Class in American History series). Paper. 1990. 06144-6. $15.95a

NELSON, Cary. Aura of the Cause. 1998. 206 pp. Illus. 02377-3. $49.95x. Paper. 1997. 06680-4. $24.95.

_____ Remembering Spain: Hemingway's Civil War Eulogy & the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. With essays by Milton Wolff & Cary Nelson. Accompanied by a cassette read by Ernest Hemingway, "On the American Dead in Spain". 1994. 40 pages. 02124-X. $14.95a

_____ Shouts from the Wall: Posters & Photographs Brought Home From the Spanish Civil War by American Volunteers. Curated by Peter Carroll & Cary Nelson for the Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives. 72 pages. 8 1/2 x 11 inches. Illus. Paper. 1996. 06606-5. $19.95

_____ & Jefferson HENDRICKS. Edwin Rolfe: A Biographical Essay & Guide to the Rolfe Archive at the University of Illinois. (Distributed for the University of Illinois Library). 1990. 124 pages. 8 1/2 x 11 inches. Illus. 01794-3. $24.95x. Paper. 06179-9. $11.95a

_____ & Lawrence GROSSBERG (Editors). Marxism & the Interpretation of Culture. 752 pages. (WXEAM). Paper. 1988. 01401-4. $21.95a

_____ See Rolfe

PAGE, Myra. Moscow Yankee. Introduction by Barbara Foley. 320 pages. 5 3/8 x 8 inches. (The Radical Novel Reconsidered series). Paper. 1995. 06499-2. $15.95

PELLS, Richard H. Radical Visions & American Dreams: Culture & Social Thought in the Depression Years. 448 pp. Paper. 1998. 06743-6. $19.95a.

POLONSKY, Abraham. The World Above. Introduction by Paul Buhle & Dave Wagner. 512 pp. 5 1/2 x 8 in. Paper. 1999. 06806-8. $18.95

PRESTON, William, Jr. Aliens & Dissenters: Federal Suppression of Radicals, 1903-1933. Foreword by Paul Buhle. Second edition. 384 pages. 5 1/2 x 8 1/4 inches. Paper. 1995. 06452-6. $15.95a

RABINOWITZ, Victor. Unrepentant Leftist: A Lawyer's Memoir. 1996. 368 pages. Illus. 02253-X. $29.95

ROLFE, Edwin. Collected Poems. Edited by Cary NELSON & Jefferson HENDRICKS. 1993. 352 pages. Illus. (The American Poetry Recovery Series). 02026-X. $34.95s. Paper. 06640-5. $20.95a

_____. Edited by Cary NELSON & Jefferson HENDRICKS. Trees Became Torches: Selected Poems. Introduction & notes on poems by Cary Nelson. 168 pages. (The American Poetry Recovery Series). Paper. 1995. 06417-8. $13.95

ROMALIS, Shelly. Pistol Packin' Mama: Aunt Molly Jackson & the Politics of Folksong. 1998. 264 pp. Illus. (Music in American Life series). 02421-4. $39.95x. Paper. 06728-2. $18.95.

RUFF, Allen. "We Called Each Other Comrade": Charles H. Kerr & Company, Radical Publisher. 1997. 336 pages. (The History of Communication series). 02277-7. $49.95x. Paper. 06582-4. $19.95a

SALVATORE, Nick. Eugene V. Debs: Citizen & Socialist. 1982. 452 pages. Illus. (The Working Class in American History series). 00967-3. $29.95x. Paper. 01148-1. $16.95a

SANFORD, John. Intruders in Paradise. 1997. 280? pages. 02343-9. $26.95

_____ The People from Heaven. Introduction by Alan Wald. 272 pages. 5 3/8 x 8 inches. (The Radical Novel Reconsidered series). Paper. 1995. 06491-7. $15.95

SAXTON, Alexander. The Great Midland. 380 pages. 5 1/4 x 8 inches. (The Radical Novel Reconsidered series). Paper. 1996. 06564-6. $15.95

SCHNEIROV, Richard; Shelton STROMQUIST; & Nick SALVATORE (Editors). The Pullman Strike & the Crisis of the 1890s: Essays on Labor & Politics. 1999. 288 pp. (Working Class in American History series). 02447-8. $49.95x. Paper. 06755-X. $18.95a

SHORE, Elliott; Ken FONES-WOLF; & James DANKY (Editors). The German-American Radical Press: The Shaping of a Left Political Culture, 1850-1940. 1992. 256 pages. 01830-3. $36.95s

SINCLAIR, Upton. The Jungle. Introduction & notes by James R. Barrett. 388 pages. 5 1/2 x 8 1/2 inches. Illus. (A Prairie State Book). Paper. 1988. 01480-4. $14.95a

STANSELL, Christine. City of Women: Sex & Class in New York, 1789-1860. 320 pages. Paper. 1987. 01481-2. $15.95

STEPHENS, John D. The Transition from Capitalism to Socialism. Foreword by Michael Harrington. 248 pages. 5 1/2 x 8 inches. Paper. 1986. 01323-9. $17.95a

SULLIVAN, James D. On the Walls & in the Streets: American Poetry Broadsides from the 1960s. 1997. 208 pages. Illus. 02329-3. $29.95x. Paper. 06624-3. $14.95a

SWADOS, Harvey. On the Line. New introduction by Nelson Lichtenstein. 1990. 280 pages. 01674-2. $29.95x. Paper. 06055-5. $9.95a

VORSE, Mary Heaton. Strike! Introduction by Dee Garrison. 264 pages. Paper. 1991. 06217-5. $15.95

WHALEN-BRIDGE, John. Political Fiction & the American Self. 1998. 224 pp. 02388-9. $39.95x. Paper. 06688-X. $17.95a.

WIENER, Jon. Come Together: John Lennon in His Time. 408 pages. Illus. (WXBC). Paper. 1991. 06131-4. $18.95

WIXSON, Douglas. Worker-Writer in America: Jack Conroy & the Tradition of Midwestern Literary Radicalism, 1898-1990. 1994. 702 pp. Illus. 02043-X. $34.95. Paper. 1999. 06785-1. $24.95a

WOIROL, Gregory R. In the Floating Army: F. C. Mills on Itinerant Life in California, 1914. 1992. 184 pages. Illus. 01800-1. $24.95s

WOLFERT, Ira. Tucker's People. 520 pages. 5 1/4 x 8 inches. (The Radical Novel Reconsidered series). Paper. 1996. 06598-0. $16.95

WOLFF, Milton. Another Hill: An Autobiographical Novel. Introduction & Afterword by Cary Nelson. 1994. 424 pages. 02091-X. $15.95

WYLIE, Jeanie. Poletown: Community Betrayed. Foreword by Ralph Nader. Photographs by David C. TURNLEY. 288 pages. Illus. Paper. 1990. 06153-5. $17.95a

YEZIERSKA, Anzia. Salome of the Tenements. Introduction by Gay Wilentz. 216 pages. 5 3/8 x 8 inches. (The Radical Novel Reconsidered series). Paper. 1995. 06435-6. $15.95

http://www.press.uillinois.edu/subject/rad.html




3500 -- The Manifest as of this date : David Amram, Levi Asher, Derek Beaulieu, John Bennet, Bob Branaman, Michael "Bookie" Buchenroth, The Carma Bums ~ Dr. Mike Bruner, S.A. Griffin, Doug Knott, Mike M. Mollett & Scott Wannberg; John Cassady, Robert Creeley, Jim Chandler, Andy Clausen, cait collins, Marie Countryman, Chandra Dickson, Rusty Effenbeck, Pat Elliott, Shon Fox, Bill Gargan, Armour Garland, Grant Hart, Brian Hassett, Michael Hathaway, Dave Hazelwood, Heather, Wendy Houston, Mike & Johanna Hutmacher, Larry Jaffe, The L.A. Mudpeople ~ Helen, Mike M. Mollett & Lorraine Perrotta; The Last Poets ~ Don Babatunde Eaton, Umar Hassan & Abiodun Oyewole; Laurenelli, Andrew Lempert, Peter Lownds, John Macker, Malinda, Erik Mallory, Ann Marie Maxwell (Anne Murphy), Ellyn Maybe, Lewis McAdams, Jared Manley, Dafydd McKaharay, Tanya Merrill, Bobby Bobaloo Mitchell, Tony Moffeit, Jens Möllenhoff, Jason Naylor, Patrick J. O'Connor, Tom Peters, Gabe Phelan, Charles Plymell, Charles Potts, Dave Quick, Ratboy, David Rhaesa, Olly Ruff, Mary Sands, Sherri Sarantakis, Jack Shea, Talulah, Glenn Todd, The Venice Beats ~ Philomene Long, Frank T. Rios, Tony Scibella, John Thomas & Saul White; David Smith, Lisa Smith, James Stauffer, Laki Vazakas, Janine Pommy Vega, Ed Ward, Jeffrey Weinberg, Richard Wilmarth, Steve Wilson, James Wood Jr., The Good People of Wichita, and Zippy the Wonder Slug... plus more passengers on the way... Alert! Alert! There has been a fire at David Amram's house & he needs help. Alert! Alert! ~ Inspired lunacy ritualized by visiting tribes ~




3500 -- Carrie Mae Weems http://www.pbs.org/conjure/cm.html http://www.artcyclopedia.com/artists/weems_carrie_mae.html Jean-Michel Basquiat William Gibson Bruce Sterling




3500 -- "I am an Anarchist not because I believe Anarchism is the final goal, but because there is no such thing as a final goal." ---Rudolf Rocker, The London years




3500 -- Sat, 11 Dec 1999 11:50:21 EST From: Satyaprem@aol.com recall@eskimo.com wrote: > Joseph "Le Pétomane" Pujol ... > renown was basedon his ability to perform astonishing > feats of what might best be termed gymnastic flatulence. > He was France's, & the world's, leading "fartiste." ------ Additional verification of that assertion is contained in a verse of the old song "Sweet Violets" which some of the more edjucated folks sing around here while we all squish our toes in the warm oozing mud: SWEET VIOLETS © somebody, maybe "My wife kept a sack in the garden. I was curious, I must admit. On evening, I snuck out a handful & found it was nothing but ... Sweet violets Sweeter than all the roses Covered all over from head to toe, Covered all over with snow. "There once was a young man of Sparta (Joseph Pujol ?), Who could flatulate ballads & airs. He could blow out a Mozart Sonata & accompany Musical Chairs. One evening he attempted an Opera. It was hard, but he just wouldn't quit-- With his head held aloft, He suddenly coughed, & collapsed in a mountain of ... Sweet violets Sweeter than all the roses Covered all over from head to toe, Covered all over with snow." etc. Sincerely, Satya Prem ===================================== > Subj: Musical Anus: Sing Out?




3500 -- do i look strange? in this dress, i mean . . . Date: Fri, 03 Dec 1999 15:30:50 -0500 From: "Paul Schultz" To: <<<1894 - Robert Louis Stevenson, 44, dies suddenly of apoplexy in Apia, Samoa, leaving his "Weir of Hermiston" unfinished. "ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON SAINT 1998" Superb travel writer, conspiratologist, adventure novelist.>>> the last word? --robert louis stevenson, 44, dies suddenly of apoplexy in Apia, Samoa. His last words are, "do i look strange?" an uncertainty bibliomaniacs can sympathize with ... P.




3500 -- NO Date: Mon, 08 Nov 1999 09:58:13 -0600 From: Shelley Cox To: recall@eskimo.com 1990 - English writer who lived most of his life in India, Lawrence Durrell, best known for "The Alexandria Quartet", dies in Sommières, France. <<<< He was born in India, but from the age of 7 onwards never lived there or visited again. He lived in France from 1956 to his death.




3500 -- Ben Hamper site Rivethead http://www.michaelmoore.com/hamper/


3500 --




3500 -- bonobo le premier 12/17/99 4:03 AM Subject: tiny correction To: recall@eskimo.com hello! You've done a very good page so far. Just to say that "Panurge au pays des machines" by Robert Collino a-k-a ixigrec has been released in1943 following the bibliography on the first pages of "Essais fantastiques du Dr Rob" (1966). That's all, but 1943 was quite a different year to publish anticipation utopia in France than 1940. If you'd like more biliographic references on... er...anyone! don't hesitate to contact me! read U soon W


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3500 --


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3500 -- J. G. Ballard:

As the owner of Crash's distributor Fine Line Features, Turner attempted to block Crash being released in the States at all, & only backed down when the press caught wind of his behind-the-scenes manoeuvres. (For the complete story, check out the report at Wired News)

"The British are a strange, nervous nation,
unable to defend freedom of speech"

http://www.wired.com/news/news/culture/story/7369.html

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The definitive collection of J.G. Ballard links is at www.jgballard.com Extreme Metaphor Chris Hall's exploration of the writing of J.G. Ballard http://www.jgballard.com/


3500 -- links chumbuwumba http://www.chumba.com/_links.htm Len Bracken anti-work aphorisms: http://myhouse.com/love/work/aphorisms.html burn: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~mai/whatsnew.html



3500 -- p k dick


3500 -- "Where there is authority, there is no freedom." -- Prince Peter Kropotkin.


3500 -- POETRY ARCHIVE by Edgar Allan Poe (Complete) Robert Louis Stevenson (Complete) Rudyard Kipling (Complete) Aleksandr Pushkin (The Best Of) Aleksandr Blok (The Best Of) Anna Akhmatova (The Best Of) Mikhail Lermontov (The Best Of) Poems Submitted by Our Readers Features of this Web Page:

Search -- You can search for poems on my Poetry Lovers' Page if you know the author & a few words from the poem you are looking for. Poem of the Day -- No Comments necessary! Random Poem -- You can browse randomly through the poems on my Poetry Lovers' Page. Displays a new poem every time!

http://www.rit.edu/~exb1874/mine/index.html



3501 -- QUOTES ARCHIVE: "The nice thing about egotists is that they don't talk about other people. " - Lucille S. Harper "You got to be careful if you don't know where you're going, because you might not get there. " - Yogi Berra "I love Mickey Mouse more than any woman I have ever known. " - Walt Disney (1901-1966) "The graveyards are full of indispensable men. " - Charles de Gaulle (1890-1970) "Behind every great fortune there is a crime. " - Honore de Balzac (1799-1850) "I am not young enough to know everything. " - Oscar Wilde (1854-1900) "Sometimes a scream is better than a thesis. " - Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882) "There is no sincerer love than the love of food. " - George Bernard Shaw (1856-1950) "I don't even butter my bread; I consider that cooking. " - Katherine Cebrian "I have an existential map; it has 'you are here' written all over it. " - Steven Wright "Mr. Wagner has beautiful moments but bad quarters of an hour. " - Gioacchino Rossini (1792-1868) "I have read your book & much like it. " - Moses Hadas (1900-1966) "The covers of this book are too far apart. " - Ambrose Bierce (1842-1914) "Everywhere I go I'm asked if I think the university stifles writers. My opinion is that they don't stifle enough of them. " - Flannery O'Connor (1925-1964) "Anything that is too stupid to be spoken is sung. " - Voltaire (1694-1778) "He who hesitates is a damned fool. " - Mae West (1892-1980) "No Sane man will dance. " - Cicero (106-43 B.C.) "Hell is a half-filled auditorium. " - Robert Frost (1874-1963) "Show me a sane man & I will cure him for you. " - Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961) "Vote early & vote often. " - Al Capone (1899-1947) "Few things are harder to put up with than a good example. " - Mark Twain (1835-1910) "Hell is other people. " - Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) "Happiness is good health & a bad memory. " - Ingrid Bergman (1917-1982) "Friends may come & go, but enemies accumulate. " - Thomas Jones "You can get more with a kind word & a gun than you can with a kind word alone. " - Al Capone (1899-1947) "The gods too are fond of a joke. " - Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) "Distrust any enterprise that requires new clothes. " - Henry David Thoreau (1817-1862) "The difference between pornography & erotica is lighting. " - Gloria Leonard "It is time I stepped aside for a less experienced & less able man. " - Professor Scott Elledge on his retirement from Cornell "Every day I get up & look through the Forbes list of the richest people in America. If I'm not there, I go to work. " - Robert Orben "The cynics are right nine times out of ten. " - Henry Louis Mencken (1880-1956) "There are some experiences in life which should not be demanded twice from any man, & one of them is listening to the Brahms Requiem. " - George Bernard Shaw (1856-1950) "Attention to health is life greatest hindrance. " - Plato (427-347 B.C.) "Plato was a bore. " - Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) "Nietzsche was stupid & abnormal. " - Leo Tolstoy (1828-1910) "Not only is there no God, but try finding a plumber on Sunday. " - Woody Allen (1935-) "I don't feel good. " - The last words of Luther Burbank (1849-1926) "Nothing is wrong with California that a rise in the ocean level wouldn't cure. " - Ross MacDonald (1915-1983) "Men have become the tools of their tools. " - Henry David Thoreau (1817-1862) "I have never let my schooling interfere with my education. " - Mark Twain (1835-1910) "It is now possible for a flight attendant to get a pilot pregnant. " - Richard J. Ferris, president of United Airlines "I never miss a chance to have sex or appear on television. " - Gore Vidal "I don't want to achieve immortality through my work; I want to achieve immortality through not dying. " - Woody Allen (1935-) "Men & nations behave wisely once they have exhausted all the other alternatives. " - Abba Eban (1915-) "To sit alone with my conscience will be judgment enough for me. " - Charles William Stubbs "Sanity is a madness put to good uses. " - George Santayana (1863-1952) "Imitation is the sincerest form of television. " - Fred Allen (1894-1956) "Always do right- this will gratify some & astonish the rest. " - Mark Twain (1835-1910) "In America, anybody can be president. That's one of the risks you take. " - Adlai Stevenson (1900-1965) "Copy from one, it's plagiarism; copy from two, it's research. " - Wilson Mizner (1876-1933) "Why don't you write books people can read?" - Nora Joyce to her husband James (1882-1941) "Some editors are failed writers, but so are most writers. " - T. S. Eliot (1888-1965) "Criticism is prejudice made plausible. " - Henry Louis Mencken (1880-1956) "It is better to be quotable than to be honest. " - Tom Stoppard "Being on the tightrope is living; everything else is waiting. " - Karl Wallenda "Opportunities multiply as they are seized. " - Sun Tzu "A scholar who cherishes the love of comfort is not fit to be deemed a scholar. " - Lao-Tzu (570?-490? BC) "Never mistake motion for action. " - Ernest Hemingway (1899-1961) "Hell is paved with good samaritans. " - William M. Holden "The longer I live the more I see that I am never wrong about anything, & that all the pains that I have so humbly taken to verify my notions have only wasted my time. " - George Bernard Shaw (1856-1950) "Silence is argument carried out by other means. " - Ernesto"Che"Guevara (1928-1967) "Heav'n hath no rage like love to hatred turn'd, Nor Hell a fury, like a woman scorn'd. " - William Congreve (1670-1729) "A husband is what is left of the lover after the nerve has been extracted. " - Helen Rowland (1876-1950) "Learning is what most adults will do for a living in the 21st century. " - Perelman "The man who goes alone can start today; but he who travels with another must wait till that other is ready. " - Henry David Thoreau (1817-1862) "I think there is a world market for maybe five computers. " - Thomas Watson (1874-1956), Chairman of IBM, 1943 "I think it would be a good idea. " - Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948), when asked what he thought of Western civilization "I'm not a member of any organized political party, I'm a Democrat!" - Will Rogers (1879-1935) "There is no reason anyone would want a computer in their home. " - Ken Olson, president, chairman & founder of Digital Equipment Corp., 1977 "640K ought to be enough for anybody. " - Bill Gates (1955-), in 1981 "The concept is interesting & well-formed, but in order to earn better than a 'C', the idea must be feasible. " - A Yale University management professor in response to student Fred Smith's paper proposing reliable overnight delivery service (Smith went on to found Federal Express Corp.) "Who the hell wants to hear actors talk?" - H. M. Warner (1881-1958), founder of Warner Brothers, in 1927 "We don't like their sound, & guitar music is on the way out. " - Decca Recording Co. rejecting the Beatles, 1962 "Everything that can be invented has been invented. " - Charles H. Duell, Commissioner, U.S. Office of Patents, 1899 "A pint of sweat, saves a gallon of blood. " - General George S. Patton (1885-1945) "After I'm dead I'd rather have people ask why I have no monument than why I have one. " - Cato the Elder (234-149 BC, AKA Marcus Porcius Cato) "He can compress the most words into the smallest idea of any man I know. " - Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865) "The right to swing my fist ends where the other man's nose begins. " - Oliver Wendell Holmes (1841-1935) "The difference between fiction & reality? Fiction has to make sense. " - Tom Clancy "It's not the size of the dog in the fight, it's the size of the fight in the dog. " - Mark Twain (1835-1910) "The President has kept all of the promises he intended to keep. " - Clinton aide George Stephanopolous speaking on Larry King Live "We're going to turn this team around 360 degrees. " - Jason Kidd, upon his drafting to the Dallas Mavericks "Half this game is ninety percent mental. " - Yogi Berra "There is only one nature - the division into science & engineering is a human imposition, not a natural one. Indeed, the division is a human failure; it reflects our limited capacity to comprehend the whole. " - Bill Wulf "There's many a bestseller that could have been prevented by a good teacher. " - Flannery O'Connor (1925-1964) "I criticize by creation - not by finding fault." - Cicero (106-43 B.C.) "Now, now my good man, this is no time for making enemies." - Voltaire (1694-1778) on his deathbed in response to a priest asking that he renounce Satan. "He would make a lovely corpse." - Charles Dickens (1812-1870) "I've just learned about his illness. Let's hope it's nothing trivial." - Irvin S. Cobb "Wagner's music is better than it sounds." - Mark Twain (1835-1910) "We are not retreating - we are advancing in another Direction." - General Douglas MacArthur (1880-1964) "#3 pencils & quadrille pads." - Seymoure Cray (1925-1996) when asked what CAD tools he used to design the Cray I; he also recommended using the back side of the pages so that the lines were not so dominant. "I just bought a Mac to help me design the next Cray." - Seymoure Cray (1925-1996) when was informed that Apple Inc. had recently bought a Cray supercomputer to help them design the next Mac. "Your Highness, I have no need of this hypothesis. " - Pierre Laplace (1749-1827), to Napoleon on why his works on celestial mechanics make no mention of God. "I choose a block of marble & chop off whatever I don't need. " - Francois-Auguste Rodin (1840-1917), when asked how he managed to make his remarkable statues "The man who does not read good books has no advantage over the man who cannot read them. " - Mark Twain (1835-1910) "Research is what I'm doing when I don't know what I'm doing. " - Wernher Von Braun (1912-1977) "There are only two tragedies in life: one is not getting what one wants, & the other is getting it. " - Oscar Wilde (1854-1900) For more goodies, please see Professor Gabriel Robins' WWW home page st modified: July 7, 1998 [
http://wso.williams.edu/~ktaylor/gerstein/chaplin/intro.html

3502 -- seattle baseball archive "An earthquake hit the Seattle Kingdome during a ballgame last week. Final score: Cleveland 6, Seattle 3, God 5.3.",



3503 -- proudhon image

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http://www.web.net/~blakrose/proudhon.htm


3506 -- hash songs archive http://members.iex.net/~zippy/songtoc3.html



3506 -- Z I N E S / A R C H I V E S ARCHIVES John Bennett Eight Poems William Burroughs a fax Fabio Doctorovich Evolution - Visual Poems Peter Ganick untitled ( an option ) David Ignatow a notice re: GLEANINGS: Uncollected Poetry of the Fifties. William Luoma Four Visual Poems James McCrary Poems of the Place Christy Sheffield Sanford I75 Clouds Reid Wood Lost Ritual & State of Being 1-3 An Exchange of FAX Karl Young, John Fowler, Reid Wood ZINES 9 all text herein written by chris mansel Experiodocist Juxta/Electronic EDITORS: Ken Harris, Jim Leftwich P O E T S on the line #1 P O E T S on the line #2 Chapbooks from DOORDOOR an electronic chapbook by John M. Bennett THINGKS an electronic chapbook by Jim Leftwich an electronic chapbook by James Broughton FOLLETO an electronic chapbook by Susan Smith Nash JEFFREY LITTLE - MILK DUDS FROM THE HOMEWORLD Date: Tue, 05 Nov 1996 From: jbberry@HiWAAY.net Date: Wed, 5 Jun 1996 05:16:32 -0400 From: NinthLab@aol.com Chris Mansel Chapbook Date: Sun, 28 Apr 1996 02:08:13 -0400 From: NinthLab@aol.com Dan raphael electronic chapbook Date: Mon, 12 Aug 1996 05:12:34 -0400 From: NinthLab@aol.com SOME RECENT THANGS byTHOMAS LOWE TAYLOR BETWEEN PIPELINES Sheila E. Murphy e-chapbook THE SAN BERNARDINO ELEGIES an electronic chapbook by Neeli Cherkovski MANDALA DAMAGES an electronic chapbook by JIM LEFTWICH Goto

Reading





3508 -- Blacklist HOWARD FAST He was tried on federal charges & then imprisoned in 1950 after failing to overturn his conviction. Two years later, he ran for public office in his own name. In addition to works of literary imagination, he also wrote political journalism, articles, & tracts. The differences between these forms were not always vast. Novels about strikes (Clarkton, 1947) or about The Passion of Sacco & Vanzetti (1953) appeared more or less concurrently with books of reportage such as Peekskill, U.S.A.: A Personal Experience (1951), about the riots when Paul Robeson tried to perform. Fast wrote many short political pieces, as well. A pamphlet about the Warsaw Ghetto uprising illustrated by William Gropper appeared the year after the war ended (Never to Forget: The Battle of the Warsaw Ghetto, New York, 1946). An article about the Peekskill riot—an event that affected him deeply—appeared in the Masses of October 1949 two years before his book on the same subject was published. http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/entertainment/july-dec97/blacklist_10-24.html
http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/remember/1998/robeson_4-9a.html
http://www.cs.uchicago.edu/cpsr/robeson/links/


3508 -- ARCHIVE REFERENCE Joseph Mccabe Joseph McCabe [ 1867 - 1955 ] A BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT, MEDIEVAL, & MODERN FREETHINKERS by Joseph McCabe One of the giants of not only English Atheism, but world Atheism, Joseph McCabe left a legacy of aggressive Atheist & antireligious literature that remains fresh & insightful today. His many works -- he wrote nearly 250 books -- could constitute a library of Atheism by themselves. Born in 1867, Joseph McCabe became a Franciscan monk at the age of nineteen. But disgusted with his fellow monks & the Christian doctrine, he left the priesthood for good on February 19, 1896. Not long afterwards, he began to write -- first against the priesthood itself & then for the position of Atheism. He was one of the founding members of Britain's Rationalist Press Association, & was a prolific writer for Haldeman-Julius Publications. He was also a much-respected speaker, giving, by his own estimate, three or four thousand lectures in the United States, Australia, & Great Britain by the age of eighty. Still fighting against the injustices & dishonesties of religion, he died on January 10, 1955, at the age of eighty-seven. The epitaph he requested was "He was a rebel to his last day." http://www.infidels.org/library/historical/joseph_mccabe/
http://www.infidels.org/library/historical/joseph_mccabe/dictionary.html

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3509 -- ANARCHIST ARCHIVE Joseph Ishill & the Authors & Artists of the Oriole Press Introduction Joseph Ishill (1888-1966) emigrated to the United States in 1909 & settled in New York City. Having been apprenticed in a print shop in Rumania, he found work as a typesetter in the city. An anarchist by the time he came to the U.S., Ishill soon began attending the lectures of Emma Goldman & other notable radicals. He was a frequent visitor to the Ferrer Center in New York, & when a Ferrer Colony was founded in Stelton, N.J. in 1915, Ishill was one of the original members. Ishill began helping print the Colony's magazine, The Modern School, & a year later he published Oscar Wilde's The Ballad of Reading Gaol. From the publication of that book in 1916 until his death fifty years later, Ishill published more than 200 books and pamphlets, all of them typeset & printed by hand. In spite of toiling in relative obscurity he has been lauded both by radicals, who recognize him for his efforts in publishing radical materials, and by fine press enthusiasts, who consider him to be one of the finest American printers and typographers of the twentieth century. The Labadie Collection at the University of Michigan has one of the largest collections of Ishill's published works in the world, as well as an extensive correspondence between Ishill and Agnes Inglis, the original curator of the Labadie Collection. Ishill distributed almost all of his publications free to individuals who would value them for their content, & to institutions that would preserve them for posterity. It was the anarchist Benjamin Tucker who originally introduced Ishill to the Collection when he requested that a copy of his pamphlet, Why I am an Anarchist, be given to the Labadie Collection in 1934. From that time on Ishill donated a copy of most all of his publications to the Labadie Collection, & he also attempted to donate copies of all that he had published prior to 1934. Although Inglis & Ishill met only once, they shared a mutual admiration & a friendship that lasted from 1934 until Inglis' death in 1952. Following her death, Ishill's commitment to the Labadie Collection did not diminish, as he continued to donate copies of his publications for the rest of his life. This exhibit attempts to highlight some of the most important authors & artists published by the Oriole Press. Always an idealist, Ishill was not content simply to print beautiful books; a text had to appeal to his intellect before he would set it in type. Among those who appeared in the pages of an Oriole Press book are such well-known radicals as Emma Goldman, Benjamin Tucker, Havelock Ellis, & Theodore Schroeder, to name but a few. The author whose work appeared most frequently was Ishill's wife, the poet Rose Florence Freeman. She translated many of the texts which Ishill printed & he served as the sole publisher of her highly acclaimed poetry & essays. Among the artists whose work appeared in Oriole Press books, Louis Moreau (1883-) is certainly the most important. It was his hand that gave the press its distinctive colophon, as well as many other woodcuts that illustrated various books. http://www.lib.umich.edu/spec-coll/ishill/


3509 -- ANARCHIST ARCHIVE many names for reference

alt; Nestor Machno
ANARCHIST PORTRAITS By Paul Avrich - 1988 ISBN 0-691-04753-7 Nestor Makhno & Alexander Berkman, Paris, around 1927 Paul Avrich attempts to fill in the human dimension of Anarchism in this 300 page portrait of a number of anarchist thinkers & activists. He has divided the book into three distinct sections. Russia, America & Europe and the world. Many of the anarchists lives he dissects are the lives of well known activists. Bakunin, Kropotkin, Proudhon, Berkman, Makhno, Mollie Steimer & Gustav Landauer are some of the more well known anarchists lives he dissects. Reading Avrich's book & studying the photographs I learnt much about people who I already thought I knew. The more interesting chapters in the book are those that deal with the lives of men & women in the anarchist movement who have came & gone & left no mark on the thoughts & actions of the current Anarchist Movement. Anatoli Zhelezniakov, Chummy Fleming, Oriole Tucker, V.M. Eikhenbaum and C.W. Mowbray are a few of the forgotten anarchists whose lives are scattered on the pages of this book. Hundreds of names of long forgotten activists appear in the pages of Anarchist Portraits. This book is not an uncritical eulogy to men & women who's lives were intertwined with the anarchist movement. It examines their lives, their frailties, their hopes, achievements, aspirations & in some cases their eventual martyrdom. http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/Encyclopedia/Makhno/MakhnoFromBleed.htm




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3509 -- image from Voline page

One grim afternoon in 1919, near a small town in the Ukraine, a couple of hundred ordinary peasants decided the fate of the rest of the twentieth century, & most people never even heard of the place, let alone of them. It's too bad, it would make a hell of a movie. The shadow that the battle of Peregonovka cast upon history can only be compared to that cast by Tuetonberger Wald, or the siege of Tenochtitlan. Though it was the deciding move in the vast chess game of the Russian Civil War, the Bolsheviks were nowhere to be found.

The late Leah Feldman, http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/voline/graphics.html


3509 -- ANARCHIST ARCHIVE SPAIN 19 of these 3509 & 18 3510 dates were found in BLEEDQUOTES, WHICH I PUT into bleedwork & deleted from the quotes database April 2004; these may well duplicate material in this database, & some are probably in the Bleed already


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3509 -- Chronology of Bakunin's Life Michael Aleksandrovich Bakunin born May 18, 1814 (Russian calender), May 30, 1814 (European calander), in the village of Premukhino in the province of Tvar.

1828 Sent to St. Petersburg to prepare for Artillery School 1829 entered the Artillery School in St. Petersburg. 1832 commissoned as a junior officer & sent to Misk and Grodno in Poland. 1835 resigned commission. 1836 moved to Moscow & studied philosophy. 1836 translated Fichte's Lectures on the Vocation of the Scholar. 1838 March: published Preface to Hegel's Gymnasium Lectures. 1840 moved to St. Petersburg & in June to Berlin to study and prepare for a professorship at the University of Moscow. 1842 moved to Dresden & collaborates with Arnold Ruge in publishing Deutsche Jahrbücher. 1842 published "Reaction in Germany" in October. 1843 moved to Bern & Zurich, meets Wilhelm Weitling. February 1844 moved to Paris, via Brussels. February 1844 ordered home by Russian government. December 1844 stripped of his nobel status & sentenced in abstensia to hard labor in Siberia. 1844-1847 meets & talks with Proudhon often & Marx occasionally, & is on friendly terms with George Sand. November 29, 1847 at the banquet in Paris commemorating the Polish insurrection of 1830, Bakunin delivered a speech denouncing the Russian government & is subsequently expelled from France. Russian ambassador, in an attempt to discredit Bakunin, circulates the false rumor that Bakunin is employed by the Russian government to pose as a revolutionary. 1847 expelled from France in December & moved to Brussels where he met Marx again. February 1848 returned to Paris after February Revolution. March 1848 met Marx & Engels in Cologne & split begins over Marx's denunciation of Bakunin's frined Herwegh, who had led an ill-fated expedition of German exiles to Baden in the hope of instigating an uprising. June 1848 particpated in Slav Congress & insurrection in Prague. June 1848 Marx publishes false report that Bakunin is a Russian agent responsible for the arrest of Poles. Latter part of 1848 expelled from Prussia & Saxony, & spends the rest of the year in the principality of Anhalt. December 1848 Appeal to the Slavs. published. January 1849 secretly arrived in Leipzig to prepare for an uprising in Bohemia. April 1849 moved to Dresden. May 3, 1849 popular rebellion broke out in Dresden & Bakunin emerged as a "heroic" leader. May 9. 1849 the rebellion crushed, Bakunin, Richard Wagner and Heuber escaped to Chemnitz where Bakunin & Heuber are arrested while Wagner hides in his sister's house & escapes. June 1850 death sentence commuted to life imprisonment, after which Bakunin is extradited to Austria. March 1851, after first being jailed in Prague, then Olmütz where he is sentenced to hang. Although the death sentence is commuted, Bakunin is chained hand & foot to the prison wall & suffers acutely. Shortly thereafter, he is handed over to the Russians and imprisoned in the dungeons of the Fortress of Peter & Paul. 1851 Confession to Tsar Nicholas I. 1854 moved toSchüsselberg prison where he succumbs to scurvy, causing his teath to fall out. 1857 Tsar Alexander relents, Bakunin is released from prison and sentenced to perpetual exile in Siberia. 1858 married Antonia Kwiatkowski, a young Polish girl, on October 5 & moved to Irkutsk. June 1861 Bakunin contrives to escape Siberia, arrives in Nikolavsk in July, sails on the Strelok to Kastri where he boards an American merchant ship, Vickery, to Hakodate, Japan. Next he makes his way to Yokohama, and, in October, sails to San Francisco. In November he crosses to New York, & on DECEMBER 27, 1861 he arrived in London. 1862 published To My Russian, Polish & Other Slav Friends, & The People's Cause: Romanov, Pugachev, or Pestel? 1863 goes to Stockholm & is reunited with his wife, then back to London, & on to Italy. Mid-1864 back to Sweden, then London, where he saw Marx, and on to Paris where he renewed his friendship with Proudhon, finally moving to Italy where he stayed until 1867. He settled first in Florence. 1864 founded the journal Libertà e Giustizia. October 1865 moved to Naples. 1866 founded International Brotherhood, or the Alliance of Revolutionary Socialists. 1867 travels to Geneva, attends & addresses the inaugural Congress of the League for Peace & Freedom & writes Federalism, Socialism & Anti-Theologism. September 25, 1868 founds the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy. July 1868 Bakunin joined the Geneva section of the International Workingmen's Association. Moved to Geneva. January 1869 secret "Alliance" dissolved. March 1869 began his collaboration with Nechaev. Fall 1869 moved to Locarno & translated first volume of Marx's Das Kapital. September 1869 attended Basle Congress of International. March 28, 1870 Marx addessed his "Confidential Communication" to his German friends to stir up hatred against Bakunin by declaring him an agent of the pan-Slavist party from which he allegedly received 25,000 francs per year. June 1870 broke relations with Nechaev. August 1870 Bakunin expelled from the Geneva section of the International due to his support for the Jura faction. 1870 Published Letters to a Frenchman. September 9, 1870 left Locarno & arrived in Lyons Sept 15. September 28, 1870 a popular uprising is suppressed, & Bakunin is forced to flee in the face of an arrest warrant. He hid in Marseilles. October 24, 1870 sailed from Marseilles to Locarno. 1870-71 Wrote The Knouto-Germanic Empire, including the sections published posthumously as God & the State. 1871 Wrote The Paris Commune & the Idea of the State and published The Political Theory of Mazzini & the International. Summer & Autumn 1872 Bakunin stayed in Zurich. September 7, 1872 Bakunin expelled from the International at the Hague congress. 1873 Published Statism & Anarchy. October 12, 1873 Bakunin retired from the struggle & resigned from the Jura Federation. First half of 1874 spent in Italy where Bakunin lived with Cafiero near Locarno. July 1874 Bakunin joins his friends in Bologna where they have planned an uprising, but is forced to return to Switzerland in disguise & settled in Lugano. 1875 in poor health Bakunin traveled to Bern & is hospitalized. July 1, 1876 at noon Bakunin died. Important Links Anarcho-Communism Web Page: Anarchism in Turkey: Anarchist Texts in Turkish: Anarchist News,What's on Revolt: International Anarchism Web Page: Anarchism & Radical Left Thinkers: Biography Three of the most notable types of the revolutionistic innovators of this century are Mazzini (1808--1872), Proudhon (1809--1865), and Bakunin (1814--1876). All three were essentially "men of 48." The culmination of their teaching was then first attempted to be put in practice. But they were so much in advance of their time, that it may still be generations ere the seed they sowed shall ripen into fruit. The three were alike in restless daring, and noble aspiration. But the Italian was the refined & passionate idealist, the Frenchman the intrepid thinker, & the Russian the sturdy man of action. It is with Bakunin, as the least known in England, that I propose at present to briefly deal. Bakunin, the founder of Russian Nihilism, was born at Torshok, in the department of Tver, in 1814. He came of an aristocratic family & was educated for military service at St.Petersburg. Even in these early years he seems to have seen that soldiers were serfs bribed by pay & decorations to keep down their fellow serfs. The artillery branch, in which he was, in common with the most favored aristocracy, had greater freedom, of thought & research than any other branch of the service, & the powerful mind of Bakunin was stimulated towards philosophy. Hegalianism was then rising in vogue, & he obtained permission to study in Germany. He visited Berlin, Dresden & Leipsic, mastering the Hegelian philosophy, which he afterwards characterised as the "Algebra of Revolution," but already inclining to the heterodox school which produced men like Ludwig Freuerbach & David Friedrich Strauss. Bakunin himself put forward several notable philosophical essays under the nom de guerre of "Jules Elisard." In 1843 he visited Paris & became acquainted with Pierre Joseph Proudhon, who in that year published his profound work on The Creation of Order in Humanity. The Russian became, a disciple of the French Anarchist, & the next few years of his life were devoted to making the Social Democratic movement also anarchist & international. His permission to reside abroad, which had only brought on him the suspicion of being a Russian spy, was recinded by the Russian Government. Instead of obeying the order to return to Russia he issued an address to Poles and Russians to unite in a Pan-Slavonic revolutionary confederation. Ten thousand roubles were offered for his arrest, & the French government expelled him. But the revolution of February 1848 brought him back to Paris, whence he rushed as a torch of revolution to Prague to stir up the Congress of Slavs. Soon after we find him in Saxony, where be became a member of the insurrectionsry government. Forced to fly from Dresden he was captured, sent to prison, and condemned to death in May 1850. His sentence was commuted to imprisonment for life. He contrived to escape into Austria, was again captured & sentenced to death, but eventually was surrendered to Russia. He was kept for several years in a dungeon in the fortress of Neva, & at length was deported to Siberia. He spent many years amid the horrors of penal servitude, but his spirit was unvanquished. He finally succeeded in escaping & walking eastward over a thousand miles, under extreme hardship, & at last reached the sea & obtained passage to Japan. From there he sailed to California, thence to New York, & in 1860 appeared in London. He had suffered innumerable hardships and adventures, had mixed with all sorts & conditions of men, from the rulers of Europe to the wild hairy Ainus, & had everywhere found that government was tyranny. He threw himself into revolutionary schemes with redoubled enthusiasm. With Hertzen he published the Kolokol, or Tocsin of Revolution. His demand for the abolition of the State drew him more & more into conflict with the Marxian wing of the revolutionary Socialist party, & in 1872 he was expelled from the Congress of the International Association, carrying however, thirty delegates with him. Meanwhile he had helped to build up the Nihilist party in Russia on the basis of undoing, present injustice without seeking to hamper, or even to guide, the natural evolution of the future. Switzerland was his only safe centre of operations, & here, with hands, heart & brain full of revolutionary schemes, he died on July 1st, 1876. Carlo Cafiero & Elisée Reclus, in their preface to Bakunin's God & the State, say: "In Russia among the students, in Germany among the insurgents of Dresden, in Siberia among his brothers in exile, in America, in England, in France, in Switzerland, in ItaIy among all earnest men, his direct influence has been considerable. The originality of his ideas, the imagery and vehemence of his eloquence, his untiring zeal in propagandism, helped too by the natural majesty of his person & by a powerful vitality, gave Bakunin access to all the socialistic revolutionary groups, & his efforts left deep traces everywhere, even upon those who, after having welcomed him, thrust him out because of a difference of object or method." Bakunin, it is evident, was rather the stimulator than the organiser. He wrote wonderful letters, arousing the torpid and nerving the timid. Fertile in suggestion, his writings were of the nature of fragments cast off red-hot from the fiery furnace of his mind. "My life," he used to say, "is but a fragment." Most notable of the aforesaid fragments is his booklet on God & the State, in which those twin instruments of oppression are attacked with equal vehemence & vigor. It is on the pretence of divine authority that human authority is founded, and Bakunin, "apostle of destruction" as he was called by the Belgian economist Lavaleye, looked forward to the time when "human justice will be substituted for divine justice." Bakunin shows that the superstitions and stupidities of religious belief are the natural outcome of ignorance & oppression, with only the dram- shop and the church, debauchery of the body & debauchery of the mind, as the relief to a life of serfdom. But the work is accessible to all, & to those who like to come into contact with a vigorous mind I say:--"Read it; & if you do not like it, Read it again By J. M. W. http://members.tripod.com/~anarcho/




3510 -- Sébastien Faure (1858-1942) ANARCHIST ARCHIVE He was very well educated at Jesuit schools & intended for the priesthood, but after his father's death he went into the insurance business. After military service, he spent a year in England. He married & moved to Bordeaux (in south-western France). He soon lost his faith & became a socialist. He stood unsuccessfully as a candidate of the Parti Ouvrier (the Marxist Workers Party) . In 1894 he was one of the defendants in the Trial of the Thirty, when the French authorities tried unsuccessfully to suppress the anarchist movement by implicating its leaders in criminal conspiracies, & was acquitted. He wasinvolved in several papers at various times in several parts of France, the most important of which was Le Libertaire (The Libertarian), which he started with Louise Michel in November 1895 & which appeared weekly on & off until June 1914. SECONDARY MATERIAL

http://perso.respublica.fr/groupe-ferrer/PEDAGOGIEFAURE.htm

On his school,
http://flag.blackened.net/ksl/bullet15.htm#Faure


http://struggle.ws/revolt/ws98/ws55_louise.html

3510 -- ARCHIVE; really bad translation to clean up:

International federation of independent revolutionary art [ F.I.A.R.I. ] IDENTITY : Place : Paris Beginning of activities : 1938 End of activities : 1939 PORTRAITS : /

GLANCES : /

COMMENTS :

The " F.i.a.r.i. " was born from the meeting, in Mexico City, in May 1938, of Andre Breton & Leon Trotsky. Together, they decide to write a proclamation for the unconditional freedom of art, against all the middle-class or Stalinist attempts at recovery; that gives For an independent revolutionary art, that, for tactical reasons, Diego Rivera sign in the place of Leon Trotsky. The authors of this call want to also found a federation who would gather, on a worldwide scale, the revolutionary & independent artists. The watchword will be:

The independence of art - for the revolution The revolution - for the final release of art

Returned to France, André Breton endeavours to create the French national Committee of this federation. The surrealist ones adhere to it from the start but also writers proletarian (Marcel Martinet, Henry Poulaille, Maurice Wullens), Marxists in rupture of round of applause (Victor Serge, Rene Lefeuvre, Magdaleine Paz) & even of individualities like Yves Allégret, Jean Giono or Marceau Green woodpecker.

Elsewhere, the " F.I.A.R.I. " has a development of weakest. In Mexico, Diego Will rivet & Leon Trotsky separate. In the United States, an organization created in solidarity with the " F.I.A.R.I. ", the " farming League for, freedom & socialism ", formed at the instigation of the Partisan review. Attempts will also take place in Great Britain, around Herbert Read, & in Egypt, around the group " Art & freedom ".

In France, the political climate darkens & the tensions burst, within the " F.I.A.R.I. ", between the surrealist ones & the proletarian writers. The day before the war, the federation enters in deliquescence " before to have even begun its tãche " (Maurice Nadeau, Histoire of surrealism).

**time-out** " All himself pass like if the activity mental, in the direction the more various mark a downtime d' arrêt, as if the spirit be inform that nothing be more in measurement to make move back the plague " (Andre Breton).

In 1966, a new attempt at federation based on the " F.I.A.R.I. " will try to be born around the surrealist group " dissenting ", " Rupture ". The French surrealist group will affix an end there not-to receive with the leaflet with the explicit title: " Neither today, nor in this manner ".

ACTORS :

Organizers :

Andre Breton Leon Trotsky Yves Allégret Michel Collinet Jean Giono Maurice Heine Pierre Mabille Andre Masson Henry Poultry Gerard Rosenthal (Francis Gerard) Maurice Wullens

Members or Present :

Adolphe Acker Denise Bellon (1939) Paul Bénichou Pierre Shepherd Roger Blin Jacques B Brunius Claude Cahun Nicolas Fixed Michel Carrouges Jean-François Chabrun (1939) Gaston Criel Luc Daurat Frederic Delanglade Jean Delmas Jean-Claude Diamond-Shepherd (1939) Maurice Dommanget (1939) Marcel Duhamel Gaston Ferdière Marcel Fourrier (1939) Roger Gilbert-Lecomte George Henein Maurice Henry George Hugnet (1939) Lucien Hérard Sylvain Itkine Marcel Jean Simone Kahn Jef Last Rene Lefeuvre Michel Leiris (1939) Jean Lévy (Jean Ferry) Maurice Files Léo Malet Victor Margueritte Marcel Trip hammer (1939) Gaston Modot Pierre Minne (1939) Maurice Nadeau Albert Paraz Henri Pastoureau Magdeleine Paz Benjamin Péret Marceau Green woodpecker Charles Ratton Herbert Read (1939) Robert Rius Léo Sabas Roger Sby (1939) Victor Serge Gerard de Sède (1939) Ignazio Silone Yves Tanguy Andre Thirion Francis Vian

Close relations : /

Enemies : /

ACTIVITIES :

Events : /

Reviews :

Key (Paris, 1939)

Proclamations :

For a revolutionary art independent of Andre Breton, Diego Will rivet, Leon Trotsky (Mexico City, 1938)

http://www.argyro.net/~revsur/encyclo/fiari.htm




3510 -- DADA ARCHIVES

Artists of DaDaism


For a list of artists by city, click here.
http://www.peak.org/~dadaist/English/Graphics/artists.html


3510 -- ANARCHIST ARCHIVE Suzanne La Folette was the key link between 19th century & 20th century libertarian feminism in America. Her noted work Concerning Women11 was published in 1926, & she helped Albert Jay Nock establish The Freeman, a leading political & literary journal of the time.12 Later, after World War Two, she was also involved with the founding of William Buckley's National Review (which, alas, turned into a primarily conservative rather than libertarian journal). http://www.digiweb.com/igeldard/LA/pamphlets/lib-fem.htm#chapVIII


3519 -- archive

alt; Nestor Machno
VICTOR PETERS COLLECTION

Scope: 1966-67 Size: .3 c.f. Language: Ukrainian, French, German, English, Russian

The collection consists of correspondence, articles, & reviews related to Victor Peters research for his book Nestor Makhno: The Life of an Anarchist (Winnipeg: Echo Books, 1970). The book traces the career of Nestor Makhno & the history of his anarchist movement in the Ukrainian revolutionary ferment of 1917-21. In writing the book, Peters appealed to people who lived through those years & later succeeded in leaving the Soviet Union. The correspondence reflects eyewitness reports that the author solicited from Ukrainians, German Mennonite colonists, & others who either knew Makno personally or who witnessed his insurgent activities, such as I. Antypenko, Fotii Meleshko, Father Iahodskyi & Zenon Jaworsky. Peters also established contact with people in France who described Makhno's life in exile, such as May Picqueray, who received Makhno as a refugee in Paris, & Ida Mett, who worked with him for several years. The collection also contains articles (in German, Russian & Ukrainian) that Peters collected during his research, as well as a copy of his book (in German) & its reviews.

BIOGRAPHY

Victor Peters is a professor emeritus of Moorhead State College in Minnesota, where he taught history for many years. Of German-Mennonite background, he comes from the same area in Ukraine where Makhno carried out his anarchism. Peters studied Russian & Soviet history at the University of Manitoba & the University of GÖttingen. He has also published books on the Hutterite Brethren, Mennonites, & Low German literature.

http://www.sabre.org/huri/library/archives/peters.html


http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/Encyclopedia/Makhno/MakhnoFromBleed.htm


3519 -- anarchist songs

chansons

The International in English, French & German

Spanish Revolution

'Sons of the People' 'A las Barricadas' The Mujeres Libres anthem Los moros que trajo Franco

Italy Addio A Lugano L'interrogatorio di Sante Caserio Inno della rivolta Ballata per l'anarchico Pinelli La locomotiva Figli dell'officina

Mexico Himno Revolucionario in 'Spanish' (Translation sought) The Zapatista anthem

Russia "La Makhnovtchina"

France 'Les Anarchistes' Le deserteur

Australia Waltzing Wharfie

German Die Moorsoldaten Brüder, zur Sonne, zur Freiheit Auf, auf zum Kampf!

I'd very much appreciate translations or notes on any of these songs. I'd also appreciate the lyrics of any other Anarchist, libertarian & rebel songs you might be able to send me. Email platform@geocities.com

Part of the International Anarchism web pages This page added to MUSIC database May 2002 http://struggle.ws/revolt/songs.html




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3519 -- --- 1999 Titles ---

Kathryn Pyne Addelson, Impure Thoughts: Essays on Philosophy, Feminism, & Ethics (Temple University Press, paper, pp. 256, 1991). List price: $16.95

C. George Benello, From the Ground Up: Essays on Grassroots & Worklplace Democracy (South End Press, paper, pp. 251, 1992). List price: $12

Murray Bookchin, The Modern Crisis (New Society Publishers, paper, pp. 167, 1986). List price: $9.95

Wini Breines, Community & Organization in the New Left, 1962-1968: The Great Refusal (Rutgers University Press, paper, pp. 187, 1989). List price: $35

Paul Buhle (editor), History & the New Left: Madison, Wisconsin, 1950-1970 (Temple University Press, paper, pp. 295, 1990). List price: $22.95

Patrick Coy (editor), A Revolution of the Heart: Essays on the Catholic Worker (Temple University Press, hardcover, pp. 388, 1988). List price: $39.95

Alice Echols, Daring to be Bad: Radical Feminism in America, 1967-1975 (University of Minnesota Press, pp. 416, 1989). List price: $16.95

George Richard Esenwein, Anarchist Ideology & the Working Class Movement in Spain, 1868-1898 (University of California Press, hardcover, pp. 273, 1989). List price: $42.50 (out of print)

Richard K. Fenn, The Spirit of Revolt (Rowman & Littlefield, pp. 179, hardcover, 1986). List price: $50 (out of print)

Paul Goodman, Format & Anxiety: Paul Goodman Critiques the Media (Autonomedia, paper, pp. 250, 1995). List price: $12

Martin Green, The Origins of Nonviolence: Tolstoy & Gandhi in Their Historical Settings (Pennsylvania State University, hardcover, pp. 256, 1988). List: $27.95.

Christopher Eaton Gunn, Workers' Self-management in the United States (Cornell University Press, pp. 251, 1984). List price $15.95

Frank Harrison, The Modern State: An Anarchist Analysis (Black Rose Books, paper, pp. 225, 1983). List price: $13.99

John M. Hart, Anarchism & the Mexican Working Class, 1860-1931 (University of Texas Press, paper, pp. 249, 1978). List price: $16 (out of print)

Stephen Nathan Haymes, Race, Culture, & the City: A Pedagogy for Black Urban Struggle (State University of New York Press, pp. 167, 1995). List price: $15

Thierry Hentsch, Imagining the Middle East (Consortium Book Sales & Dist., paper, pp. 218, 1996). List price: $19.95

Dirk Hoerder (editor), "Struggle a Hard Battle": Essays on Working Class Immigrants (Northern Illinois University Press, hardcover, pp. 375, 1986). List price: $32

Alice A. Jardine & Anne M. Menke (editors), Shifting Scenes: Interviews on Women, Writing, & Politics in Post-68 France (Columbia University Press, hardcover, pp. 222, 1991). List price: $35

Temma Kaplan, Crazy for Democracy: Women in Grassroots Movements (Routledge, paper, pp. 243, 1997). List price: $17.95

Hartmut Keil & John B. Jentz (editors), German Workers in Industrial Chicago, 1850-1910: A Comparative Perspective (Northern Illinois University Press, hardcover, pp. 252, 1983). List price: $35

Michael Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Temple University Press, hardcover, pp. 252, 1990). List price: $45

Ken Knabb, Public Secrets: Collected Skirmishes of Ken Knabb, 1970-1997 (Bureau of Public Secrets, paper, pp. 408, 1997). List price: $15

Peter Kropotkin, Fields, Factories & Workshops (Transaction, paper, pp. 477, 1992). List price: $10

Neil McWilliam, Dreams of Happiness: Social Art & the French Left, 1830-1850 (Princeton University Press, hardcover, pp. 385, 1993). List price $59.50

Colin M. MacLachlan, Anarchism & the Mexican Revolution: The Political Trials of Ricardo Flores Magón in the United States (University of California Press, pp. 185, 1991). List price: $14

Lowis MacNay, Foucault & Feminism: Power, Gender & the Self (Northeastern University Press, paper, pp. 217, 1993). List price: $15.95

Emily Martin, The Woman in the Body: A Cultural Analysis of Reproduction (Beacon Press, paper, pp. 276, 1992). List price: $16

Bill Marshall, Victor Serge: The Uses of Dissent (Berg Pub Ltd, hardcover, pp. 227, 1992). List price $19.50

Todd May, The Political Philosophy of Poststructuralist Anarchism (Pennsylvania State University Press, paper, pp. 165, 1994). List price: $13.95

Donald L. Miller, Lewis Mumford: A Life (University of Pittsburgh Press, paper, pp. 628, 1992). List price: $24.95

J. Carrol Moody (editor), Perspectives on American Labor History: The Problem of Synthesis (Northern Illinois University Press, paper, pp. 236, 1990). List price: $16

William Morris, Art & Society: Lectures & Essays, (George Hill Publications, paper, pp. 174, 1993). List price: $15 (out of print)

William Morris, News from Nowhere, (Cambridge University Press, paper, pp. 229, 1995). List price: $18.95

Benjamin Péret, Death to the Pigs, & Other Writings (University of Nebraska Press, paper, pp. 219, 1988). List price: $8.95

Graham Purchase, Anarchism & Environmental Survival (See Sharp Press, paper, pp. 156). List price: $10.

James Henry Rubin, Realism & Social Vision in Courbet & Proudhon (Princeton University Press, hardcover, pp. 177, 1980). List price: $32.50 (out of print)

Michael Seidman, Workers Against Work: Labor in Paris & Barcelona during the Popular Fronts (University of California Press, hardcover, pp. 399, 1991). List price: $50

Louise A. Tilly, Politics & Class in Milan, 1881-1901 (Oxford University Press, hardcover, pp. 355, 1992). List price: $40 (out of print)

Larry Tifft & Dennis Sullivan, The Struggle to Be Human: Crime, Criminology, & Anarchism (Cienfuegos Press, hardcover, pp. 208, 1980). List price: $15 (out of print)

Alice Wexler, Emma Goldman in Exile: From the Russian Revolution to the Spanish Civil War (Beacon Press, hardcover, pp. 301, 1989). List price: $24.95

Alfred F. Young, (editor), Dissent: Explorations in the History of American Radicalism (Northern Illinois University Press, paper, pp. 388, 1980). List price: $16

Society & Nature, Vol. 1, No. 1. List price: $8 (featuring essays by Murray Bookchin, Janet Biehl, Dan Chodorkoff, & others) http://home.newyorknet.net/ias/greatbooks.htm




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3529 -- JESSICA MITFORD image


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4000 --



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4000 --



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4000 -- IWW IMAGES


4001 -- IMAGE ARCHIVE & REFERENCE PAGE FOR BLEED USE


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4001 --



Muppet on a toilet
4001 -- pointer move XXX
Anarchist Time Line, Almanac & ChronologyAnarchist Encyclopedia Quick Index / Anarchici Enciclopedia, Lexikonia



4002 -- russian revolution poster image



Uh oh?
4003 -- eyes & toothy GRIMACE image archive




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4004 -- hemingway http://www.ee.mcgill.ca/~nverever/hem/pindex.html


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4004 -- content image archive


anarchist-cercle
4500 -- french calendar ?
? http://ytak.club.fr/janvier1.html#2


4500 -- Yer Daveness..... Here is some update material for some Daily Bleed entries, some quotes for you to use, & a reference you might find useful, & a couple of questions about Daily Bleed entries,..... Quotes for Daily Bleed use:

Let Congress take care of the Rich, & the Rich will take care of the Poor. -- Daniel Webster

@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!* Possible Daily Bleed reference material: Here's a reference I found last month while doing research up at the Library of Congress. It definitely has some good material for the Daily Bleed. I left the Library of Congress card catalog number & accession number attached in case it helps you locate it:

    orange diamond dingbatSee Michael Newton, Racial & Religious Violence in America: A Chronology. NY: Garland, 1991.
@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!* Scott W. Langill Arbeit mach das leben suesse, slangill@cpcug.org aber faulheit staerkt die gliederung. @#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*@#!*



4500 -- LUNAR LUNATION



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4500 -- Mr Artist ..... bleed him when needed. http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Oracle/2714/gallery1a.html




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4500 --
http://www.main.com/~jaw/error.html http://www.alkalinetrio.com/julie/




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4500 -- ? http://www.angelfire.com/ak2/T...index.html




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4500 -- ANARCHY 3 http://www.geocities.com/Area51/Corridor/1322/artwork.htm


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4500 -- EG



4503 -- image


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5000 --


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5000 --
http://www.gis.net/~scatt/anarchy.html
http://www.zpub.com/notes/aan-art.html

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5000 --


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5000 -- GREEN A CHECK LINKS http://results.netmechanic.com/aps4/nph-link.cgi?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.recollectionbooks.com%2Fbleed%2F1214.htm&group1=one_page&group2=foreground&robot=link_check&site_name=ZDNet&email=&Go=%20%20%20Go%20%20%20&check_remote=%20%20&


5000 -- BOOKS FOR IMAGES http://www.pobladores.com/territorios/gente/EDICIONES_ANTORCHA/pagina/6


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5000 --



5000 -- 2001 RUNNING NOTES FOR BLEED: All anarchy calendar from Utah Rev done. For sept Finland: Lit 9/1, 9/2 Ench 9/1, 9/2 Hist 9/1, 9/2 calendars US Labor online Hippie history 10/98 saved copies of French anarchist calendar; also downloaded images to folder \bleed\image archive france in case this page disappears from internet


9001 -- Autonomia & the Origin of the Black Bloc

>From rcam Date Sun, 10 Jun 2001 15:42:20 -0400 (EDT) ________________________________________________ A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E http://www.ainfos.ca/ ________________________________________________

> Article by: Daniel Dylan Young > Summary:Whether the Black Bloc continues as a tactic or is abandoned, it certainly has served its purpose. In certain places and times the Black Bloc effectively empowered people to take action in collective solidarity against the violence of state & capitalism. It is important that we neither cling to it nostalgically as an outdated ritual or tradition, nor reject it wholesale because it sometimes seems inappropriate. Rather we should continue working pragmatically to fulfill our individual needs & desires through various tactics & objectives, as they are appropriate at the specific moment. Masking up in Black Bloc has its time and place, as do other tactics which conflict with it. > > Article: > \"Those in authority fear the mask for their power partly resides in identifying, stamping & cataloguing: in knowing who you are...our masks are not to conceal our identity but to reveal it...Today we shall give this resistance a face; for by putting on our masks we reveal our unity; & by raising our voices in the street together, we speak our anger at the facelessness of power...\" >

> --from a message printed on the inside of 9000 masks distributed at the June 18th, 1999 Carnival Against Capital which destroyed the financial district of central London > > At the WTO protests in Seattle last year, somewhere from 100 to 300 anarchists & others dressed up in black & systematically trashed the storefronts of odious multinational corporations. Since then the tactic of the \"Black Bloc\" has been getting quite a bit of attention from different people concerned with social change. All sorts of upper middle class, trust-fund progressives & liberals have prattled on moralistically to great length about how there is no room for such behavior in their movement. At the same time, the Black Bloc in Seattle inspired a renewed interest in militant protest tactics which do not placate authority or bow to its power.

The N30 Black Bloc, along with many other aspects of the events in Seattle, has also inspired radical anarchists to stop hiding out inside liberal activist groups with reformist agendas, & start being more vocal in their demands for revolution & total social change. Besides the rapid proliferation of anarchist publicatio! > ns & organizations, clear evidence of this resurgence of anarchism in the United States can be seen in the large Black Blocs which were present on April 16th in Washington D.C., at the Democratic and Republican National Conventions this summer, & at many other marches, protests and actions from sea to shining sea. For good or ill, it seems that in the last year the Black Bloc has become an American tradition, & it all started with those brave kids back in Seattle. > > Or did it? In fact, November 30th was far from the first time that a large group of radicals dressed up in black with black masks in order to engage in militant protest in anonymity & solidarity. The Black Bloc as an agreed upon protest tactic may be as much as 20 years old. Its origins in fact lie with the European Autonomen or autonomists, a radical social movement that didn\'t even necessarily proclaim itself anarchist, though many of its tactics & ideas have become widely appreciated & adopted by self-proclaimed anarchists. > > About Autonomy > > Autonomia, Autonomen, or autonomists have been the names used for various popular social change & countercultural movements in Italy, Germany, Denmark, Holland & other parts of Europe in the last 3 decades. All these different movements have sought to radically oppose authority, domination and violence anywhere that they exist in contemporary life (which is pretty much everywhere). Autonomy in this case does not mean some kind of regional superiority complex or isolationism, as with statist nationalism, nor does it mean individual autonomy at the expense of the majority, as is the the basis of capitalism. What autonomists value & desire is the freedom for individuals to choose others with whom they share an affinity, & band together with them to survive & fulfill all of their needs and desires collectively, without interference from greedy, violent individuals or huge inhuman bureaucracies. > > The first so-called autonomists were those individuals involved in the Italian Autonomia movement that got its start during the Hot Autumn of 1969, a time of intense social unrest. Throughout the 1970s in Italy a widespread movement for total social change was initiated by autonomous groups of factory workers, women & students. Capitalists, labor unions & the statist Communist Party bureaucracy had nothing to do with this movement, and in fact worked hard to repress & stop it. Yet the power structure was often at a loss with how to deal with the near complete refusal of large areas of the population to obey the rules & orders of authority. >

> Despite the rapid proliferation of direct action, strikes, rent strikes, mass squats, streetfighting, university occupations and other popularly supported radical actions during the 1970s, the Italian movement eventually subsided. This was partly due to violent attacks, imprisonment & murders of radicals by the police & the Communist party-controlled central government. At the same time the response to this escalation of state violence was often an escalation of terrorism by elite radical urban guerilla groups . This self-defensive terrorism often served to turn people away from a large scale, public social change movement. Some chose to become more militant & secretive, while others abandoned politics all together for a seemingly more peaceful life of obedience to authority. >

> Building Revolutionary Dual Power -- The Culture of the Autonomen > 9001 - FROM ATLANTIS TO AVALON & BEYOND. by ROBERTS. ANTHONY. F. (1940-1990).: Glastonbury, England: Zodiac House Publications, 1990. 55pp Pamphlet published after the author's death. In FINE (almost like new) CONDITION. The Author was born in 1940 and died in 1990, & this volume commemorates his life gently, simply & with illustrations, reproducing some of his poems and recording the impact that he had upon his friends. He was a revolutionary & an anarchist, a jazz fan & a New Age writer and this affectionate memoir recalls his brief life. From the working library of ALTERNATIVE MEDICINE WRITER & HEALTH GURU LESLIE KENTON. See Keywords KENTON & ALTERNATIVE MEDICINE for Comprehensive List. (Keywords: kenton. alternative medicine. glastonbury. atlantis. avalon. new age. the sixties. seventies. anarchism. anarchy. eel pie island.) 9001 - Request for help: Australian anarchist history - Dundonald Dundonald, a Scottish engineering worker, first met Nechaev & Bakunin in Geneva in 1869. He was so impressed with their ideas that he translated The Catechism of a Revolutionist into English in 1870. When he returned to Scotland he devoted himself to organising syndicalist groups & became involved in actions to sabotage the spread of industrialisation in Scotland. He was forced to flee Scotland because of his activities & eventually turned up in Australia. He reversed his name to Donald Duncan but continued to be involved in workplace activity. His best known works are "The Great Fire of Melbourne" published in 1898 & his analysis of the Sunshine Railway accident at Sunshine Harvesters, one of Australia’s expanding new industrial complexes at the edge of Melbourne. He published this work in 1908. Although growing old & concerned about being sent back to Scotland to face charges, he gave moral support to the emerging Industrial Workers of The World. I'm keen to learn more about Dundonald’s life in Melbourne. I understand his descendants still live in Melbourne. If anybody has any access to information about this man & his life, or if anybody has seen or has a copy of ‘The Great Fire of Melbourne’ published in 1898, can they Email me at anarchistage@yahoo.com, write to me at PO Box 20, Parkville 3052, Melbourne, Australia or contact me via The Anarchist Age Institute (03) 9828 2856. Joseph Toscano. PS. I understand his grandson spent some time in Pentridge prison in Melbourne in the late 1960’s / early 1970’s & may have had some contact with the anarchist movement in Melbourne during this period. Source of article - Melbourne Anarchist Archives Vol. 1 1966-1973 9001 - COCKROACH http://www.zmag.org/AWatch/awatch.htm > Though the revolutionary potential of the Italian Autonomia in the 1970s died down, their vibrance, confidence & empowerment was an inspiration to young people in West Germany in the 1980s. Inspired also by the Amsterdam squatters\' movements & youth organization in Switzerland, young Germans in Berlin, Hamburg & other major cities began building their own autonomous culture & social groups based upon radical resistance and alternative ways of life. > > The direction & composition of radical organization in West Germany in the 1980s was partly determined by the reigning economic recession & the forms it took. Because of the well established connections between industrial unions & the German government, the effects of this recession were felt not so much by blue collar workers, but by young people who found it increasingly impossible to secure jobs & housing and thereby move out of their parents\' home & become socially & financially independent. Therefore points for autonomous youth mobilization included the stifling conformity of rural German society & the nuclear family, serious housing shortages, high unemployment--as well as the continued illegal status of abortion & government plans for a massive expansion of nuclear power. > > As a result of economic recession & flight to the suburbs, at the end of the 1970s huge tracts of buildings in different German inner cities, especially West Berlin, lay abandoned by developers or government agencies. Squatting these buildings was a viable option for impoverished young people looking for independence from the nuclear family home. Vibrant squatters\' communities grew up in the Kreuzberg neighborhood of Berlin, the Haffenstrasse squats of Hamburg & in other concentration points. The cornerstone of these communities was communal living, and the creation of radical social centers: infoshops, bookstores, coffeehouses, meeting halls, bars, concert halls, art galleries, & other multi-use spaces where grassroots political, artistic & social culture were developed as an alternative to nuclear family life, TV dreams and mass-produced pop culture. > > >From these safe social spaces grew major grassroots initiatives to fight nuclear power; to break down patriarchy & gender roles; to show solidarity with oppressed people throughout the world by attacking the European-based multinational corporations or financial institutions like the World Bank; and after German reunification, to fight the rising tide of conservative neo-Nazism. > > Similar initiatives for alternative living as resistance were percolating in the 1980s (and in some places much earlier) in Holland, Denmark and elsewhere throughout northern Europe. Eventually all of these northern Europeans living in decentralized social groups dedicated to creating a non-coercive, non-hierarchical society became collectively labeled as \"Autonomen.\" Over time the autonomists\' ideas & tactics also migrated throughout the reunited post-Iron Curtain Europe. I personally have visited radical autonomous social centers in England, Spain, Italy, Croatia, Slovenia, & the Czech Republic. > > Hardline Oppression, Militant Resistance, & the Origins of the Black Bloc > > >From the beginning the West German state did not take kindly to young Autonomen, whether they were occupying nuclear power plant building sites or unused apartment buildings. In the winter of 1980 the Berlin city government decided to take a hardline against the thousands of young people living in squats throughout the city: they decided to criminalize, attack & evict them into the cold winter streets. This was a much more shocking & unusual action in Germany than it would be in the U.S., & created much popular disgust & condemnation of the police & government. > > >From December 1980 on there was an escalating cycle of mass arrests, street fighting, & new squatting in Berlin & throughout Germany. The Autonomen were not to be cowed, & each eviction was responded to with several new building occupations. When squatters in the south German city of Freiburg were mass arrested, rallies & demonstrations supporting them and condemning the police state\'s eviction policy took place in every major city in Germany. In Berlin on that day, later dubbed \"Black Friday,\" upwards of 15,000 to 20,000 people took to the streets and destroyed an upper class shopping area.(1) > > This was the seething cauldron of oppression and resistance from which the Black Bloc was birthed. In late 1981 the German government began legalizing certain squats in an attempt to divide the counterculture and marginalize more radical segments. But these tactics were slow to pacify the popular radical movement--especially since the period of 1980-81 had seen not only a brutal treatment of squatters but also the largest police mobilization in Germany since the reign of the third Reich in order to attack non-violent, sitting protesters at the \"Free Republic of Wendland,\" an encampment of 5000 activists blocking the construction of the Gorleben nuclear waste dump.(2) Even formerly ardent pacifists had been radicalized by the experience of sustained, violent police oppression against diverse squats and activist occupations. > > In response to violent state oppression radical activists developed the tactic of the Black Bloc: they went to protests & marches wearing black motorcycle helmets & ski masks & dressing in uniform black clothing (or, for the most prepared, wearing padding & steel-toed boots and bringing their own shields & truncheons). In Black Bloc, autonomen and other radicals could more effectively fend off police attacks, without being singled out as individuals for arrest & harassment later on. And, as everyone quickly figured out, having a massive group of people all dressed the same with their faces covered not only helps in defending against the police, but also makes it easier for saboteurs to take the offensive against storefronts, banks & any other material symbols & power centers of capitalism & the state. Masking up as a Black Bloc encouraged popular participation in public property destruction & violence against the state and capitalism. In this way the Blac! > k Bloc is a form of militance that mitigates the problematic dichotomy between popularly executed non-violent civil disobedience and elite, secretive guerilla terrorism & sabotage. > > Autonomen Black Bloc Accomplishments > > Black Blocs, Autonomen militance, & popular resistance to the police-state & the New World Order spread among European youth in the 1980s. > > Though Dutch radicals did not begin calling themselves \"Autonomen\" until around 1986, earlier Dutch counterculture activists shared tactics, organizing structures & militancy with self-proclaimed autonomists. Holland\'s squatting movement really got started around 1968, & by 1981 more then 10,000 houses & apartments were squatted in Amsterdam, & there were around 15,000 squats in the rest of Holland. Squatted restaurants, bars, cafes, & information centers were commonplace, and the organized squatters (usually referred to as \"kraakers\") had their own council to plan the movement\'s direction & their own newsradio station.(3) > > Although some Dutch autonomists rejected wearing ski masks while in Black Bloc(4), the movement was no less militant. One book about the Dutch squatters movement reports that \"Ever since the beginning there had been a \'black helmet brigade\' which felt it had joined battle with municipal social democracy.\"(5) > > Battles at the evictions of Amsterdam squats often featured the construction of huge barricades & walled-in squatters tossing furniture and other projectiles of all shapes & sizes out the window at riot police below. In the early years there were certain limits to the violence which Dutch squatters would use to retaliate against police attacks. However in 1985 when a squatter named Hans Kok died in police custody after being arrested during a particularly brutal raid & eviction, the ante was upped. Following the news of his death a night of fiery destruction reigned in Amsterdam, with even police cars set on fire in front of many different precincts. Said one squatter: \"Everyone had the idea, now we\'ll use the ultimate means, just before guns anyway: mollies...Everyone went around with mollies in their pockets, everyone had full gasoline cans...it was the new action method.\"(6) Though Hans Kok\'s death & the fiery retribution that followed had a negative effect on! > the popular squatters\' movement, the new militancy of tactics proved useful in some activist circles. In 1985 the Dutch Anti-Racist Action Group (RARA) mounted a successful campaign to force the Dutch supermarket chain MARKO to divest from South Africa: the campaign was accomplished through a series of extremely expensive & damaging firebombings of MARKO\'s stores and offices.(7) > > In Germany in 1986 mounting police attacks & attempted evictions against a complex of squatted houses in Hamburg called the Haffenstrasse were met with the counteroffensive of a 10,000 person march surrounding at least 1500 people in a Black Bloc, carrying a huge banner that read, \"Build Revolutionary Dual Power!\" At the march\'s end, the Black Bloc was able to successfully engage in street fighting that put the police on the retreat. On the following day fires were set in 13 department stores in Hamburg, causing nearly $10 million in damage.(8) > > That same year, the disaster at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant brought new militance to demonstrations against nuclear power plants under construction in Germany. Once account of these anti-nuclear demonstrations reported, \"In scenes resembling \'civil war,\' helmeted, leather-clad troops of the anarchist Autonomen armed with slingshots, Molotov cocktails and flare guns clashed brutally with the police, who employed water cannons, helicopters & CS gas (officially banned for use against civilians.\"(9) > > In June of 1987 when Ronald Reagan came to Berlin, around 50,000 people demonstrated in the streets against this Cold War-mongering old man, including a 3000 person Black Bloc.(10) A couple of months later police antagonism against the Haffenstrasse intensified again. In November 1987 residents & thousands of other Autonomen fortified the complex, built barricades in the streets & fought off police for nearly 24 hours. In the end the city chose to legalize the squatters\' residence.(11) > > Over ten years before Seattle & the American WTO protests, the Autonomen mobilized a similar event with a greater number of resisters. In September of 1988, the World Bank & the International Monetary Fund met in Berlin. Autonomen used this meeting as a focal point for worldwide resistance to global corporate capitalism & government\'s destruction of grassroots autonomy & community. Thousands of activists from throughout Europe and the U.S. were mobilized, & 80,000 protesters met the bankers (at least 30,000 more than in Seattle).(12) The totally outnumbered police & private security at the event attempted to maintain order by banning all demonstrations & brutally attacking any public assembly, but riots still ravaged fashionable upper class shopping areas (as was tradition). > > Pre-Seattle Black Blocs In the U.S.A. > > In November of 1999 the Black Bloc tactic seemed new to many Americans partly because the actions & ideas of the autonomist movement in Europe were mostly blacked out of the American media & have been barely written about at all in English. However, ignorance of the Black Bloc also stems from the fact that most Americans get news of domestic events from a corporate-controlled media that ignores any happenings that don\'t fit their view & purposes, & which represents every event that takes place as singular spectacle disconnected from past & future, to be forgotten in a blur even when it is only a few months old. > > Radicals in the U.S. have never been totally ignorant of the actions and ideas of European autonomists, & the development of the punk rock subculture in the U.S. throughout the 1980s in many ways mirrored that of the autonomists. By the beginning of the 1990\'s anarchists and other radicals in the U.S. were masking up at marches & protests to build solidarity & create anonymity for militants. > > When the Gulf War was going one protest in the streets of Washington D.C. included a Black Bloc that smashed in the windows of the World Bank building. That same year on Columbus Day in San Francisco a Black Bloc showed up to help show militant resistance to the continuing genocide of North American domination by Europeans.(13) Personally, the largest Black Bloc that I\'ve ever seen was at the Millions March For Mumia in Philadelphia in April of 1999. I\'d say there were at least 500 dressed in Black, masked up, & carrying banners such as \"Vegans For Mumia.\" Though there was no street fighting & no particularly noticeable property destruction, some kids did manage to get into a parking garage along the march route, climb to the roof & wave the black flag. >

> The Global Future of the Black Mask >

> The symbol of the black-masked autonomist militant has spread to the third world as well. As the North American Free Trade Agreement\'s destructive neo-liberalalizing economic policies took effect on January 1st, 1994, a guerilla uprising took place in Chiapas, a state in southern Mexico. The uprising sought to create space for the development of autonomous social organization among downtrodden Mayan indigenous peoples. The armed wing of this struggle for community autonomy & direct democracy without coercion or hierarchy has been & continues to be the Zapatistas, men & women who wear black balaclavas (similar to ski masks) whenever they appear in public. Many autonomists & anarchists have visited & tried to help them in their struggles with knowledge, money, materials & by building inernational awareness & solidarity of the situation in Chiapas. >

> Back in Germany, the Autonomen are seeing dark days. It is said that in the past squatters held at least 165 large, five-story apartment buildings in eastern Berlin, but by late 1997 only 3 remained.(14) Legalizing some squats while brutally evicting others has been an effective policy for the police state. Many people living in legalized squats are unwilling to rock the boat by encouraging or expressing solidarity with militant tactics practiced by other squatters, & this marginalization makes it easier for the squatters to lose out in street-fighting against an increasingly militarized police force. >

> The resurgence of neo-Nazism in what once was East Germany and other areas of the country has meant no end of troubles for German Autonomen. They face violence & death from neo-Nazi attacks, especially in most of eastern Germany which neo-Nazi gangs police as a \"no-punk, no-foreigner zone.\" Massive amounts of Autonomen time & effort goes into organizing to oppose the spread of neo-Nazism, but this means neglecting the tasks of developing new viable alternatives to authoritarian society, one of the main original goals of autonomists. \"Antifa\" or anti-fascist organizing brings the Autonomen into more & more violent confrontations with the German police, who basically support neo-Nazi groups & their nationalist, racist ideologies--when individual police officers aren\'t directly involved with fascist groups. >

> Rumour has it that many militants in areas of northern Europe where the Black Bloc was a common demonstration tactic have been increasingly given it up, as it has ceased to serve its purpose. The forces of state repression have caught on, & use ever greater technological, legal and physical force to observe, isolate, pursue & target those involved in Black Blocs. A similar process is taking place in the U.S., with a resurgence of COINTELPRO-style tactics aimed at radicals who oppose the global capitalist-statist American empire. >

> Whether the Black Bloc continues as a tactic or is abandoned, it certainly has served its purpose. In certain places & times the Black Bloc effectively empowered people to take action in collective solidarity against the violence of state & capitalism. It is important that we neither cling to it nostalgically as an outdated ritual or tradition, nor reject it wholesale because it sometimes seems inappropriate. Rather we should continue working pragmatically to fulfill our individual needs & desires through various tactics & objectives, as they are appropriate at the specific moment. Masking up in Black Bloc has its time and place, as do other tactics which conflict with it. > > 1. Katsiaficas, George. The Subversion of Politics: European Autonomous Social Movements & The Decolonization of Everyday Life. New Jersey: Humanities Press International, Inc., 1997, p. 91. > > 2. Katsiaficas, p. 82 > > 3. Katsiaficas, p. 116 > > 4. Katsiaficas, p. 116. > > 5. ADILKNO. Cracking The Movement: Squatting Beyond the Media. Trans. Laura Martz. New York: Autonomedia, 1990. p. 25. > > 6. ADILKNO, 123 > > 7. Katsiaficas, 119. > > 8. Katsiaficas, 128. > > 9. Katsiaficas, 211. > > 10. Katsiaficas, 131. > > 11. Katsiaficas, 130. > > 12. Katsiaficas, 131. > > 13. Mid-Atlantic Infoshop. \"Black Bloc For Dummies.\" > > 14. Thompson, A. Clay. \"Street Battles--German Squatters Squeezed to Near Extinction.\" > --- from list aut-op-sy@lists.village.virginia.edu ---


http://www.spunk.org/texts/writers/meltzer/sp001591/app1.html

9002 -- January 24, 2002 Anarchist in the Academy — Robert Nozick, R.I.P. By Brian Doherty Philosopher Robert Nozick died Wednesday, at the age of 63. Nozick, a Harvard professor from 1969 until his death, wrote on many topics, but he remained best known & most discussed for his first book, the National Book Award-winning Anarchy, State, & Utopia (1974). This was the first book to make libertarian views on the nature & legitimacy of the state respectable in academia. Throughout his career, he remained engaged with the larger libertarian intellectual conversation, citing, quoting, or discussing such thinkers as Israel Kirzner, Julian Simon, & Ayn Rand, http://reason.com/hod/bd012402.shtml


9002 -- Reply: Colin McLarty: "[HM] Grothendieck" Reply: George Zeliger: "Re: [HM] Grothendieck" Reply: Antreas P. Hatzipolakis: "Re: [HM] Grothendieck" Reply: Antreas P. Hatzipolakis: "Re: [HM] Grothendieck" Messages sorted by: [ date ] [ thread ] [ subject ] [ author ] A propos of my search for archival information on Grothendieck, Julio Gonzalez Cabillon asked what kind of information I am looking for. The state of Grothendieck biography today is very poor. His memoire Re'coltes et Semailles is purposefully very sparse on biographical information. For example he omits the names of his parents & children. He has good reasons for that in the context of his very personal memoire. As he says several times, this memoire is a deep look at his own feelings & is not (for the most part) intended to reflect on those people themselves. People who have known Grothendieck must have better information--but many of them actually have little of it, & some certainly have gotten incorrect information. Probably the best published biographical information is in Allyn Jackson's article "The IHES at Forty" with a sidebar on Grothendieck, plus in Roy Lisker's journal FERMENT. Jackson's article is on the web in PDF at http://www.ams.org/notices/199903/ihes-changes.pdf Jackson says Grothendieck's father was an ally of Lenin, & gives no name for him. It says his mother was Hanka Grothendieck. The two met in Germany. It says Grothendieck never knew his father, but that seems to contradict many passages of Grothendieck's memoire where he talks about his father. Information about Lisker's journal is available on the web, though I cannot get any of the links to open right now. If you search "Lisker" plus "Grothendieck" you will get several links. Lisker says Grothendieck's father was an anarchist (which does not preclude some alliance with Lenin at some point) & may have been named Schapiro but not the famous Alexander Schapiro. I do not read Russian. I have found histories of Russia that mention at least one other anarchist Schapiro close to Lisker's description, but too few details to confirm anything. It is impossible even to tell how many different people they are naming. The Hoover Institute Archives were very helpful with this. I would most like to find historical records of his parents. As to Chambon-sur-Lignon, I find they have added a new & very helpful site since the last tome I searched. So I am pursuing that. best, Colin

In Alexander Grothendieck's biography at: http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/history/Mathematicians/Grothendieck.html we read: In contrast to his acceptance of the 1966 Fields Medal, Grothendieck declined the Crafoord Prize in 1988. I am wondering why. Antreas > "In contrast to his acceptance of the 1966 Fields Medal, > Grothendieck declined the Crafoord Prize in 1988." Roy Lisker [ http://rendezvous.com/ferment/fermad3.html ] refers to this episode as follows: "In May of 1988, the Swedish Academy awarded him the Crafoord Prize with a stipend of about $160,000. Grothendieck stunned the world by rejecting it. In his letter to Le Monde he spoke of nepotism, dishonesty & a kind of politics of science that he refused to endorse. He also hinted at personal visions indicating an inexorable Holocaust followed by a Golden Age." Greetings from Montevideo, Julio Gonzalez Cabillon Grothendieck declined the Crafoord Prize in 1988. Dear Antreas, "When It Comes to Awards, Just Say Yes" [_The Scientist_ 2(10):14 May 20, 1988]: http://www.garfield.library.upenn.edu/essays/v14p300y1991.pdf In his letter to the Swedish Academy he wrote (inter alia): "I regret to inform you that I do not wish to receive this prize or any other." He went on to say that "Ethics in the science profession (at least among mathematicians) have dropped to such a degree that pure & simple pillaging among colleagues (especially at the expense of those who are not in a position to defend themselves) has practically become the general rule". All the best, Julio Gonzalez Cabillon http://sunsite.utk.edu/math_archives/.http/hypermail/historia/aug00/0083.html


Cemetary: Join the Army: Vacancies available
9002 -- pointer move XXX

Anarchy Now!




9003 -- Première partie : L’anarchisme traditionnel et la reconstruction du mouvement 1945-1960

Si les principes ne paraissent pas marquer un tournant important dans la pensée anarchiste, notamment pour leur caractère très général, ils consacrent le divorce entre marxisme et anarchisme. En effet, le rejet inconditionnel du marxisme va devenir à partir de ce moment un élément identitaire de la nouvelle Fédération anarchiste. L’affaire Fontenis a prouvé le danger que représente le marxisme pour les théories libertaires et les fondateurs de décembre 1953 auront une attention particulière à toute apparition marxiste au sein du mouvement. D’ailleurs, l’évolution de la FCL et sa fuite en avant sont une preuve irréfutable de l’impossibilité de cette optique : « Pour Guérin d’abord, pour Fontenis ensuite, il s’agit d’introduire dans le mouvement libertaire, aux côtés d’un esprit libertaire aimable, le matérialisme historique musclé que l’on doit à Monsieur Marx ! »  Ce qu’essaye de dénoncer Maurice Joyeux, c’est l’élaboration du marxisme libertaire, « cet élément hybride, croisement contre nature, sans perspective de reproduction » .

  La principale originalité est donc « l’Association pour l’étude et la diffusion des théories rationalistes ». Cet organisme révèle l’esprit dans lequel les militants envisagent l’organisation ; avec un tel « dispositif de sécurité », il est maintenant clair que la Fédération ne cessera d’être ce que ses fondateurs ont voulu qu’elle soit : une organisation solide à l’abri de tout complot. Vu les circonstances particulières de sa création, l’Association apparaît comme un garde-fou à toute tentative de prise en main.

 Au cours des deux années qui vont suivre le congrès de Paris et la reconstitution de la FA, on ne peut pas parler de reprise de dialogue dans l’élaboration théorique. Les militants doivent ainsi se contenter de l’affirmation de certains principes auxquels les fondateurs semblent attachés. Cette difficulté s’explique par les obligations immédiates des militants FA qui s’occupent avant tout de restructurer le mouvement, notamment avec l’élaboration du Bulletin intérieur et surtout du Monde libertaire, dont le premier numéro date d’octobre 1954. Dès JANVIER / JANUARY 1955, Raymond Beaulaton établit un bilan de la situation et admet que la reconstruction du mouvement s’avère plus lente que prévu : « Certes, la FA reconstituée n’est pas parfaite ; si elle s’est fixée comme but de rassembler, dans une même famille, les anarchistes de toutes affinités, quelques-uns sont encore enclins à observer et se demandent s’ils doivent ou non faire partie de la famille, parce qu’une légère rigidité subsiste dans la décentralisation libertaire que le congrès de 1953 s’était fixé. »  Il en profite pour montrer ses conceptions sur les intellectuels, responsables selon lui du déclin du mouvement : « L’intellectualisme est dangereux pour la Révolution ! »   C’est ce même personnage qui relance la question de la place du syndicalisme dans la Fédération (et qui ne cache pas où vont ses préférences) : « Le Mouvement Anarchiste a toujours considéré le Fédéralisme syndical comme l’armature de la société libertaire de demain et, par conséquent, le syndicalisme comme arme primordiale à la préparation révolutionnaire. »
Toujours dans un bel esprit synthésiste, les militants de la FA insistent sur la nécessité des syndicats en appelant la création d’une Commission de relations syndicales de la FA, ils seront pourtant déçu quelques mois plus tard avec la formation de l’AOA. Néanmoins, un Comité anarchiste de relations syndicales est crée en juillet 1955 dans le but « de coordonner l’action des anarchistes dans la lutte sociale, selon les méthodes révolutionnaires d’action directe, à travers toutes les organisations syndicales et parmi les salariés syndicalistes inorganisés. »  Aristide Lapeyre appelle lui aussi au rassemblement, mais juge que certaines conditions doivent être remplies, à commencer par l’attitude des militants : « Ce qui a crée la mésentente anarchiste, c’est la peur de la diversité des opinions, l’idée que le lecteur ou le militant est trop bête pour pouvoir les confronter utilement et qu’il faut nécessairement choisir pour lui. »  Le congrès de la Maison verte en mai 1955 relance le débat sur l’orientation du mouvement : l’heure n’est plus à la reconstruction et c’est Joyeux et Lanen qui préviennent les militants : « La FA est en train de crever de vieillissement ; on ne recrute pas, pourquoi ? »

 Quel bilan peut-on tirer de ces réflexions en 1955 ? A première vue, le mouvement anarchiste dans sa globalité apparaît profondément divisé. La Fédération anarchiste qui s’est reconstituée en 1953 tarde à prendre son envol, au grand dam de certains militants. Néanmoins, sa phase de reconstruction et de reconsolidation semble achevée. Si elle ne se distingue pas encore par des réflexions idéologiques et théoriques qui permettraient d’inscrire à nouveau l’anarchisme dans les luttes de l’époque, elle reprend petit à petit une activité digne de ce nom, notamment à travers ses relations avec les Forces libres de la paix ou ses tournées de conférences. On ne peut oublier l’événement FCL pour comprendre les formes que prend la nouvelle organisation. Le choc des militants fut réel et va conditionner dans une large mesure l’évolution de la FA. Concernant l’état général du mouvement, on peut relever trois groupes d’importance (FA, FCL, AOA). Sans tenter une évaluation de leurs représentativités respectives, au surplus variables dans le temps, il nous semble intéressant de remarquer qu’ils correspondent aux trois courants du mouvement anarchiste qui sont nés dans l’entre-deux-guerres, et leur présence souligne la permanence du problème de l’organisation en milieu anarchiste. Ainsi, on décèle un groupement plus ou moins centralisé, uni au point de vue idéologique et tactique représenté par la FCL de Fontenis qui rappelle et prolonge jusqu’à ces ultimes conséquences la conception plateformiste d’Archinov et Makhno. Un second type de groupement est représenté par la FA et sa structure synthésiste. Enfin, nous avons vu la naissance de l’AOA, qui juge la nouvelle FA encore trop autoritaire et qui peut rappeler la FAF de 1936. En raison de son existence purement formelle, l’AOA ne pourra donner naissance à une scission et se retrouve par conséquent un peu en marge des autres groupements et du mouvement anarchiste.
 En 1955, le mouvement a donc repris naissance et apparaît autrement plus solide qu’en 1945. Néanmoins, le plus dur reste à faire si l’on en juge par la perte de vitesse des organisations anarchistes, leur faible recrutement et leur activité assez peu convaincante. C’est justement ce que vont tenter de réaliser certains militants, las des éternelles querelles et scissions du mouvement anarchiste.
 

B) Entre rupture et dialogue, 1956-1960
 

 En 1956, la phase de reconstruction du mouvement est achevée. Néanmoins, les aléas du commencement font que les débuts de la Fédération ne se sont pas soldés par une reprise d’élaboration théorique et une définition claire et précise de l’orientation à donner. Jusqu’ici, les militants se sont contentés d’énoncer les principes généraux et fédératifs qui doivent unir les libertaires, notamment à travers des questions sur le syndicalisme, l’intellectualisme ou le rejet du marxisme. Il n’en reste pas moins que ces atermoiements ont le don d’irriter nombre de militants, soucieux de voir l’anarchisme s’inscrire dans un véritable projet. L’année 1956 va marquer une rupture importante au sein du mouvement. En effet, trois événements vont marquer en quelque sorte le début d’une « nouvelle ère » pour l’anarchisme français. C’est tout d’abord la « fin » du mouvement communiste libertaire et de son organisation la FCL après sa participation aux élections législatives de JANVIER / JANUARY (qui lui aliènent nombre de soutiens en milieu anarchiste) et sa persécution après son activité contre la guerre d’Algérie. S’il ne change pas profondément la composition de la FA, cet événement renforce sa position en France. Deuxièmement, la constitution en novembre 1955 du groupe Noir et Rouge, issu en grande partie du groupe Kronstadt. Par ses réflexions, cette revue va acquérir une place de choix au sein du paysage libertaire français et va représenter le nouveau bastion de l’anarchisme-communisme en France. Enfin, le congrès de Vichy de mai 1956 va être celui de la reprise de dialogue au sein de la FA. Maurice Fayolle, personnage central de l’époque, va relancer autour de sa personne nombre d’enjeux qui vont marquer l’évolution de la pensée anarchiste et amener les autres groupes à nombre de réflexions.
A travers cette étude vont se poser des enjeux qui vont déterminer l’évolution de la pensée et des formes d’actions des années soixante. En outre, le durcissement du conflit franco-algérien va amener les militants à prendre position. Ces prises de position, relayées selon leur contenu par une activité réelle, vont être une nouvelle source d’opposition à l’intérieur du mouvement. Toutes ces remarques vont-elles à la base de la formation d’un anarchisme spécifique à la FA ? Ou est-ce que ces nouveaux débats d’idées engendrent une plus grande immobilité idéologique ? A la veille des années soixante, il apparaît nécessaire d’établir un bilan de la situation de l’anarchisme en France et de comprendre les points de divisions et de ralliement entre les différents groupes.
Dans ce(s) but(s), les débats qui vont marqués la FA jusque 1960 seront envisagés dans leurs conséquence sur l’évolution de l’organisation ; ainsi, il sera plus aisé de comprendre l’évolution du groupe Noir et Rouge et de ses rapports avec la FA.

Elaboration théorique et tensions dans la Fédération anarchiste

 Dès 1955, on a pu voir nombre de militants s’impatienter d’un véritable programme et du manque d’orientation de l’organisation. C’est donc au congrès de 1956 que va s’effectuer cette reprise de dialogue quant à la nature de l’anarchisme et au moyen de sa propagation et de sa réalisation. Deux ans après décembre 1953, la question de l’actualité et de la place de l’anarchisme dans la société moderne va être reposée avec force. C’est Maurice Fayolle, par ses Réflexions d’un militant, qui va relancer les débats et discussions autour de la place de l’anarchisme. les thèmes envisagés vont constitués le leitmotiv de la décennie à venir. Il est enfin à noter que les débats vont se faire autour de nombreux thèmes mais principalement autour de l’organisation, ce « permanent problème » . L’affaire Fontenis a montré les dangers d’une organisation sclérosée, si les militants veulent éviter un nouveau « coup d’Etat » et réinscrire les théories libertaires dans les luttes sociales du temps, ils devront réagir et faire un choix.

 Lues au congrès de Vichy, les Réflexions d’un militant de M. Fayolle vont relancer le débat autour de sa personne. Fayolle commence par une constatation indiscutable : « Depuis toujours, deux tendances se sont opposées au sein de notre mouvement : les partisans d’une organisation solidement structurée et les partisans d’une organisation très lâche qui frise l’absence d’organisation. »  Même s’il est souvent considéré que le rôle des anarchistes dans les temps actuels est « non de prétendre à une action sociale, mais de se limiter à un travail d’éducation » , l’anarchisme meurt de ce type de conceptions. Fayolle condamne ce rejet de l’organisation (qu’il perçoit surtout chez les individualistes) qui nuit à toute action positive : « Or l’expérience a montré qu’aucune œuvre sociale, de quelque nature qu’elle soit, n’était possible sans recourir au principe de l’association des efforts, c’est à dire de l’organisation. »  Il voit dans cette pensée la stérilisation de l’organisation par la volonté de réduire les dangers jusqu’au point où celle-ci n’existe plus. Le mouvement est ainsi en danger de mort s’il n’arrive pas à se renouveler, notamment face aux jeunes : « Il faut offrir à l’ardeur généreuse d’un être de vingt ans qui veut se dépenser dans les luttes sociales, autre chose que l’illusoire mirage d’un monde idéal dans les millénaires à venir. » Maurice Fayolle émet deux critiques importantes ; tout d’abord le refus de l’anarchisme de se réactualiser, de s’inscrire dans son temps et par là son incapacité à promouvoir un anarchisme social : « L’anarchisme agonise parce qu’il a perdu toute foi dans sa propre destinée, parce qu’il a renoncé à s’actualiser dans la réalité sociale de son temps. » Plus loin, il précise sa pensée : « Tout l’anarchisme est à repenser ou à rebâtir. Non dans ses principes moraux, qui demeurent immuables, non dans sa partie critique, qui reste valable et le restera toujours, mais dans sa partie constructive, qui en est restée au stade des diligences et des premiers chemins de fer. »  Ainsi, « toutes les théories sociales et économiques élaborées au siècle dernier par les pionniers de l’anarchisme sont aujourd’hui largement dépassées et l’on ne saurait faire prendre l’anarchisme au sérieux en exposant un programme social dont l’archaïsme ferait sourire au siècle de l’atome. »
La seconde critique qu’il émet touche toujours le déclin de l’anarchisme mais touche plus particulièrement ceux qui pour lui le dénaturent sans les nommer, les humanistes libertaires : « Cette propagande de caractère éducatif et philosophique peut parfois réunir des auditoires curieux et sympathiques : elle n’a jamais fait un militant ni même amené un adepte à l’anarchisme »  et voit dans cette attitude le déclin irréversible des théories libertaires : « C’est là une noble attitude - qui s’apparente d’ailleurs plus à une contemplation philosophique qu’à une action militante – mais dont le résultat s’inscrit dans la réalité brutale d’une disparition progressive des anarchistes. » C’est pour et dans ce but qu’il appelle deux conditions nécessaires pour les militants :
« 1° Créer une organisation anarchiste sur des bases sérieuses et solides, ne rassemblant que des hommes résolus à s’évader des parlotes stériles.
2° Définir les principes d’un anarchisme social adapté au monde moderne, conservant l’originalité de ses bases philosophiques, mais rompant avec les entraves d’un passé révolu ».
 
Les vues de Maurice Laisant apparaissent différentes, il s’interroge sur la stérile autocritique du militant, son besoin « de se livrer à l’analyse du mouvement, de prendre le pouls de son enthousiasme, de l’ausculter sur sa valeur, ses connaissances et son adaptation à son temps » pour convenir « de conclusions pessimistes contenues par le diagnostic final du psychanalyste plus préoccupé bien souvent de se livrer à une séance délirante du masochisme, qu’à pallier les lacunes inévitables de toute organisation. »  Ses espoirs restent néanmoins intacts sur la vérité des théories anarchistes : « Jamais nous n’avons dévié d’idéal, jamais les faits ne sont venus démentir les thèses primordiales et essentielles de notre affirmation de l’homme et de la vie, jamais nous n’avons du nous plier aux contorsions politiques pour justifier compromis et reniement. »
Au regard de cette première reprise de dialogue, les vues de deux fondateurs importants de la FA trahissent des conceptions divergentes, sources possibles de discordes, qui peuvent à première vue mettre en péril un compromis. Ils ne sont d’ailleurs pas les seuls ; en effet, C-A Bontemps, dans Contre Courant, dans un article qui se veut un « Bilan et perspectives de l’anarchisme », va dans le sens des vues de Fayolle et d’une révision de la pensée des doctrinaires au regard des évolutions récentes. Néanmoins, ces conclusions sont différentes.
Selon lui, le déclin et la perte de vitesse des théories anarchistes trouvent leurs origines dans un triste événement : la révolution russe et marxiste qui, par ses totalitarismes, a discrédité les théories révolutionnaires et empêcher un réveil de l‘anarchisme. Il faut donc que les militants prennent acte des leçons du passé et abandonnent les mythes révolutionnaires désuets du passé : « Je pense que pour prévoir et œuvrer selon les prévisions, il n’est pas nécessaire de perdre ou gâcher le présent. Gardons nous de la planification des comètes. Les théories sont certes indispensables à la compréhension des problèmes, elles sont un utile jalonnement, mais qui se perd à l’horizon. »  Il continue sa réflexion en insistant sur les variations de la révolution au regard des progrès : « Les révolutions sont une adaptation des rapports de la société à un milieu modifié par les acquis de l’intelligence et leurs incidences techniques. » La théorie n’est pas remise en cause mais ses moyens : « L’anarchisme ; philosophie de liberté de l’homme, a gardé toute sa valeur. Ce sont les moyens de sa mise en œuvre qui sont à réviser. » Il faut donc, dans un souci de propagande plus efficace, que les libertaires ne forment pas une secte et agissent devant les réalités du monde moderne : « Ne maquillons pas la réalité. Minorité agissante du fait que leur doctrine correspondait aux besoins et aux espérances des peuples, les anarchistes d’alors ne se comportèrent pas en minoritaires de propos délibérés. Ils étaient convaincus que la révolution devait finalement s’accomplir selon leur conception. C’est cette erreur assez évidente qui a dissocié le mouvement, moins à cause de l’échec que par obstination à n’en pas prendre leçon. » Si Bontemps est d’accord sur le marasme qui caractérise le mouvement anarchiste, ses conclusions sont différentes de celles de Fayolle et il ne voit pas la nécessité d’une restructuration de l’organisation, mais plutôt la nécessaire autocritique des militants.

 Dans ses « Réponses et précisions », Maurice Fayolle se voit désolé du peu de retentissement de son intervention, lui qui espérait «  que cet appel provoquerait dans les mois à venir une large confrontation au sein du mouvement. »  En réponse à Bontemps, il faut chercher selon lui dans le renoncement révolutionnaire des anarchistes la cause première du déclin de l’anarchisme : « cela me paraît si évident que les pays, telle l’Espagne, où l’anarchisme a conservé toute sa vitalité d’antan et son rayonnement social, sont les pays où les anarchistes n’ont pas renoncé à jouer ce rôle révolutionnaire. »  Reprenant l’analyse de Bontemps sur la Grande Guerre et la révolution russe qui ont précipité les anarchistes « à céder à une espèce de découragement, à un pessimisme qui les ont écartés de la scène sociale », il voit plus loin la cause véritable du déclin : « L’absence de tout théoricien capable de « réadapter » l’anarchisme aux problèmes nouveaux surgis de l’évolution a précipité la décadence. »  Au sujet de la crise niée partiellement par Laisant, Fayolle enfonce le clou : « Elle est la plus totale qu’ait connu notre mouvement depuis sa création. Crise d’effectifs : jamais les anarchistes n’ont été si peu nombreux. Crise de cohésion : le mouvement est éclaté entre quatre ou cinq groupements plus ou moins rivaux. Crise d’influence : les anarchistes ont pratiquement perdu toute influence sur les syndicats, et à peu près toute influence sur les milieux intellectuels ; où elle était prépondérante à la fin du siècle dernier et au début de ce siècle. Enfin, la plus grave sans doute, crise de création intellectuelle : depuis une trentaine d’années, l’anarchisme vit sur l’acquis du passé. Après la prodigieuse floraison d’études, d’essais et de critiques que connut la période héroïque, c’est un vide absolu. D’où un « dessèchement » de la pensée anarchiste, une activité grandissante qui coupe notre idéal de la réalité de son temps et lui interdit toute perspective de rayonnement. »
Fayolle dépasse cette critique et essaie d’esquisser une définition de l’anarchisme qui doit faire comprendre aux militants la nécessité du choix. Pour lui, plusieurs points doivent être éclairés. C’est en premier lieu la difficulté de cohabitation des tendances qui doit être réglée. Ensuite, c’est la façon de concevoir l’anarchisme, de ces conceptions découleront les perspectives d’action et d’organisation :
« Ou bien l’anarchisme est considéré comme UNE ATTITUDE devant le fait social. Par là, elle détermine une règle de vie régissant d’être dans ses relations avec ses semblables et ses actions quotidiennes en fonction des principes dont il se réclame. C’est qu’on le veuille ou non, une MORALE – étant entendu que je confère à ce terme sa signification noble, qui est pour chaque être humain, de se déterminer suivant les modalités exprimées par sa raison et sa conscience.
    Ou bien l’anarchisme est considéré comme UNE DOCTRINE SOCIALE ayant pour motivation une transformation de l’état social actuel en une société reposant sur les principes énoncés par la philosophie anarchiste. »

L’anarchisme-attitude que décrit Fayolle s’apparente fortement aux anarchistes philosophes et humanistes libertaires, qui limitent leur champ d’action à l’éducation, pour cela elle « est donc une école philosophique à caractère ésotérique. » Au contraire, il voit dans l’anarchisme-doctrine sociale une conception qui, tout en intégrant la première, se révèle plus efficace et ouvre « devant elle le PERSPECTIVE REVOLUTIONNAIRE. »
De ces deux conceptions découlent pour lui différentes formes d’action et d’organisation. Si un anarchiste philosophe peut se passer d’organisation dans ce sens « que son activité trouve ses possibilités et ses limites en lui-même », l’anarchiste révolutionnaire en a besoin : « Au contraire, l’anarchiste révolutionnaire, parce qu’il a en vue une transformation plus rapide et plus radicale de la société, ne se sentira pleinement à l’aise que dans une organisation assurant à tous ses membres une liaison étroite. Pour parvenir à ce résultat, il aliénera volontairement une partie de sa liberté et se pliera à une discipline librement consentie, absolument nécessaire pour permettre la cohésion de l’ensemble et l’efficacité de l’action entreprise en commun. »  Après cette étude, il semble que les vues de Fayolle sont maintenant claires et précises, et qu’elles ne peuvent selon lui se réaliser au sein de l’actuelle structure de la Fédération anarchiste. C’est pour cela qu’il appelle les militants à faire un choix.
Cela ne semble pas être l’avis du groupe d’Asnières qui prend en juillet 1957 la défense des structures de la FA, jugées tout à fait aptes à féconder une réflexion en vue d’un renouvellement de la pensée anarchiste : « La FA avec son actuelle structure permet aux militants d’un même groupe de s’adonner aux études que requiert le renouvellement souhaité, aux groupes d’une même région de confronter le résultat de leurs recherches et à l’ensemble des groupes du pays de se retrouver annuellement en congrès pour tirer la quintessence de leurs travaux. »   En outre, le groupe juge la cohabitation des deux conceptions (philosophe et révolutionnaire) parfaitement possible et « même souhaitable pour les atténuations qu’elle peut apporter aux prises de positions trop exclusives. »  Si ces réflexions se font dans un esprit synthésiste, elles montrent les réticences de certains militants à voir se constituer un mouvement purement révolutionnaire au nom de l’efficacité. C’est la synthèse d’opinion qui est à rechercher pour ouvrir à l’anarchisme tous ses horizons ; néanmoins, à travers ces réticences, on peut émettre l’hypothèse du souvenir de la dérive FCL. Charles Fouyer va lui dans le même sens que le groupe d’Asnières : « Toutes les tendances de l’anarchie se complètent dans une heureuse harmonie. (…) Quant à la voie que nous devons suivre, elle a été indiquée par Sébastien Faure dans « la véritable révolution sociale ». Le camarade Fayolle veut un programme pour le proposer aux masses, il y en a un là de tout fait et il est intégral. »  Maurice Laisant n’est quant à lui pas d’accord avec les vues de Fayolle et sa différenciation des deux anarchismes : «  Les deux sont-ils incompatibles ? N’existent-ils pas dans le même homme ? Dès lors, je ne puis céder à ce choix que Fayolle prétend m’imposer. Tout au plus puis-je concéder qu’il ne faut pas prendre l’outil pour l’œuvre, et la propagande pour la transformation sociale. »
Le groupe Louise Michel, qui comprend les critiques émises par Bontemps et Fayolle, ajoute cependant un oubli dans leurs démarches : l’étude « de l’homme anarchiste et plus spécialement du militant de notre Fédération »  qui portent en eux une part de responsabilité du déclin : « Dans leur grande majorité, ce sont des éléments venus à nos idées tout de suite avant et tout de suite après la guerre de 1914. Cette génération a eu vingt ans à l’aube de la révolution russe. Après avoir un instant contrebalancé l’influence du parti communiste, elle a été battue. Par la suite, son influence n’a cessé de décroître. »  C’est cet événement qui a conditionné leur vie de militant et par conséquence l’influence qu’ils pouvaient avoir sur les jeunes compagnons : « Or, c’est cette génération à l’âme de vaincu qui a formé et qui forme encore les éléments nouveaux que notre propagande attire parmi nous. »  Ainsi, « il faut avant tout changer le militant. Il faut réveiller en lui la faculté de se passionner, de s’exalter » et « le désintoxiquer des manies de l’individualisme. »  C’est donc avant tout la tâche des militants de redonner vie au mouvement en sortant de leur isolement.

 Dans cette première phase de reprise de dialogue, les réflexions de Fayolle et de Bontemps vont dans des buts précis : d’une part une redéfinition des méthodes d’action et de propagande qui paraissent désuètes, et d’autre part abattre le caractère obsolète de certaines vérités anarchistes. Enfin, la prise en compte des évolutions économiques et sociales est recommandée. Si Maurice Fayolle précise dans un compte-rendu du congrès et de sa motion qu’il « ne la pas présenter dans un but de scission, qui serait la mort du mouvement dans l’état actuel des choses » , il passe à une condamnation d’un certain état d’esprit propre au milieu anarchiste, et notamment de la l’humanisme libertaire, étranger à l’anarchisme révolutionnaire auquel il aspire. Reprenant l’analyse du groupe Louise Michel, la première guerre mondiale et la révolution russe ont crée au sein du mouvement « une psychose du vaincu, qui par un phénomène psychologique d’autodéfense contre le milieu défavorable, provoqua l’éclosion d’un mépris dédaigneux – je dirais presque aristocratique – pour tout ce qui est étranger à l’anarchie. Ainsi naquit cet esprit de secte sui donna aux groupes ce caractère initiatique et ésotérique, dont le résultat fut de décrocher l’anarchisme de la réalité sociale et de le reléguer au rang de curiosité philosophique. »
Ce que semble critiquer Fayolle, au delà des humanistes libertaires, c’est la constitution de la Fédération en une minorité de « purs », garants d’un certain état d’esprit et des théories anarchistes. Néanmoins, le but n’est pas la rupture mais au contraire l’unité, sans quoi on ne peut déboucher sur des perspectives d’avenir : « Je suis persuadé que ce sera dans la mesure où les anarchistes se libéreront de cet esprit ésotérique et initiatique, de ce double complexe de supériorité personnelle et de faillite collective que la pensée anarchiste se libérera de la gangue où elle s’est fossilisée, que la création intellectuelle reprendra son essor grâce à l’apport de jeunes et nouvelles valeurs. » En effet, « ce qui est important aujourd’hui, ce que je demande aux anarchistes, c’est une prise de conscience, un choix qui implique la volonté d’orienter la propagande anarchiste vers un retour à la réalité sociale de son temps, un refus de se comporter en minoritaires de propos délibérés. »
Pour Fayolle, l’incapacité du mouvement à se définir et donc à faire choix clair et précis d’orientation est un réel problème. Ce problème trouve sa solution dans un choix qui appartient au militant. En novembre 1957, il est temps de se décider devant l’urgence de la situation. Maurice Fayolle établit une distinction entre l’esprit anarchiste et la pensée anarchiste. L’esprit de révolte, inhérent à chaque être humain, a toujours existé tandis que la pensée anarchiste, depuis Proudhon, lui a donné consistance dans un projet de société qui reconnaît la liberté de l’individu : « La différenciation, complétée par une double identification, sépare dès l’origine, ceux pour qui l’anarchisme se condense tout entier dans un geste permanent de révolte et ceux pour qui l’anarchisme, incluant la révolte, se prolonge par des perspectives d’édifications sociales. »
Cette analyse, mise en rapport avec la première différenciation entre l’anarchisme-attitude et l’anarchisme-doctrine, entre l’anarchiste philosophe et l’anarchiste révolutionnaire, précise les pensée de Fayolle, et « ceux qui estiment qu’une société anarchiste est impossible et irréalisable dans un avenir proche se conduisent exactement comme s’ils professaient une Utopie, aussi parfaite qu’imaginaire. Ils se refusent donc à toute préparation révolutionnaire, dans la mesure où ils refusent la révolution comme moyen de transformation sociale, seulement réalisable, selon eux, par une lente éducation. »  Par rapport à ses précédentes analyses et réflexions, le ton de Fayolle est plus direct et plus tranchant. La poursuite de la différenciation montre que les militants, s’ils veulent avoir un rôle révolutionnaire, n’ont plus le choix. Deux solutions peuvent leur être possible qui s’apparentent à deux choix d’action et de propagande : soit rejoindre les rangs de l’humanisme libertaire et se consacrer à l’éducation des masses, soit être un anarchiste révolutionnaire et s’inscrire dans les luttes de l’époque pour préparer la révolution sociale.
Ce ne sont pas les vues de Maurice Laisant, qui prend la défense de la conception philosophique qui doit être respectée, même s’il se déclare avant tout révolutionnaire : « Je suis de ceux qui pensent que la philosophie anarchiste a son prolongement dans le social, qu’il est non seulement possible mais indispensable à un ordre véritable, qu’il est réalisable dans l’immédiat, que seuls y font obstacle l’ignorance, la bêtise et l’opposition e l’individu à son propre bonheur. Ceci dit, j’ajoute que s’il m’était démontré que mon jugement soit erroné, même si je devais renoncer à l’espoir de voir se réaliser pour ma génération et celles qui me suivront le rêve de cette société idéale (parce que toujours réalisable et perfectible) je ne désavouerais pas pour autant la conception la plus haute où puisse s’élever l’homme, du seul  fait qu’elle respecte les hommes et permet à toutes les conceptions humaines de s’y inscrire. » http://jscarnel.free.fr/ebola/Histoire/memoire/anar.html





9003 -- 1913 Anarchici di Carrara in localita' "Quattro pini" a Piana Maggio. http://dbai.it/galleria.mv?MODO=Z&QUALE=2



9003 -- Augusto Castrucci (1872-1951) http://dbai.it/galleria.mv?MODO=Z&QUALE=11


9003 --

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9003 -- Elise Ottesen-Jensen, anarchist-syndicalist, feminist, sex-reformist & educator, pacificist, partner of the anarchist Albert Jensen, & a committed friend to refugees from Nazi Germany. A popular lecturer with personal mixture of Danish, Norwegian & Swedish. Norwegian by birth, married to a Swede & mostly active in Sweden (& internationally) during the latter stages of her life. She crossed swords with Margaret Sanger, prizing individual self-determination over Sanger's increasingly conservative population-paranoia.

See Doris H Linder, Crusader for Sex Education: Elise Ottesen-Jensen (1886-1973) in Scandinavia & on the International Scene, (NY: University Press of America, 1996). http://homepages.primex.co.uk/~lesleyah/ottjenmh.htm
http://www.powertech.no/anarchy/a_nor.html,/a>
http://user.tninet.se/~uzt234e/EliseOttesen-Jensen.htm

9003 -- Albert Jensen anarchist-syndicalist.

"In Sweden there has existed for a long time a very active Syndicalist movement, the Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganization, which is also affiliated with the I.W.M.A. This organisation numbers over 40,000 members, which constitutes a very high percentage of the Swedish labor movement. The internal organisation of the Swedish workers' movement is in very excellent condition. The movement has two daily papers one of them, Arbetaren, managed by Albert Jensen in Stockholm. It has its disposal a large number of distinguished propagandists, & has also inaugurated a very active Syndicalist Youth movement. The Swedish Syndicalists take a strong interest in all the workers' struggles in the country. When, on the occasion of the great strike of Adalen, the Swedish government for the first time sent militia against the workers, five men being shot down in the affray, & the Swedish workers replied with a general strike, the Syndicalists played a prominent part, & the government was at last compelled to make concessions to the protest movement of the workers. "

--- Rudolf Rocker, in The Evolution of Anarcho-Syndicalism "Our reception in Stockholm was fortunately unofficial. Neither soldiers nor workers were ordered out to meet us with music & speeches, as on our arrival in Belo-Ostrov. Just a few comrades genuinely glad to see us. Our good chaperons were Albert & Elise Jensen, who steered us safely past the shoals of American newspaper men. Not that I was averse to greeting my enemies who had been so eager to lie about my doings in Russia. But I preferred not to be misquoted on the Soviet experiment until I had a chance to express my thoughts over my own signature. With the Stockholm Arbetaren, our daily syndicalist publication, and the Brand, an anarchist weekly, open to us to have our say, there was no need to be interviewed by reporters, & we were all grateful to our friends for saving us from falling into their hands." --- Emma goldman

Living My Life by Emma Goldman Volume two New York: Alfred A Knopf Inc.,1931. Chapter 53

The syndicalist guru of the NSF-paper "Alarm", Albert Jensen declared in an article: "... syndikalismen, ..., er den mest marxistiske av alle de socialistiske retninger." "...syndicalism... is the most marxist of all socialist political tendencies". In the older days however Albert Jensen, probably became an anarchist, i.e. developed a political-economical tendency of a significant degree of anarchy. http://www.spunk.org/library/writers/rocker/sp001495/rocker_as6.html
http://www.powertech.no/anarchy/a_nor.html

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9003 --


9003 -- Anarchist Time Line, Almanac & ChronologyAnarchist Time Line, Day book, Almanac & Chronology pointer move XXX


9003 -- NEED TO FIND MORE EXACT DATES FOR THESE

BAKUNIN CHRONOLOGY


anarchist; (alt sp: Mihail Aleksandroviç Bakunin, Mihail Aleksandrovic, Aleksandrovich, Mihkail)

1840 moved to St. Petersburg & in June to Berlin to study & prepare for a professorship at the University of Moscow.

1842 moved to Dresden & collaborates with Arnold Ruge in publishing Deutsche Jahrbücher.

1843 moved to Bern & Zurich, meets Wilhelm Weitling.

December 1844 stripped of his nobel status & sentenced in abstensia to hard labor in Siberia.

1844-1847 meets & talks with Proudhon often & Marx occasionally, & is on friendly terms with George Sand. ?

Latter part of 1848 expelled from Prussia & Saxony, & spends the rest of the year in the principality of Anhalt.

1851 Confession to Tsar Nicholas I.

1854 moved to Schüsselberg prison where he succumbs to scurvy, causing his teeth to fall out.

1857 Tsar Alexander relents, Bakunin is released from prison & sentenced to perpetual exile in Siberia.

1858 married Antonia Kwiatkowski, a young Polish girl, on October 5 & moved to Irkutsk.

1862 published To My Russian, Polish & Other Slav Friends, & The People's Cause: Romanov, Pugachev, or Pestel?

1863 goes to Stockholm & is reunited with his wife, then back to London, & on to Italy.

1864 founded the journal Libertà e Giustizia.

October 1865 moved to Naples.

1866 founded International Brotherhood, or the Alliance of Revolutionary Socialists. ( already posted: January 1869 secret "Alliance" dissolved. )

1867 travels to Geneva, attends & addresses the inaugural Congress of the League for Peace & Freedom & writes Federalism, Socialism & Anti-Theologism.

Fall 1869 moved to Locarno & translated first volume of Marx's Das Kapital.

http://ispp.org/Anarchist_Archives/vizetelly/vizetelly2.html

1870 Published Letters to a Frenchman.

1870-71 Wrote The Knouto-Germanic Empire, including the sections published posthumously as God & the State.

1871 Wrote The Paris Commune & the Idea of the State & published The Political Theory of Mazzini & the International. Paris Commune

1873 Published Statism & Anarchy.

http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/gallery/galleryindex.htm#Bakunin

? [Sources]
Also, [Source: Congressos Obrers] http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/sources.htm#BakuninMikhail



9003 -- DAILYDOO INDEXING

STUART CHRISTIE HISTORICAL ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF SPANISH ANARCHISM 41. TOMÀS OLIVER, Francisco. Mallorca 1850-Madrid 1903.
Bricklayer who did crucial work during the 1870s to advance the International in Spain, especially in organisational terms. An example of proletarian militancy of an anti-marxist stamp, he was the founder of the International in the Balearics & director of both its newspapers (El Obrero & La Revolución). His activity came to prominence at the labor congress in 1870 which he attended & at which he championed anarchist theses; at the 1872 congress in Zaragoza he adopted a more moderate line on the social organisation of the workers (and his line carried the day) & he came away as an elected member of the federal council (representing the Este comarca); he was also at the congress in Córdoba & again appointed to the federal commission (as secretary for external affairs, & he took Ferrer's place when he stepped down). In the ensuing years he remained the axis of the FRE both in its underground as well as in its legal years (we know for certain that he was retained on the federal commission at the conferences in 1875-77, that he attended the Barcelona extra-ordinary conference in 1881 - representing Valencia - was reelected at the 1883 congress in Seville, was present at the congress of the Unión Manufacturera of Igualada in 1883 - at which he spoke out in favour of solidarity with the victims of reprisals in Jérez & was astoundingly competent.) Around 1884 he must have had problems with the Barcelona comrades & he moved to Madrid without abandoning his activity, because even though it is argued that he steered clear of social issues in 1885-86, he certainly attended the Pacto congress (in Madrid, 1891) & in 1900 the Madrid association of which he was a member (El Porvenir del Obrero) sponsored the holding of a congress in 1900; again, in 1901 we find Tomás among the delegates to the congress of the FSORE, or new FTRE, in Madrid. A man of great capability, he was a prominent representative of the collectivist line, opposed to both marxists & anarcho-communists (putting up quite a fight against the latter, especially at the congress in Seville in 1882, with help from Llunas). Unlike other anarchists, he could see the need for an efficient bureaucracy & preferred a lawful federation over a clandestine one. He wrote for the labor press (Revista Nueva, Bulletin du Jura, etc.) & is credited with authorship of the first history of Spanish anarchism, Del nacimiento de las ideas anarcocolectivistas en España (La Coruña 1893 & serialised in the press nine years earlier).

43. MERA SANZ, Cipriano. Tetuán de la Victorias (Madrid) 1897-Paris 1975.
Bricklayer. His entry into the history of anarchism goes back to the dictatorship & the connection was strengthened during the republic; during both periods he was regularly jailed for his commitment to labor militancy. Under the republic he was already one of the staunchest pillars of the CNT of the Centre region (and the great strides made by the CNT in the region, especially among construction workers, is primarily due to him) & well regarded nationally (in 1933 he served on the national revolutionary committee charged with overseeing the uprising in Aragon, as a result of which he was to be jailed until May 1934). The outbreak of the fascist revolt found him in prison (for membership of the construction industry strike committee). Freed on 19 July, he hit the rebels like a white tornado; in the attack on Campamento, the capture of Alcalà, Guadalajara, Sigüenza & Cuenca; with the establishment of the CNT's Del Rosal column, he commanded the CNT battalion fighting in the Buitrago & Arenas de San Pedro areas (August), breaking through the cordon around Cebreros & reaching Robledo (October), at which point he argued for the necessity of guerrilla tactics. With the Francoists closing on Madrid he was took charge of the defences of the Puente de San Fernando district (January 1937), at which point experience of the war obliged him to lobby the CNT national committee to bring pressure to bear to have the columns militarised; after militarisation, he commanded the XIV Division which halted the Francoist advance at Pingarrón, played a part in the battle of Guadalajara & captured Guadalajara (the capture being the work of Mera rather than - as is mistakenly claimed- of El Campesino); later he fought in Alcolea & Brunete & from October 1937 on he was in charge of the IV Corps of the Army of the Centre, holding the rank of lieutenant colonel. In the final days of the conflict he resisted the Communists' plans for a coup & defeated them in March 1939; whereupon, after discharging his troops, he left for Oran & began a calvary through North Africa (where he was jailed in Oran & Mezelquivir, the Morand concentration camp, from which he escaped into Morocco, settling in Casablanca while he waited to leave for America, but was arrested in March 1941 and, after another odyssey, was handed over to Franco in February 1942), resulting in his facing a death sentence in Spain (April 1943) before this was commuted to a thirty year prison term. In prison he contacted the CNT's secretary, Amil, & was visited by envoys from Generals Aranda & Beigbeder who lobbied for CNT assistance in overthrowing Franco. When he was released in 1946, the aforementioned generals kept in touch with Mera, but he finally dashed their hopes & in February 1947 he moved to France. In France he dedicated himself to trying to reunify the shattered CNT, but to no avail, & later he sided with the moderates who supported collaboration against Franco. After the unification in 1960, he was commissioned to chair the reconciliation rally in Paris that November & was awarded a place on Interior Defence on account of his prestige. In 1963 he was jailed for his Interior Defence & Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Libertarias (FIJL) connections (these being the agencies most steadfastly supporting direct struggle against Franco); in 1965-66 he took a very hard line with the Cincopuntistas & after the stormy Bordeaux plenum at which his honour was impugned, a CNT faction broke away from the Intercontinental Secretariat; he belonged this faction, referred to as the Frente Libertario faction, right up until his death. A man of action, with an iron will, he did not succumb as some other exiles did, to the quest for power & always stated that he would go to his grave with his trowel in his hand. He wrote hardly anything other than a few articles in Frente Libertario in the 1960s & Mujeres Libres. Author of: Guerra, exilio y cárcel de un anarcosindicalista (Paris 1976).

43. DURRUTI DUMANGE, Buenaventura. Leon 1896-Madrid 1936.
Without question Spanish anarchism's most mythic figure of all time, even more so than Salvochea or Anselmo Lorenzo, & his tragic death on the Madrid front in circumstances still unclear would seem to have been a contributory factor in this. He came from a family of fighters that had been ruined by its support for social demands. Following primary schooling he worked as a mechanic in a workshop from 1910 on; in April 1913 he took out membership of the UGT, the only union in the area & he worked on the installation of washing machinery in Asturias (in Matallana) & even then stood out for his spirit of solidarity. Shortly after that he joined the railways as a mechanic & was actively involved in the 1917 strike, resulting in his dismissal and, at the same time, in his expulsion from the UGT (as a leftwinger) & was forced to flee to Gijón together with el Toto, wanted for sabotage & as a deserter; in December he crossed into France, living in a number of places (Marseilles, Béziers, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Biarritz..) In January 1919 he reentered Spain, working in Mieres & took out CNT membership; later he carried out sabotage missions in the mines of Leon until he was arrested en route to Galicia. Recognised as deserter, he was sent to Morocco where he was found to be suffering from a hernia. He was hospitalised & escaped to France (in June). In the spring of 1920 he returned to the peninsula, contacting Buenacasa in San Sebastián (Buenacasa advised him to move to Barcelona). He worked in Renteria & helped effectively to bolster the CNT & struck up links with a series of hardline militants (Suberviela, Ruiz, Aldabaldetrecu, Marcelino del Campo), with whom he formed the Los Justicieros group which operated in Zaragoza & the Basque Country (including an abortive attempt on the life of Alfonso XIII in San Sebastián). Together with Campos & Suberviela, he left for Zaragoza & contacted Pina, Torres Escartín, & others & undertook to travel to Barcelona, Andalusia & Madrid with an eye to the formation of a peninsula-wide anarchist federation. Thereafter the group threw itself into high-flying ventures, while assuming a more solid formation: in 1922 hit linked up with Ascaso & moved to Barcelona (Ascaso, Durruti, Torres Escartín, Campos & Suberviela), going, by that time, under the name of the Crisol group which name was later (in October) changed to Los Solidarios & was bolstered by the addition of further militants (particularly from the Barcelona woodworkers' union), with Durruti taking it upon himself to build up an arsenal; in anticipation of a coup d'état, they laid the groundwork for an insurrectionary strike (which was to be funded by the proceeds of a hold-up of the Banco de España in Gijón). A little later Durruti crossed into France with Ascaso (they were in Paris from December 1923) & together they were crucial to the launching of an anarchist publishing venture: Durruti took part in the catastrophic Vera de Bidasoa expedition & in the planning of an attempt upon the life of Alfonso XIII, before mounting a campaign through the Americas ( December 1924) from Cuba down to Argentina, subsidising rationalist schools & cowing bosses by robbing them (for a time, in Argentina, they forgot about these illegal activities & were drawn into the controversy prevailing in the anarchist movement in the country). In June 1926, Durruti was arrested in France (with Gregorio Jover & Ascaso) on charges of attempting the life of the king of Spain & after some months in prison was expelled from France & eventually settled in Belgium. He returned to Spain with his comrades after the fall of the monarchy & set about making preparations for the revolution; he attended the 1931 congress, gave countless rallies, & was up to his neck in every revolutionary venture of the time & was regularly jailed & banished; he was on the CNT revolutionary committee, represented the Catalan regional at the national plenum of regionals in May 1934, & attended the Zaragoza congress in 1936. His theoretical stance at that point may be summarised as follows: arm the people & no to vanguards. Once the rebels had been put down in Barcelona in July 1936 he quit the Militias Committee following disagreements with García Oliver & set off for the Aragon front at the head of a column named after him. He remained there until November 1936 at which point he left for Madrid with part of his column to assist in the defence of Madrid where he met his death on 20 November 1936. There was a massive turn-out of people for the removal of his body to Barcelona & at his funeral there. Strictly a man of action (the only thing he wrote was one article in La Voz Confederal), he was immensely popular & to this day remains a symbol of the virtues of anarchists.

**** INDEXED 44. LA REVISTA SOCIAL. Periodical launched in Manresa (16 August 1872) at the instigation of the Unión Manufacturera. Later, publication was moved to Gracia & Barcelona (August 1873) where it remained until 1883 (its last edition being from 19 November 1883). For many years Francisco Abayá was secretary to the editorial team & he was succeeded by García Viñas (from 1876 to 1878, some say). It was the mouthpiece of the Spanish section of the IWMA & for that reason lifted texts from La Révolte & the Jura Bulletin. It was suspended for three months (February to May 1874) & it seems that from 1874 on it espoused a moderate line (which García Viñas attempted to shift) & adopted the sub-title of “Organ of the Unión Manufacturera of the Spanish Nation”. 418 editions were published.
According to Nettlau, in December 1880 García Viñas handed the review over to Serrano Oteiza who resurrected it in Madrid (as Revista Social rather than La Revista Social) from 11 June 1881 to 15 May 1884, for 154 editions in all. Under Serrano's guidance it argued the anarcho-collectivist & Proudhonist case, adopted the sub-title “Eco del Proletariado” & was largely the organ of the FTRE. After its time in Madrid it returned to Catalonia (to Sans) where a further 39 editions appeared. It carried contributions from Ricardo Mella & Francisco Tomás, published pamphlets of Bakunin's (God & the State) & reported on the congresses of the Spanish International. Other contributors included: Palacio, Orcal Arroyo, Espí, Vanoncí & García Viñas. Its print-run was in excess of 20,000 copies. Its disappearance was part of the fall-out from the Mano Negra events.

45. PUJOL GRÚA, José. Benisant (Tarragona) 1903-Porto Alegre (Brazil) 1966.
Joined the CNT as a young medical student. When the civil war broke out he was practising in La Roca & enlisted with the Roja y Negra column. By the end of the war he was major in the medical corps & spent time in concentration camps in France (Argelés, St Cyprien, Brams) where he was a great help until he was denounced by Communists & taken to Gurs (March 1941) and, from May 1942, was drafted into a labor company; he managed to join acquaintances in Carcassonne & helped rebuild the CNT in the Aude department, only to be rearrested by the Germans & taken to Bordeaux (where he again played a central part in rebuilding the Confederation) & from there, now categorised as a saboteur, he was deported to Germany but managed to escape in Metz. After the Germans were defeated he lived in Paris, Bordeaux & Toulouse & was involved in the anti-Franco struggle in France & inside Spain, having close relations with the action groups (particularly with Facerías) operating in the comarca of Barcelona. With the reconstruction of the CNT he was elected secretary of the SIA (in June 1945), a post he resigned in July 1946 in order to penetrate Spain on organisational missions; arrested in Gerona, he was freed from prison in Barcelona in June 1947 with serious lung disease, not that this prevented him from treating a wounded guerrilla; identified by the police, he lived in hiding in Barcelona until a commando escorted him back to France. He stayed on in Toulouse & his home was a safe house for Facerías & other CNT & anarchist guerrillas. In the end, in January 1952 he left for Brazil, settling in Porto Alegre where he gained great prestige as a medical practitioner.

*** 46. SERRANO OTEIZA, Juan. Madrid 1837-1886.
http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/Encyclopedia/SerranoOteizaJuan.htm

47. EL CONDENADO. Title borne by several anarchist periodicals.
1. - Libertarian newspaper, Madrid, February 1872- March 1873. Founded by González Morago. Initially sub-titled “Socialist Newspaper”, from July onwards this changed to “Collectivist Newspaper”. Defended the International. It appeared weekly & its emergence had to do with the conversion of La Emancipación into the platform of the Madrid marxists, whom it steadfastly opposed. It comprised 4 pages & 36 issues reached the streets (in addition to a supplement); in a second version, (February 1873 to 9 January 1874) it seems to have published 31 issues. It stuck by the Alliance programme & was governed by the principles of atheism, anarchism, anti-authoritarianism, collectivism & anti-capitalism. Prominent among its contributors were Serrano Oteiza, Morago, Estévanez, Manuel Muñoz, Busquiel & José Pellicer & it carried texts by Bakunin. A periodical of crucial importance in its day, it was the chief challenger of the marxist line of argument.
2. - Anarchist newspaper. Barcelona 1886. The first workers' daily (ran for 27 days).
3. - Anarchist paper. Alcoy 1890-1893.

48. BARCELONA, FIRST FTRE CONGRESS IN, 1881.
The FTRE, replacing the FRE, was launched at the Barcelona congress (23-26 SEPTEMBER 1881) attended by around 150 delegates (somewhere from 136 to 146, according to historians) representing 162 labor societies. It met on the premises of the Sans cooperative society on 23 SEPTEMBER & its proceedings were opened in Barcelona's Circo theatre the next day. Its decisions were: 1. - To condemn regionalism & Pi y Margall-ism. 2. - To resist all political parties, worker or bourgeois, as a step in the direction of doing away with all privilege. 3. - To stress the character of the FTRE as a purely economic organisation working towards realisation of a free federation of free associations of free producers. 4. - To underline the value of inalienable individual rights not susceptible to legislative regulation & to affirm that rights of suffrage, freedom of the press & of association & municipal autonomy are meaningless unless matched by collectivisation of property.
In addition it was agreed that the Andalusian comarca be split into two & that a Manifest be made public wherein the condemnation of political parties would be hammered home. Even though the more law-abiding, less anarchist character of the nascent FTRE has been remarked upon, there was little sign of it at this congress, where only 8 votes were cat against emphatically anarchist arguments & where there was insistence upon distancing from political parties.

*** 49. ASCASO ABADíA, Francisco. Almudévar (Huesca) 1901-Barcelona 1936.

50. BARRET ÀLVAREZ DE TOLEDO, Rafael. Santander 1876-Arcachon (France) 1910.
One of the greatest thinkers & writers produced by Iberian anarchism. Of aristocratic descent, he lived for a time in Bilbao & Paris up until 1900 when he moved to Madrid to complete his studies as an engineer & where he frequented high society circles until his money ran out (at that time he was fast friends with Maeztu & Valle Inclán). In 1903 he left Spain following an incident with the Duque de Arión & emigrated to the Americas. In 1904 he was in Buenos Aires where his criticisms in the press caused him problems & forced him to move on to Asunción, at which point his ideological shift in the direction of anarchism began. In Paraguay he worked on the railways, taught classes & ventured into journalism & literature, as well as adapting wholly to the Paraguayan way of life. He married and, together with Bertotto, he launched the review Germinal; at around this time he became a crusader for the oppressed, which brought the wrath of the government down on his head (an attempt was made to kill him at a rally on 1 May 1907). The following year he was jailed, a difficult time during which he contracted lung disease & was deported to Brazil. Later he lived in Montevideo & Corrientes. In 1910 he returned to Europe, meaning to recuperate from his illness, but to no avail, for after passing through Barcelona & Paris he died in Arcachon in France.
He wrote for many newspapers in the River Plate region: La Razón, Caras y Caretas, La Tarde, Los Sucesos, El Diario Español & for Le Figaro in Paris. After his death his literary oeuvre was collected (only Moralidades Actuales had seen publication in his lifetime) & it boiled down to journalism. Author of: El Terror Argentino (Asunción 1910), Diálogos, conversaciones, epifonemas (Montevideo 1912), Moralidades Actuales (1910), Lo que son los yerbales, Mirando Vivir, El dolor de los paraguayos (Montevideo 1912), Páginas Dispersas (Montevideo 1923), Cartas inéditas (Montevideo 1967), Obras Completas (Buenos Aires 1943), works which, in the opinion of many, make him the founder of Paraguayan literature & which have earned the praises of people with no connection with anarchism (Roa Bastos, Rodó, Vaz, Donoso, Blanco Fombona). He championed an anarchism that was level-headed & restrained & analysed reality, he was not so much a propagandist of anarchism as a creator, a committed intellectual with original views & concepts of anarchism (an anarchist being someone who believes in the possibility of life without the authority principle) & has been praised by Nettlau, Fontaura & Baciu. Barret was a man of considerable cultivation: he wrote in three languages & was a recognised writer on art & music; his writings embrace every issue (nationality, social oppression, sex, women, etc.), all dealt with in short, incisive articles redolent of the sense of regeneration associated with the ‘98 generation. His incontrovertible quality makes it hard to credit that in Spain Barret should be so little known even in anarchist circles.

51. CATALá TINEO, Sigfrido. Valencia 1906-1978.
Son of a bronze smelter of anarchist leanings (the founder in Valencia of a Ferrerian school, an exile & CNT militant), we find him enrolled with the CNT hides union at a very early age & working even as an adolescent in the printshop of Solidaridad Obrera (during its days in Valencia). An advocate of moderation & more of a syndicalist than an anarchist, he joined the Opposition Unions, representing them at the plenum of the Valencian CNT which put the finishing touches to reunification with the CNT (February 1936). He was secretary of the Valencia CNT & during the civil war held prominent office (as director-general of trade in Juan López's ministry) & was to the forefront of the CNT's amplified economic plenum (Valencia 1938). In the years after the civil war he remained behind in Spain, actively struggling against Francoism; he was one of the founders of the ANFD (and headed its committee) & he also acted as secretary of the CNT national committee up until his arrest in December 1944; after trial he was sentenced to death, a sentence later commuted & he served many years in San Miguel de los Reyes. After he was released he espoused a very syndicalist line akin to the Juan López line, which brought him a lot of criticism.

52. FARGA PELLICER, Rafael. Barcelona 1840-1890.
One of the strongest & most attractive personalities of the old International. He studied for a career as a master-builder & learned type-setting (in which field he proved truly inspired & an enduring influence) , enjoyed music & was a librarian for a time. In his early twenties he had links with federal republicanism & did important work at the Barcelona Federal Centre of Workers' Societies, serving on the Central Directorate & on the Catalan workers' Ateneo. After he converted to anarchism, this work was of enormous assistance in winning Catalan labor over the incipient IWMA. He met Fanelli in Barcelona (attending the meeting out which the Barcelona section emerged) & he embraced the principles of the IWMA & of the Alliance (in January 1890 he backed the federalists, but by August had turned into a determined supporter of the Bakuninist Alliance), so that in 1969, together with Sentiñón he represented the Federal Council at the congress in Basle, where he met Bakunin & became his close friend. At a meeting in Reus in January 1870, he spelled out apolitical & collectivist principles & from the columns of La Federación brought influence to bear to have the Spanish workers' congress held in Barcelona; he attended that congress (1870) & fought there successfully to tip the balance in favour of anarchism & internationalism (it was he that drafted the message of affiliation to the IWMA & signed the manifesto to Portuguese workers). He enjoyed great standing in the eyes of internationalists (and was several times elected by universal suffrage to represent the Spanish section at congresses); at the congress in The Hague (1872) he fended off attacks directed at Bakunin & shortly after that attended the Saint-Imier gathering (the massive gathering that articulated the Bakuninist line of Spanish labor) where he made the acquaintance of Malatesta & was chosen as the Spanish correspondent for the Bulletin which it was agreed would be issued. Later at the anti-authoritarian congress in Geneva (1873) he tabled a scheme for organising along trades lines (endorsed at the congress on Córdoba) & at the Brussels congress in 1874 he stressed the anarchist line & signed the appeal issued to the workers of the world. When the repression began in Spain he stuck to his beliefs; in 1874 he met with Lorenzo & García Viñas to bolster the Alliance, & was on the federal council in 1875-77 & again in 1879; it also seems certain that he was one of those who prepared the relaunching of the FTRE in 1881 (he served on the federal commission in 1881-83). From 1886 to 1888 he published the renowned review Acracia. A man wholeheartedly committed to militant anarchism, he kept up correspondence with Bakunin, De Paepe, Fanelli, Malon, Brousse & Guillaume, was the mainstay of the internationalist press in Barcelona & Kropotkin stayed in his home when visiting Spain. Author of: Garibaldi, Historia liberal del siglo XIX, & Prolegómenos a la composición tipográfica. It has to be added that he contributed as a journalist to Natura & that it was at his instigation that El Productor was launched.

53. GáLVEZ, Pedro Luis. Málaga 1882-Madrid 1940, shot by the fascists.
Son of a Carlist general, he studied at the seminary in Málaga (from which he ran away) & followed the family to Madrid. In the capital, he enrolled in the school of Fine Arts, from which he was soon expelled due to non-compliance with the school rules; he tried his hand at the theatre but his father quickly put paid to that. In 1901 he set off on foot for Paris where he led a bohemian existence in poverty; he returned to Spain & it was while in Irún (1905) that he fell in with anti-monarchist circles & toured Andalusia peddling the federal republican line & launching swingeing attacks on monarchy; arrested in Cádiz, he was sentenced to 14 years for insulting the king & the army. Incarcerated in Ocaña, he led a riot as a result of which he was chained to the walls of his cell; it was at about this time that he started to write; he produced Existencias Tormentadas & several short stories (like En la Cárcel), one of which (El Ciego de la Flauta) won him a competition, made him popular & led to his being pardoned. On his release reviews & newspapers competed for his the favours of this ex-jailbird, but his lack of interest in any steady job ensured that he was always short of money. He achieved prominence as a correspondent from the war in Morocco (with a chilling book, Por los que Lloran: apuntes de la Guerra del Rif, Madrid 1910) & became renowned as an incorrigible bohemian. On a whim he took himself off to Albania (1914) after a time in Berlin (where he earned a living as a painter), only to return to the peninsula after a short time & found a newspaper in Madrid, En la Puerta del Sol (1916) which never got beyond its first edition due to police harassment; he eked out a living as a literary “hack”, selling handwritten poetry & writing to order. Later he moved to Barcelona & made contact with the anarchists: at the same time his life was acquiring some stability (he was a correspondent for El Pueblo, 1920) & in the years that followed he delved deeper into anarchism (writing for libertarian publications & publishers, writing sonnets targeting politicians) as is evident in El Demonio de San Miguel (1926). In 1929 he started his Obras Completas (poesías de Negro y azul) & drew closer to militant anarchists. During the republic, his life took a more uneventful turn & when the civil war broke out he enlisted with the CNT; even when it was plain that defeat was imminent he refused to leave Madrid (confident that he would not face reprisals), but was arrested & jailed & finished off by a firing squad.
A sharp prose-writer & a poet of some merit, he had some reputation in his day (writing in first class newspapers like El Liberal, La Esfera, Nuevo Mundo). He is a typical example of the turn of the century cultural world, half way between bohemia, artistic avant-gardism & social protest. Unlike other literati who opted to abjure their ideas of emancipation, Gálvez's beliefs became more pronounced. Author of: La Chica del Tapicero, Las Hembras de la Vistillas, Sonetos de la Guerra (Valencia 1938) & ¡Buitres! (Barcelona 1923).

54. FERRER GUARDIA, Francisco Juan Ramón. Alella 1859-1909 (shot in the ditch in Santa Eulalia , Barcelona on 13 October 1909).
Initially the recipient of clerical education which was partly countered by his attending the classes of a secular, liberal teacher in Teià. At the age of 13 he worked in the family vineyards & the following year his father sent - virtually banished - him to Provensals as clerk in the service of an employer who, oddly enough, initiated him to republicanism & freemasonry. He became an admirer of Pi y Margall, becoming anti-clerical & an enthusiast of the First Spanish Republic. In 1879 he worked on the railways as a ticket-collector, studied French & English & proved to be a zealous supporter of Rojas Zorrilla. In 1880 he married Teresa Sanmartí (a troubled marriage) & in 1884 he set up a lending library for railway workers & joined the masons; he fled to Sallent (following a general strike) & in 1886 decamped to Paris following involvement in the Villacampa uprising. In France he remained closely connected with Rojas Zorrilla until, after the latter's death, he quit the ranks of the federalists. He knew hard times financially & tried to make a living at several trades (in the wine & hotel businesses, giving Spanish classes & speculating on the stock market); eventually he came into contact with the Meuniers and, separating from his wife (who had inflicted grievous injury on him in 1894) he took up with Leopoldina Bonnard & together they all travelled the Mediterranean (Barcelona included). When J.E. Meunier died, he inherited a large fortune with which he embarked upon his educational & revolutionary ventures (earlier, in 1892, he had attended the world freethinkers' congress in Madrid & in 1895-97 had travelled to Australia to visit family & had also attended the international socialist congress in London). Disappointed by the republicans he drifted into libertarian ranks while in Paris (mixing with Robin, Malato, Grave & Lorenzo..) & his best known & most prestigious ventures were to be in association with anarchists. In 1901 he arrived in Barcelona ready to launch his celebrated Modern School which was to open on 8 SEPTEMBER that year, with Odón & Ramón y Cajal on the board; the school was to prove a considerable success as an alternative to Catholic & State schooling; his moment of glory came in April 1906 (with a demonstration in support of secular education) but one month later the manoeuvres to curtail his activity began: he was implicated in Mateo Morral's outrage & spent a year in prison (until June 1907). On his release he travelled Europe, toured Andalusia, got involved in high-profile activity (launching the review L'école renouvée in Paris & Brussels: establishing the International League for Rational Infant Education & campaigning for the release of the Alcalá del Valle prisoners) & became convinced that only the anarchists could be counted upon. He reopened his publishing concern, though not his school, subsidised the labor press & was soon facing accusations that he had instigated & orchestrated the Semana Trágica, was placed under arrest, tried & executed amid a scandal of worldwide ramifications. He died shouting: “Long live the Modern School!” Author of: L'espagnol pratique (Paris 1895), Páginas para la historia (Barcelona 1910), La Escuela Moderna, póstuma explicación y alcance de la enseñanza racionalista (Barcelona 1912), Envidia. Cuento ateo (London 1900), Ferrer y la huelga general (Barcelona 1910), wrote forewords to several books & for his unpublished Diario de mis pensamientos (c. 1901-1908) & Los Principios de la moral científica. In addition, he wrote articles for Humanidad Nueva, El Productor, La Revista Blanca, etc., & played a crucial part in the launching of the Boletín de la Escuela Moderna, La Huelga General & Solidaridad Obrera.
Ferrer was a man who believed in the potential of the general strike as a weapon of revolution, but it was to the field of education that he owes his prestige. The pedagogy that he practiced connected directly with the anarchist tradition of Godwin, Bakunin & Kropotkin, as well as with the principles of the Committee for Libertarian Education (1896) of Malato, Reclus, Grave & Tolstoy, to wit, a rounded, rationalist, mixed sex, libertarian schooling with the addition of borrowings from Spencer, Rousseau, Robin & others. The Modern School was to become the legendary model of the anarchist pedagogy that would be governed by anti-authoritarianism, co-education of the sexes & classes, anti-Statism, comprehensive training, egalitarianism, idealism & rationalism-scientism-secularism: it was to depart from the neutrality advocated by Mella and, although cognizant that schooling serves the interests of the State & Capital, would not challenge it but would rather seek to work a transformation of it along natural lines, whilst steering clear of under-valuing the teacher to the advantage of the pupil; it was to be a school for critical minds & a nursery for rebels.

55. FTRE (Federación de Trabajadores de la Región Española - Spanish Regional Workers' Federation).
Launched at a congress held in Barcelona (23-26 SEPTEMBER 1881), following the prior winding up of the FRE in February of the same year. After its foundation congress, it experienced rapid growth, as noted at its second congress (in Seville, SEPTEMBER 1882), having swollen to 49,561 members, mostly Andalusians & Catalans, organised into 10 comarcas, 209 local federations & 632 sections & held 8 union congresses (congresses of shoemakers, manufacturing workers, food workers, hatters, printers, blacksmiths, peasants & building workers in Valencia, Barcelona, Reus, Igualada, Seville & Madrid), plus 10 comarcal congresses. This expansion was brought to an end by internecine strife (due to the presence of competing factions, constitutionalists, insurrectionists, syndicalists, revolutionaries, collectivists & communists); these frictions were evident at the congress in Seville when a minority, southern Andalusians, split off & held a radical anarcho-communist congress of their own in Cádiz ( December 1882), with follow-up congresses in Seville & Cádiz (1883-84). There was another factor in the decline: the police crackdown in the wake of the Mano Negra episode, a crackdown condemned only very timidly by the FTRE (in March 1883 a declaration from the FTRE Federal Council made up of Pellicer, Canibel, Tomás & Llunas, protested at the repression, whilst at the same time distancing itself from those implicated in the Mano Negra). By the time of its third congress (Valencia, October 18850, the FTRE was falling apart & plainly breaking up, a process contained only by its flourishing press. By 1885, federation activity had all but ceased & the extra-ordinary congress in Barcelona (1884) had resolved nothing, any more than the so-called “cosmopolitan” congress (Barcelona 1885) or the comarcal congresses summoned in Alcoy, Barcelona, Madrid & Zaragoza in the summer of 1885 did. A mere 17 delegates showed up for the FTRE's fourth congress (Madrid 1887). Finally, the FTRE was wound up when, at the request of the Catalans, a congress met in Valencia (September 1888) to register the demise of the FTRE and, in its place, launch the OARE (Spanish Regional Anarchist Organisation), which was conceived as buttressing the anarchist element, in that it rejected any who would not dogmatically embrace anarchist arguments (the OARE gave up on meeting in congresses). Then again, in Barcelona the Pacto de Unión was launched in 1888.
The FTRE failed to marry the various interests present within it & in terms of profile it cannot stand comparison with the FRE, nor with the CNT. Whether the FTRE clearly adhered to the FRE line is a matter of some controversy: from its trajectory (Mano Negra, Los Desheredados, the OARE..) we may deduce that it aspired to impose a more legalistic, reformist policy, something in which the Llunas-Tomás-Farga faction had already been successful within the FRE. All of the internal squabbling boiled down to a duel between revolutionaries (which group included insurrectionists, anarcho-communists & radicals) & the moderates-reformists (namely, the constitutionalists, collectivists & syndicalists) , a duel already played out inside the FRE. Where the FTRE did succeed was in ditching the republican socialists (and, given the initial connection with the International - remember that many internationalists had their origins in the federal republican camp - this was no easy undertaking) who were resoundingly defeated at the 1881 congress by 110 votes to 8.

56. GUSTAVO, Soledad. Alias of Teresa Mañé. Villanueva y Geltrú 1865-Perpignan 1939.
Secular schoolmistress with her own school. After marriage to Federico Urales in 1891 she became a member of an important militant anarchist family. Mother of Federica Montseny. Her fame derives essentially from the fact that from 1898 to 1905 she was co-director with Urales of La Revista Blanca & was subsequently involved in many of the family's ventures. Her work was confined to journalism: she wrote lots & lots of articles in the family's reviews & others of the libertarian persuasion: Revista Blanca (its Almanaque & Suplementos included), El Corsario, El Productor, El Cosmopolita, El Trabajo, etc. She was on the editorial panel of Tierra y Libertad & translated Louise Michel, Labriola & De La Hire.. Her primary concerns were education & feminism. Author of: La sociedad futura (Madrid 1899), El amor libre (Montevideo 1904), A las proletarias (Buenos Aires 1896), Sindicalismo y anarquismo. Política y Sociología (Barcelona 1933), and, in partnership with Urales: Las preocupaciones de los despreocupados (Reus 1891), & Dos cartas (Reus 1891). She is also credited with authorship of Las diosas de la vida (Barcelona 1904) but this seems to be a translation of Labriola.

57. LA HUELGA GENERAL. Title borne by several libertarian papers.
1. Newspaper founded & financed by Francisco Ferrer Guardia. Barcelona 15 November 1901 to 1903. Sub-titled “Libertarian Newspaper”, it was run by Ignacio Claría. Anselmo Lorenzo & López Montenegro were assiduous contributors. 21 issues were published (one every ten days) & it appears that Batllon printed it surreptitiously on Catholic presses. It mirrors the enthusiastic reception of the general strike tactic as a means of bringing about the revolution. In view of its subversive nature it was much persecuted & Claría was tried & imprisoned more than once. It carried articles by Ferrer, Reclus, Tárrida del Mármol, Robin, Cornelissen, Grave, Hamon, Malato, Nieuwenhuis, Pert, Paraf-Javal & Tailhade. In addition to the newspaper there was also a sort of publishing imprint: the Biblioteca of the same name which published pamphlets by Lorenzo, Pert, Robin, Reclus, etc.
2. Madrid 1906. Anarchist publication. At least five issues. Contributions by Mella.

58. LEVAL, Gaston. One of the many aliases (others included Silvio Agreste, José Benito, Felipe Montblanc, Josep Venutti..) used by Pierre Piller, an anarchist who was born & died in Paris in 1895-1978 & who was closely associated with Spanish libertarians.
Son of a fighter with the Paris Commune, he came to Spain in 1915 after an unhappy childhood, having refused to fight in the First World War (he was an anti-militarist) & became a very active anarchist who earned a livelihood from a wide spectrum of trades in Zaragoza & Barcelona. By 1920 he was fast friends with Serge & with Costa Iscar, was writing for the libertarian press & serving inevitable stretches in jail (in Valencia & Barcelona); a good indicator of his standing by then is the fact that he represented the Barcelona anarchist groups at the foundation congress of the Profintern & at the congress of the Third International in Moscow (his visit was a telling one, upon which he reported to the Zaragoza conference in 1922) . On his return from Russia he toured the entire Iberian peninsula, initially making a living as a photographer & later as a teacher in La Coruña. In 1924 he moved to Argentina where he did a lot of writing: he returned to the peninsula, an influential anarchist theorist, as Uriburu's repression in Argentina worsened. With the outbreak of the civil war in 1936 he declined the offer of posts with the Generalitat & central government & by 1937 sensed the defeat that was coming. He spent eight months touring the collectives so as to be able to place on record the constructive endeavours of the revolution. When the defeat finally came, he returned to France only to be jailed, but he escaped shortly afterwards (1940); he was to live a clandestine existence until 1949 & spend another two years in Belgium: amnestied in 1951 (for his desertion in 1914) he involved himself in anarchism in France & experienced a revival with the publication of his review Cahiers de l'humanisme libertaire (1955-1976) & the events of May 1968 in France, remaining at all times in touch with Spanish libertarian circles.
During the 1920s he was prominent as an inflexible pure anarchist, but with the passage of time he delved deeper: eventually advocating a constructive anarchism with the emphasis on the economic & he argued the case for industrial federations rather than communes.. not that this was any obstacle to his being a fervent Bakuninist with a profound knowledge of Kropotkin's ideas. He was the author of a large number of writings: & wrote for countless reviews & newspapers including Liberación, Tierra y Libertad, Acción Libertaria, CNT, Solidaridad Obrera, La Guerra Social, Le Libertaire, Despertad, Cultura Libertaria, Estudios, Fragua Social, Ruta, Frente Libertario, etc.
Author of: El Prófugo (1933), A través de su destino, Los anarquistas rusos en prisión, L'Enfance en Croix (1961), Precisiones sobre el anarquismo (1937), El mundo hacia el abismo (Valencia 1934), Conceptos económicos en el comunismo libertario (Buenos Aires 1935), Né Franco, Né Stalin. La collettivitá anarchica spagnola nella lotta contra Franco e la reazione staliniana (Milan 1955), Social Reconstruction in Spain (London 1938), Poetas y literatos franceses, Contra la Guerra, La falacia del marxismo (1967), Manifeste socialiste libertaire (Neuilly 1951), Socialistes libertaires, pourquoi (Paris 1956), Problemas económicos de la revolución española (Santa Fé, 1932), Problèmes contemporains (Paris 1964, in partnership with Bouyé-Riera), Pratique du socialisme libertaire (Neuilly 1959), La pensée constructive de Bakounine (1976), Estructura y funcionamiento de la sociedad comunista libertaria (Barcelona 1936), Génèse et réalité historique de l'état, Le chemin du socialisme (Bièvres 1958), Le communisme. L'état contre le communisme (1950), éléments d'éthique moderne (Paris 1961), L'Espagne libertaire (Paris 1971), L'Humanisme libertaire (Paris 1967), L'Indispensable révolution (Paris 1948), Civilisation libertaire, Nuestro programa de reconstrucción (Barcelona 1937), Recursos alimenticios de la España antifascista (Barcelona 1937).

59. LIMOGES, INTER-CONTINENTAL CONGRESS OF THE LOCAL FEDERATIONS OF THE CNT IN EXILE, 1960.
Held in Limoges (France) from 13 to 20 August 1960, over 19 sessions. Opened by greetings from the secretary of the Inter-continental Secretariat, the congress immediately got down to business by appointing commissions to look after accounts, scrutiny & credentials. 75 local federations (with a membership of 3,836) were represented by 115 delegates; also represented indirectly were 99 local federations (with 1,182 members). This according to the figures from the commission responsible, which, as the proceedings developed announced the arrival of further delegations which, with subsequent amendments, took the number of local federations represented to over 182, (5,676 members) & 12 observers. At the request of one of the delegations the principles, tactics & aims of the CNT were ratified to mark its fiftieth anniversary.
Discussion of the report on the stewardship of the Inter-continental Secretariat, as well as the one from the delegate attached to the IWA (along with the problems arising out of the leadership of the CNT & of Cénit) ate up much of the proceedings (and it was only during the seventh sitting that they got to grips with the agenda, & even then there were lengthy references to the previous business); outstanding in these discussions were the statements from the secretary of the IS (Santamaría) to the effect that there was virtually no organised CNT within Spain, as well as the contributions from Peirats (formerly in charge of CNT) & invocation of IWA issues (the matter of the SAC). With the seventh sitting the congress got down to brass tacks, the much anticipated Item No 6 on the agenda - Review of the situation of the Confederation & policy to be adopted (under the two headings of 1. doctrinal & organisational recovery & 2. recruitment & revival of membership), which covered the matter of reunification of the two existing CNTs (the IS's one & the Sub-Committee's one). The proceedings were very laborious, with plenty of motions proposed & working parties & contributions relating to minimum conditions (it was evident that not everybody wanted reunification), with particularly outstanding contributions from the delegations from Toulouse, Perpignan, St Henri, Combs, Seysses, Carcas, Bordeaux, Dijon & Istres, which led to the formation of a working party that drafted a text satisfactory to the majority. The motion was carried, after a long preamble ratifying the CNT's pre-civil war policy line condemning its flirtation with government & the breakaway organisation was invited to disband itself & rejoin the CNT-in-Exile, forswearing their agreements & commitments; the same invitation was issued to all who had withdrawn from all activity; furthermore, it was stated that, in order for this healing process to proceed, it was the view of congress that the comrades belonging to the breakaway faction to rejoin the local federation in their place of residence one by one or in a body, after which they would enjoy the same prerogatives, rights & duties as any other CNT member; and, in order to avert potential conflict in some local federations, it was added that, in order to expedite things, each locality, nucleus or country would have a free hand in settling its affairs. Later the resolution spelled out the necessity of union for the purposes of facilitating unity among anti-Francoists & the active struggle inside Spain & also in terms of the psychological impact that it would make: finally, there was an explanation of how the decision might be implemented. This decision made possible the reunification of the CNT which had split in 1945. The rest of the business was of secondary significance: 1. - A call for circumstantial alliance with the UGT on specific matters (the fight against Francoism). 2. -There was an appeal for people to take out SIA membership. 3. - The matter of the Aymare colony, ways of boosting it & helping it out. 4. - Escalation of propaganda activity, affinity groups, the fight against Francoism...
With the reunification motion agreed, the congress was content, which explains why, when Santamaría was taken to task by one delegate (after Santamaría had shown undue reluctance to accept reelection) & was invited by him to take himself off, lots of delegations followed the secretary when he did leave the hall at the end of the seventeenth sitting. The officers elected were Roque Santamaría (general secretary), Pintado (coordinating secretary), Olaya (responsibility for Culture & Propaganda), Celma (delegate attached to the IWA) & Montseny (in charge of CNT).


  • "La Revista Social"
    (16 August 1872-19 November 1883) Spanish periodical, mouthpiece of the Spanish section of the IWMA. (Christie Books) January 2007

    http://www.christiebooks.com/html/history/archives3.html
    QUICK INDEX
    "La Revista Social"

    ?
    9005 -- Augusta Farvo anarchical review year 33 n. 292 summer 2003

    Ciao Augustina!

    Augusta Farvo

    «Ai morti ci stringiamo
    E senza impallidire
    Per l’anarchia pugnamo
    O vincere o morire»
    (Figli dell’officina)

    Indipendente e fiera, ma anche affettuosissima, senza smancerie o sentimentalismi, gli uomini l’Augusta li amava, e li sceglieva lei – e li lasciava… Sette «mariti» o forse più… e nessun figlio, per non dare carne da esercito allo Stato. I figli, del resto, non le mancavano, eravamo tutti noi. Riposa Augustina, dormi in pace compagna.

    Independent & the fair, but also most affectionate, without smancerie or sentimentalismi, the men the Augusta loved them, & it chose them she - & it left them... Seven "husbands" or perhaps more... & no son, in order not to give meat from army to the State. The sons, the rest, did not lack to them, were all we.

    Augustina rests, sleeps in similar peace.

    Joe Fallisi NEED CORRECT DATE


    9005 -- CONGRESSES TO CHECK ARE IN THE BLEED

    Founding CONGRESS of CGT-SR. Pierre Besnard gathers his faithful in Lyon, November the 15, & 16 1926. A third CGT is born from this congress the Revolutionary CGT-Trade unionist, who hastens to denounce the neutrality of the trade unions proclaimed in Amiens in 1906. For Besnard & his/her friends, the workers must substitute the concept of class for that of party. There is thus peremptory necessity, for the groupings of class which are the trade unions, not only to break neutrality with regard to the parties, but still to engage the fight against them openly.

    En 1938, Adrien Perrissaguet part à Barcelone, mandaté comme observateur, par l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Un militant libertaire de la région parisienne, Georges Le Mée le remplace à la tête de l'Union Locale. Il a pour mission d'organiser le septième congrès de la CGT-SR.

    Ces assises débutant le 10 novembre 1938 par une réunion de la Fédération du Bâtiment, au siège de l'U.L. 11, place Manigne. Le congrès confédéral a lieu le lendemain, salle des conférences en présence de Gouaux, des Métaux, Victor Giraud, trésorier national et Paul Lapeyre, des Syndicats Uniques de Bordeaux, qui développe, le soir même, au cours d'un meeting public, la position des syndicalistes révolutionnaires face à la guerre menaçante : Le devoir des travailleurs consiste à transformer la guerre capitaliste et dévastatrice en Révolution prolétarienne et libératrice ! Il termine en demandant aux salariés de : ne pas suivre les mots d'ordre d'Union sacrée et de guerre que lanceront le cas échéant les partis socialiste et communiste qui ont trahi la confiance mise en eux.

    Le congrès de Limoges est la dernière manifestation d'importance mise sur pied par la CGT-SR. Ses maigres effectifs vont se disperser au cours de l'année 1939.

    Autres articles :

    Le Libertaire (journal des anarchistes entre les deux guerres) ; Le congrès de la CGT à Lille 1921 ; Le Meeting de la Grange aux belles : les bochévics tirent sur les anarchistes (1924) ; l'affaire Lepetit, Lefèvre, Vergeat (1921) ; l'année syndicale 1924 ; la naissance de la CGT -U, St Etienne 1922 (l'affrontement anarchistes / bolchevics dans la CGT-U) ; la Charte de Lyon (1926) CGT -SR ; Pierre Besnard et le syndicalisme révolutionnaire ;

    http://increvablesanarchistes.org/articles/1920_36/192030cgtsr_limoges.htm


    9005 -- STUART CHRISTIE HISTORICAL ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF SPANISH ANARCHISM; ADD NAMES TO INDEX WITH LINKS OR PAGES CREATED FROM THESE ENTRIES; ALSO CHECK THESE AGAINST OTHER ENTRIES IN THIS DATBASE (ESP THE CATALAN LANGUAGE ENTRIES WHICH CAN BE INCORPORATED OR REMOVED ONCE DONE OR NOT WANTED.



      EXTRACTS FROM

      A Historical Encyclopedia of Spanish Anrchism A HISTORICAL ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF SPANISH ANARCHISM
      by Miguel Iñiguez



    **1. CARBó CARBó, Eusebio. Palamós 1883-Mexico 1958.
    **2. CANé BARCELó, Pedro. Barcelona 1896-Mexico 1973.
    Although born in the Barcelona district of Pueblo Nuevo, he lived from early on in Badalona where he worked in the glass industry; a staunch friend of Peiró, he was secretary of the glassworkers' union & of the Badalona local federation for whose mouthpiece La Colmena Obrera he wrote articles. In 1919 he was living in Seville & two years after that he was in Villaviciosa, only to return to Badalona prior to the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, joining the CNT's revolutionary national committee & the underground anarchist groups opposed to the dictator; in May 1929 he fled to France only to return after a short while & was jailed. During the Republic he was a prominent representative of the moderate line (and signed the Manifesto of the Thirty), not that this spared him the hatred of the employers (he was seriously injured in 1932); he was general secretary of the National Glass Industrial Federation & during the civil war he was mayor of Badalona (having been a member of the city's public safety committee a short while before) & held the under-secretaryship for industry in Peiró's ministry. In the post-war years he stuck to his circumstancialist line & collaboration with other antifascists; in exile in Mexico he backed the García Oliver platform & held an under-secretaryship in Leiva's republican government-in-exile.

    **3. CERVANTES DEL CASTILLO VALERO, Agustín. Llerena 1840-Badajoz 1874.
    Son of a Murcian lawyer, he studied law & philosophy successfully at Madrid University & took a doctorate in law in 1864. Strapped for cash, he would attend any debates that were going (this helped him broaden his knowledge); he was substitute teacher of law in Cáceres, an officer of the civil government in that province, teacher of Latin & Castilian in Córdoba and, from 1870 to 1874, teacher of law at the recently founded University of Córdoba. It was in Córdoba that he joined the International to the stupefaction of the conservatives who declared outright war on him following publication of his Tres discursos socialistas sobre la propiedad y la herencia (Three Socialist Speeches against Property & Inheritance) (Córdoba 1872), which venom obliged him to quit the city (1874) for the Instituto in Badajoz, in which city he died. A member of the Alliance from 1871, he became a go-between between the Alliance & the F.R.E. in the south, doing very valuable work, especially on the organising of the 1872-1873 congress, which he attended as an active delegate.

    **4. ACRACIA
    Title of a number of periodicals of libertarian content.
    1. Monthly publication sub-titled Revista sociológica. Barcelona January 1886-June 1888, 30 issues. Initially 8 pages in size it grew to 16 (from No 6) & then to 32 (from No 19); No 5 also carried a 20 page supplement. Salvador Peris(and later Bienvenido Rius) looked after the administration, & the running & editing was in the hands of Farga Pellicer, Anselmo Lorenzo & Tárrida del Mármol. An article in the first issue spelled out its objective as “illustrating militant socialism”. Its line was unmistakably anarchist & collectivist, not that pro-communist articles were not included too. It serialised important works such as The Social Question in the Light of Science (Tárrida del Mármol), The Social Question (Drury), Capital (Tárrida), The Individual (by Lorenzo), The Reaction in the Revolution (Mella), The Lies (Nordau), Scientific Bases of Anarchy (Kropotkin), etc., as well as numerous articles on anarchy, the individual versus the State, the workers' party, collectivism & communism, the eight hour day, the death penalty, dynamite, the categorical imperative, capitalism in agriculture, bourgeois & worker science, the militant proletariat, the liquidation of society, the family, poverty, etc., over the signatures of Nieva, Lorenzo, Halliday, Alvarez, Canibell, Gomis, Mella, Cuadrado & others. A high quality review.
    2. Mouthpiece of the Libertarian Youth in Asturias, published in Gijón, 1937.
    3. Supplement to Tierra y Libertad, Barcelona, September 1908-1910. Run by Cardenal & Boix, it carried texts by Lorenzo, Lanza, Vallina & Kropotkin.
    4. Newspaper run by H. Plaja, Reus, 1923, 5 issues.
    5. Sociological review, Barcelona 1922-23.
    6. Anarchist publication from Tarragona, run by H. Plaja, 1918, 28 issues.
    7. Lérida 1933-34 & 1936-37. In its first phase it was run by F. Lorenzo Páramo; in its second, (when publication was weekly or even daily) by Manuel Magro & it could count upon contributions from Alaiz, Peirats, Amador Franco, Lamolla & V. Rodriguez. It pushed a line opposed to the CNT's governmentalism at a time when the Confederation had a share in the government.
    8. Organ of the Libertarian Youth of Lérida, 1981, 3 issues.

    **5. ACIN, Ramon. Huesca 1887? - 1936, murdered by the fascists.
    Bakuninist Aragonese anarchist, who studied at the Instituto in Huesca where he struck up an enduring friendship with Felipe Alaiz (who would later be his biographer); in his native city in 1915-1920 he was a member of an anti-reactionary group (Bel, Alaiz, Samblancat & Maurín) & around 1920 he secured a post as a sketch artist in Huesca, the city where he spent much of his life & where he gained considerable prestige as a forward-thinking person & lover of culture. A member of the CNT, he experienced banishment, imprisonment & exile, represented the unions of Upper Aragon art numerous plenums & congresses (being on the propaganda working party at the La Comedia congress) & his disciples included Encuenta, Viñuales & Ponzán. A friend of Galán, he did his best to prevent the uprising in Jaca, but failed & was thus indirectly obliged to flee to exile in France ( December 1930-April 1931). He occupied a position of some stature in the world of culture: his pictures were exhibited at the Dalmau gallery in Barcelona, he sculpted excellent altarpieces & sculptures & had plans for a trades museum in Aragon.. Possessing the soul of an artist, he was fond of antiquities & crafts & used a lottery win to fund Buñuel's film Las Hurdes. He made significant contributions to the press; he published several reviews around the region, like Mañana, Floreal, Revista de Aragón & Claridad & his flowery aphorisms in honour of his hero Salvador Seguí (1923) were famous.

    **6. GOMIS MESTRE, Celso. Reus 1841-Barcelona 1915.
    A resident of Madrid from a very early age, he studied to become a road engineer & this took him all over the country. He was implicated in the federalist uprising of 1869 & was forced to go into exile. While in exile he made Bakunin's acquaintance & joined the Alliance in Geneva (January 1870). Returning to Madrid in March 1870 he was active in the efforts of the International in Madrid (chairing its first public meeting), holing the post of propaganda secretary & helping out greatly with the editing of La Solidaridad. In 1876 he moved to Barcelona & took an interest in matters of regional culture, folklore & sport; he also collaborated with significant libertarian reviews (like Tramontana. El Productor, Acracia..), particularly with a series of articles about emigration, especially in the 1880s. An advocate of organisation, in 1889 he deplored the fact that anarchists paid such little attention to it. In his later years he lost an arm (1909) & quit his profession to become literary editor of a Barcelona publishing house. Highly educated, he wrote much on a variety of topics & published numerous books in Castilian & Catalan (including school books). Author of A las madres (Sabadell 1877), El catolicismo y la cuestión social (Sabadell 1886).

    **7. CORDóN AVELLáN Salvador. Cabra 1886-Seville 1936.
    Andalusian revolutionary & anarchist. As a very young boy in Almodóvar he came into contact with anarchism through the press; jailed briefly in 1905, at the age of twenty he emigrated to Argentina, a well-known anarchist by that point. In Argentina he married Isabel H. Pereira & together they carried out tremendous agitational & recruitment work. He returned to the Peninsula in 1914 to take charge of a workers' school in Castro del Río & embarked upon a very intense phase of journalistic & oral propaganda activity in Andalusia; in 1915 he launched the review, Alas, travelling the province of Córdoba on propaganda tours, sometimes on his own & sometimes with Sánchez Rosa & Rodríguez Romero; the following year, he did the same in Lower Andalusia. In 1917 he published the anarchist review Los Nuestros in Montejaque & Aznalcóllar; in 1918 we find him in Cabra leading a strike there & bringing his influence to bear on the assembly that year; shortly after which he settled in Córdoba where his written & oral debates with socialists & federalists created something of a stir, whilst he did not forget to make periodical propaganda tours through the countryside organising & relaunching peasant unions, all of which resulted in his being brought to trial & spending time in jail (February 1919). In 1920 he was in Algeciras where he launched the newspaper Prometeo.. These were years when he struck fear into the bosses who blamed him for any agitation that broke out in the south. An advocate of extremist tactics & subversion, he fell fleetingly under the spell of the Russian revolution (changing his name to Kordhonief). As the red years receded, he eased up on his work rate. He was published by all of the anarchist & syndicalist press in Spain & his prestige among the peasants & anarchists of Andalusia was unrivalled except for Sánchez Rosa. Author of: Frente al Estado (Seville 1919), De mi bohemia revolucionaria (Madrid 1921), Pueblo en sombras (Barcelona 1928) & Retiros obreros. Real decreto de 11 de marzo de 1919 que ha de regular su implantación en España. Estudio crítico (Madrid 1919).

    8. CORTIELLA, Felipe. Barcelona 1871-1937.
    Anarchist occupying a prominent place in Catalan literature. An anarchist militant & CNT fighter the chief focus of his literary & cultural effort was the theatre (he founded the Agrupació Avenir company) which he sought to place in the service of the common people. In Cortiella's view theatre has a duty to set out a libertarian project for society, so he rejected theatre as mere entertainment, which explains why so many of his characters embody the virtues of honesty, justice & integrity that he saw in anarchism. Thus, society should not turn a blind eye to society but indeed should have a didactic function to perform. He is mistakenly regarded by some as a Catalanist; Cortiella drew a precise distinction between language & culture on the one hand & political independence movements & creation of borders on the other; he was a dyed-in-the-wool internationalist. It is a fact, though, that some of the positions he espoused caused surprise because of the zeal he displayed in championing the Catalan tongue (he refused the editorship of Solidaridad Obrera because the CNT would not accept his suggestion that it be printed in Catalan only). He contributed to the labor press (La Revista Blanca, Solidaridad Obrera, Avenir..) & a school of thought grew up around him ( it included Mas Gomeri, Albert, Claudio & Bausà) & was the author of: Els artistes de la vida (1898), La brava joventut (an anti-Lerrouxist piece from 1933), Dolora (1903), El Morenet (1904), El cantor de l'ideal (1901), El plor del alba, El teatro y el arte dramático, La vida que jo he vist. These in addition to poetry (Anarquines, published in 1908) & translations in which his enthusiasm for Ibsen was evident.

    9. CLARAMUNT, Teresa. Sabadell 1862- Barcelona 1931.
    Celebrated Catalan anarchist who for years was the symbol of libertarian virtue. A textile worker, he acquired a certain prestige early on for her intellect, culture & courage. In 1884 she founded a women's anarchist group in Sabadell in tune with the ideas of Tárrida del Mármol & in the years that followed she was caught up in the most important developments affecting militant anarchism, together with the inevitable sequel of harassment & imprisonment; she was arrested in 1893 following the bombing of the Liceo & again in 1896 in relation to the Cambios Nuevos events, was deported & spent some years in France & England as a weaver. She returned to Barcelona in 1898 & got involved in the campaign against the Montjuich trials: shortly after that she played a crucial part in the launch of El Productor (1901) & was one of the people behind the unleashing of the big Barcelona strike of 1902, in which year she achieved prominence in a big propaganda tour through Andalusia. In succeeding years she took part in numerous meetings & propaganda tours, etc., proving at all times her great ability to draw & galvanise a crowd. With the workers' federation relaunched she settled in Zaragoza (1909) where she was to do a lot for Aragonese labor (being prominent in the 1911 strike). With the passing of the years, her home turned into a place of pilgrimage for young anarchists (as witness the influence she had over the members of the Crisol-Solidarios group). In 1924 she returned to Barcelona but progressive paralysis prevented her from keeping up her activism, although she stuck by her ideas to the end. Her writings were carried in many of the newspapers & reviews of the day, such as El Productor, El Rebelde, Tribuna Libre, El Productor literario, El porvenir del obrero, Fraternidad, La Alarma, El Proletario, Buena Semilla, etc. She wrote: La mujer. Consideraciones generales sobre su estado ante las prerrogativas del hombre (Mahón, 1905). Her two main themes were championing equality of the sexes in socioeconomic terms & her opposition to politics. For a time too (during the 1920s) she fought shy of trade unionism in which she detected obvious reformist dangers.

    10. GARCíA VIñAS, José. Málaga 1848-Melilla 1931.
    As a medical student in Barcelona he belonged from the start to the Barcelona nucleus of the International established by Fanelli. He attended the labor congress in 1870 & belonged to Bakunin's Alliance. He was also present at the famous Córdoba congress (1872-73) & was Iberian internationalism's delegate to the international congresses in Geneva (1873) - at which he displayed great radicalism, insisting that the general strike must be an insurrectionary strike - in Berne (1876) & in Verviers (1877). Then again, he was a member of the Federal Council in 1875 & again in 1877-1880. In 1880 he withdrew from militant activity (but neither his contact with nor interest in the movement: he was a great friend of Kropotkin), apparently for two reasons: ideological differences with Fargas & Llunas (who advocated law-abiding tactics & collectivist principles) & disquiet at the lack of audience which he put down to his not being possessed of “horny hands”. He was a very important figure in the 1870s (and was described as the dictator of the Federal Council & an autocratic anarchist), a friend of Bakunin & Kropotkin (the latter stayed in his home in Barcelona), ran very important reviews such as La Federación & La Revista social, & had many supporters among the workers (his medical practice helped him here) & he was at all times a man of action & a battler (together with Brousse he seized control of Barcelona city hall for several days in June 1873 as part of the uprising by federalist republicans). An advocate of insurrectionary tactics & acting outside the law, he was more of an anarchist than a trade unionist, in that he detected a damaging tendency towards reformism in the latter. Having withdrawn from activity, he lived in Málaga and, after 1902, in Melilla, practising as a doctor.

    11. GARCíA VIVANCOS, Miguel. Mazarrón (Murcia) 1895-Córdoba 1972.
    His militant activity was centred on Barcelona & on his membership of the Los Solidarios group (alongside Durruti, Ascaso & García Oliver) from its establishment in 1922 & he participated in many of its operations. With the advent of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, he moved to Paris together with Durruti & Ascaso, but, due to certain misunderstandings & disagreements over touring the Americas, he returned to Barcelona in 1926 to work as a taxi-driver (a short time before, in 1924, he had been caught up in the Vera-Atarazanas operation). Throughout the Republic he was in touch with García Oliver, but did not, contrary to Oliver's claims, act as his driver during the civil war, & he appears to have shared the latter's views: he had a hand in all of the events of the time (the FAI revolts, the opposition to treintismo & reformism within the CNT..). After the civil war broke out he fought with the Los Aguiluchos column, was adjutant to Gregorio Jover & later commanded several divisions on the republican side. In exile in France & Africa, he had a hand in the foundation of the García Oliver-ist POT & supported the case for regionals based on place of origin, as a result of which he was expelled from the CNT (Marseilles, 1945). A man who did a lot of jobs during his life-time (docker, driver, painter & decorator..) he earned himself a reputation as a naive painter following the end of the second world war, but never lost sight of his beliefs.

    12. GIMéNEZ ORIVE, Wenceslao. Born in Gijón 1921, killed in Barcelona 1950.
    Known as Gimeno & as Wences. He was a leading member of the action groups operating within Francoist Spain. Having moved to Zaragoza as a child, he was arrested on several occasions prior to 1946, the year in which he seems to have contacted Zubizarreta & developed an interest in anarchism & the fight against Franco. In 1947 he represented Aragon at the CNT's national plenum of regionals in Madrid that July. He spent some time with the rural guerrillas until, disillusioned by its ineffectuality, he left for France (working as a fitter in Paris & Lyon). The following year he began an association with Facerías & joined the urban guerrilla campaign in Spain, initially with Facerías & then with a group of his own (Los Maños). Operated in the Barcelona comarca - and, fitfully, in other areas, as well as i Madrid in an attempt to assassinate Franco - coming & going from France. In December 1949 he entered Catalonia in an attempt to bring a halt to the disastrous wave of guerrillas perishing at police hands. With him went Rodolfo, Salgado, Plácido & Simón. In a brush with the police in Barcelona in January 1950, Wences was wounded & may well have taken his own life.

    13. FRENTE LIBERTARIO.
    Title borne by two libertarian newspapers.
    1. Publication appearing out of Madrid between October 1936 & 1939, initially as the organ of the Confederal Militias, but from 30 November 1938 on, as the Organ of the Centre Region's Defence Committee. Daily from January 1937 (having previously been published two or three times a week): it was published by the Defence Committee of the Regional Confederation of labor, Centre Region & was distributed free of charge on the battle-fronts. A few editions were also issued in other languages, especially Italian (the weekly Bollettino per le miliziani conmbattenti al fronte di Madrid).
    2. Monthly. Paris July 1970-March 1977 (72 issues). Wound up as agreed at the Narbonne Conference (1976) after the CNT was relaunched inside Spain. Its publication had been prompted by the rejection on the part of some CNT militants of the expulsions of prominent militants (such as Mera, Manent, etc.). Its director was Gómez Peláez. 38x38 cms. in format, with a print-run of between 2,000 & 4,500 copies with 6 to 12 pages per issue.
    The idea of launching it seems to have emanated from Mera & it was a remarkable success. It carried extensive reports from Spain, publishing plenty of anarchist & Confederation documents & news & boasted a series of pretty much fixed sections (window on the world, bibliographical notices, obituaries, in passing, 40 years ago, pot pourri, strikes, clandestine publications, etc.) & the list of its contributors is a lengthy one, including names like Bárcena, Borrás, Blanco, Quintana, V. García, García Pradas, Bermejo, Carpio, Mera, Olaya, Alberola, Arcos, Peiró, Cohn-Bendit, Mintz. etc. Articles by Peirats, Sender, Gálvez, Cortinas, Fontaura & Quintana were especially frequent. A very interesting review, the tradition was in part carried on by Confrontación.

    14. GONZáLEZ MORAGO, Tomás. Born in a village in Madrid, date unknown, died in prison in Granada in 1885.
    Engraver by profession, he had a workshop in the Calle de Gracia in Madrid which was a meeting place. In 1868 he belonged to the Castelar-style individualist republican camp & enlisted with García López's battalion: he was a member of the choral society at the Fomento de las Artes, where he stood out for his intellect & his temperament, a blend of activity & laziness. Late in 1869 he spoke at a republican meeting, but after initial contacts with the incipient IWMA, it was through him that Cané, Lorenzo & others went over to the International & he was charged with making the preparations for the famous meeting at which Fanelli spelled out the new doctrines (24 January 1869). However, he was not present at the meeting himself due to an oversight. A member of the first propaganda commission of the Madrid core group, his efforts on behalf of the organisation were tremendous in the 1870s; he addressed Madrid rallies in 1870 & spoke at conferences in 1871 & proved to be an inspired ad-libber & a gifted public speaker both vehement & impassioned. He attended the labor congress in 1870 - & was elected on to the Federal Council. He was a member of the Alliance in Geneva, corresponding with Bakunin from November 1869 onwards: travelling to Lisbon in 1871 with Lorenzo & Mora, he split off from them (in August) & stayed there (refusing election on to the Federal Council) & contacted Quental & Fontana, proving of crucial assistance to them in launching the IWMA in Portugal. He attended the Zaragoza congress in 1872 & there launched a scathing attack on the authoritarianism of the IWMA statutes, making a firm stand against the ambitions of the marxists; elected by referendum to attend the congress in The Hague (1872), once there he opposed the manoeuvring against Bakunin and, shortly afterwards, attended the get-together in Saint-Imier (the accords of which he defended at the Córdoba congress). In the ensuing years there was no let-up in his activism: he was exceptionally prominent in resisting the republicans & marxists (squabbling with Fernando Garrido & launching El Condenado) & seems to have drafted the manifesto of March-April 1874 (along with Tomás) & attended the Verviers congress (1877) as a delegate. He contributed articles to La Solidaridad & edited El Orden, newspapers from which he challenged the Madrid Federation's deviation in the direction of marxism. Expelled from the Madrid Federation in December 1883 for immoral conduct against the organisation, to borrow the terminology employed to mean counterfeiting money (he was a type-setter with the official printers), which offence led to his being jailed (even now a very controversial episode, some maintaining that the Federation knew of his activities but committed the crime of failing to show solidarity). Less well known than other first-generation Internationalists he may nonetheless be regarded as the true architect of Bakuninism's success in the Iberian peninsula & of the defeat of marxism, much more so than Lorenzo, Llunas & the rest.

    15. GONZÀLEZ SANMARTíN, Ramón. Granollers 1920-Barcelona 1948, killed in a brush with the police.
    Known as El Nano, a member of the anti-Francoist action groups. A CNT member since 1933, he was arrested in connection with the events of October 1934 & released the following year; later he committed himself to organising the Libertarian Youth & was on the first Granollers committee, representing it at the regional plenum in Badalona in May 1936. He joined the FAI & fought on the Aragon front (with Ginés Mayordomo's militia & with the Roja y Negra Column & subsequently with the Ascaso (28th) Division) until discharged for being a minor, whereupon he returned to organisational activity before re-enlisting after the collapse of the Aragonese front with the 26th Durruti Division (April 1938). Exile in France saw him held in the concentration camps (Vernet, Agde, Barcarés, Argéles & Saint-Cyprien) before enlisting with the Foreign Legion from which he was discharged in Morocco: returning to France as an ex-serviceman, he was arrested by the Nazis in Toulouse & sent to work in Sète, from where he escaped to join the maquis (acting as liaison between it & the CNT). When the German occupation ended, he became very active in the Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Libertarias (FIJL) & eventually joined the combat groups making repeated incursions from France into Catalonia along with Facerías & García Casino (and, from time to time, with Los Maños); he was involved in the execution of the traitor Melis & was attracted to the MLR (in the summer of 1947). Killed during an incursion (13 June 1948).

    16. FERRER FARRIOL, Juan. Igualada 1896- Paris 1978.
    From a family where anarchists rubbed shoulders with Carlists. From the age of eleven he worked in the textile industry, picking up the trade of tanner & early on he joined the groups taking on the strike-breakers (1912). In the CNT (which he joined in 1911) he carried out important work in his native city (unionising women in 1913, taking part in the leather strike of 1915). In 1916 he backed the metalworkers' & bricklayers' strike in Barcelona (and got a month in prison for it) & the following year was implicated in the revolutionary happenings, as a result of which he was forced to flee (Martorell, Pallejà, etc.). living rough & working at numerous trades. In 1918 he was a member of the Barcelona Local Federation (representing the tanners) & attended the Sants congress (where he came out in favour of the sindicatos únicos). Under the dictatorship, he was prominent in journalism in Igualada (together with Anselmo he published Germinal & Sembrador) & under the republic he tried (unsuccessfully) to mediate between the faístas & the treintistas. Following the outbreak of revolution in 1936 he served on the revolutionary committee in Igualada & on the Huesca front (supply section), was deputy mayor of the city & ran collectives (while also counsellor for agriculture in Igualada); later he went up to Barcelona as editor & manager of the daily Catalunya which he left to take up a post as Solidaridad Obrera correspondent on the front (1938), where he also ran El Frente. After the defeat he was interned in the camp in Argelés (where he was secretary of the Catalan CNT) & later in the one in Barcarés; later he worked in agriculture & sundry trades in the south of France. After the Nazis were defeated, he settled in the Pyrenees as part of the infrastructure of the CNT active service units in Spain; later he moved to Toulouse & Paris as director of the newspaper CNT (until 1954) & worked for a time as a factory watchman; in 1956 he switched back to journalism, running Solidaridad Obrera in Paris (1956-62) & its replacements (Solidaridad, Boletín CNT, Boletín) & from 1962 he took charge of Le Combat Syndicaliste. In the exile community in France he always sided with the apolitical, anti-governmental defenders of CNT orthodoxy. Author of: Interpretació llibertaria del moviment obrer català (Bordeaux 1946), Conversaciones libertarias (Paris 1965), De l'Anoia al Sena sensa presa (Paris 1966) Garbuix poètic (Paris 1956), Costa Amunt (Paris 1975), El intruso (Toulouse, undated), Congresos anarcosindicalistas en España (Paris & Toulouse 1977), Un rural en Barcelona (Paris 1960). Also wrote for Cénit, Historia Libertaria, Cultura Libertaria, etc. & managed Cénit & Umbral. Used the noms de plume of Ramón Ollé & Joan del Pi.

    17. ESTEVE, Pedro. Barcelona 1866-New York 1925.
    Printer by trade, active in Barcelona's famous Arte de Imprimir, representing it at the Madrid congress of the Pacto de Unión (1891); by that time he was an anarchist of some standing, linked ideologically with the decidedly anti-socialist group of Oller & Torrens. Around 1892 he left Barcelona bound for North America, after taking part in a propaganda tour through Spain (1891-2) with Malatesta . In 1893 he attended the International Anarchist Conference in Chicago, presenting Notes on the Spanish Situation. Over the ensuing years his prestige as a journalist & public speaker grew. By the turn of the century (1901) he was in Tampa, from where he was forced to flee the employers' backlash (following a tobacco-workers' strike) & settled in New York, thereafter the centre of his activity. In New York he was to become the driving force behind the renowned newspaper Cultura Proletaria. He wrote for, ran & edited numerous libertarian & company newspapers: El Productor, Boletín de la sociedad de impresores, Mother Earth, El Despertar, Doctrina anarquista socialista, etc. Esteve was a typical representative of the anarchist faction opposed to Malthusianism. Great friend of Mella. Author of: A los anarquistas de España y Cuba, Memoria de la Conferencia Anarquista Internacional celebrada en Chicago en septiembre de 1893 (Paterson, 1900, previous editions in 1893 & 1899), Reformismo, dictadura, federalismo (1922), I congressi socialisti internazionali (1900), Reflexiones sobre el movimiento obrero en México (1911), Socialismo anarquista. La ley. La violencia. El anarquismo. La revolución social (Paterson 19020

    18. EMANCIPACIóN, La.
    Title of a number of libertarian publications.
    1. Weekly paper of the International & replacement for La Solidaridad. Madrid, 19 June 1871 to 12 April 1873. Publication ceased because of doctrinal disagreements. Initially championed the International but it switched emphasis from November 1871 (articles by Mora), culminating in its going over early the next year to marxism, which brought the wrath of the Bakuninists down upon it. Its initial masthead read “Socialist Newspaper Championing the International”. Its editorial team was made up of Lorenzo, Mesa, Iglesias, Pagés, Lafargue, Pauly & Engels (in April 1872 Pagés took over from Lorenzo was secretary to the editors) & it was run by Mesa. It comprised two pages divided up into several sections (events of the week, notices, serial & correspondence). Published the inaugural manifesto of the IWMA, the Communist Manifesto, articles on the family, the Paris Commune, etc., & other articles opposing republicanism. After if went over to the marxist faction it entered into a bitter squabble with El Condenado & La Federación.
    2. Newspaper, La Coruña, 1901 (questionable existence).
    3. Anarcho-collectivist newspaper from 1887 (?)
    There are two other newspapers with the title of Emancipación rather than La Emancipación.
    4. Monthly review, Madrid 1977-78, 6 issues. mid-way between the CNT, assemblyism & class autonomy.
    5. Organ of the Local Federation of CNT unions, Sabadell, 1977, one issue.

    19. SIERRA ALVáREZ, Pedro. Oviedo 1888-Mexico 1969.
    One of the best known of the Asturian anarchists representing the very moderate line associated with that region. Very friendly with Quintanilla & a disciple of Mella. Even when his activity essentially took the form of journalism & organisational efforts, he wound up in jail several times (half a year following the 1911 congress, & also in relation to the 1909 events in Barcelona, etc.). Attended the 1910 congress where he played a prominent role (serving on the working party on CNT regulations, & dealing with the internationalist theme. He argued the case for launching the CNT & clashed with Herreros over the role of intellectuals in the workers' movement) as well as the 1911 congress. In 1915 he represented the workers' associations of Gijón at the congress in El Ferrol, & the following year he attended the Asturian trade union congress. He was secretary of the Woodworkers' National Industrial Federation & as a journalist he wrote for Tribuna Libre, Solidaridad Obrera de Gijón, Renovación, Acción Libertaria, CNT de Gijón, etc. & managed Solidaridad Obrera de Gijón, Solidaridad, Acción Libertaria, El Libertario, La Cuña, frequently in conjunction with Quintanilla, whom he also joined in holding meetings. He condemned anarchist Jacobinism, rejected the mythic status afforded social revolutionism & violence & combated the reformism of party political socialists. His life as a militant was bound up with the city of Gijón right up until he left to go into exile.

    20. ESGLEAS JAUME, Germinal. Malgrat 1903-Toulouse 1981.
    Spent his childhood years in Morocco. Worked in the textile & woodworking sectors. Joined the CNT as a young boy & by the age of 17 was secretary of the general trades union of Calella & experienced imprisonment. Made his name around 1923 (addressed a rally with García Oliver & was appointed to the secretariat of the Catalan CNT). However his popularity & influence stem from the civil war years & were consolidated during the years in exile in France which he came to be regarded as a symbol (albeit a very controversial one). In 1928-29 he was jailed following an underground plenum & later became a teacher at a glassworkers' union school in Mataró. At the 1931 congress he spoke up for political & ideological intransigence. (He was a faísta in those days). After the civil war broke out he was to have been a CNT representative in the economic affairs department of the Generalitat (June 1937) but never took up office; in May 1938 he was a member of the Executive Committee set up by García Oliver as well as a member of the Catalan CAP. His exile in France began in the camp at Argelés & he later served time (three years) in jail in Notron, from where he was freed by the maquis in 1944. After the defeat of the Nazis, the figure of Esgleas came to the fore when he refused to yield representation of anarcho-syndicalism to the Juanel line (Juanel was appointed secretary) on the strength of his post as vice-secretary of the General Council of the MLE. This obstinacy reflected a factional struggle that smashed the CNT in 1943-45. Indeed, after the defeat of 1936-1939 (even though he is credited with vacillation at the beginning of his days in exile) Esgleas took the line that defeat had been due to departure from principles, whereupon he became a conspicuous representative of the orthodox, anti-collaborationist line at a time of obvious tension, a line that triumphed at the Paris congress in 1945, especially when Esgleas was elected general secretary of the national committee. In succeeding years he frequently held positions of the highest rank: member of the Inter-Continental Commission in 1947 & 1948, secretary of the Inter-Continental Secretariat in 1952 & 1963, secretary of the IWA, member of Interior Defence, etc. In exile in France, his school of thought gave its name to the majority faction (“esgleismo”), a highly controversial line about which opinions are divided; some see it as breathing new life into the CNT & anarchism, others see it as do-nothing officialdom. Be that as it may, the fact is that Esgleas's view has been the predominant one among the CNT exiles for more than thirty years. Author of: Sindicalismo:orientación y funcionamiento de los sindicatos y federaciones obreras (Barcelona 1933), Decíamos ayer. Verdades de todas horas.

    21. DEFENSORES DE LA INTERNACIONAL.
    After the FRE was outlawed by Sagasta (1872) the Federal Council arranged for the setting up of hand-picked groups of militants charged with keeping the federation afloat: these groups were the Defensores de la Internacional (Defenders of the International). The leadership of these groups would be vested in the federal council & the groups were to be clandestine. This organisational set-up would attempt to draw any protest movements launched by republicans into the labor orbit & would also seek to influence workers by means of organising fund-raising, declaring strikes & fostering propaganda. They were to be set up in localities with an IWMA presence & to this end Francisco Mora & Anselmo Lorenzo travelled through the south & the Levante region, establishing contact with Alonso Marselau, Pino, Soriano, Salvochea & others.
    The establishment of them has been a matter of great controversy because the Bakuninists of the Alliance suspected that behind them there was a marxist ploy to whittle away the anarchist presence (a reasonable enough interpretation given the powers claimed by the federal council which allowed it to set up many more groups than Alliance nuclei), especially with Mora being to the fore & when Lorenzo at that time was torn between the anarchist line & the marxist one. Others, however, prefer to take a different view of things: as well as giving the slip to persecution, the aim was to bring about an amalgamation of the International & the Alliance.


    22. ALAIZ DE PABLO, Felipe. Bellver de Cinca (Huesca) 1887-Paris 1959.
    Educated in Lérida & Huesca, between 1915 & 1920 he joined with Bel, Acín, Samblancat & Maurín in setting up a group in Upper Aragon to oppose the reactionaries. early on he showed an interest in literature & journalism and, together with Acín he published a number of Aragonese reviews (Floreal, Claridad, Aragón, Revista Aragonesa) & lived in bohemian circles in Madrid (where he struck up a friendship with Baroja & accompanied him on an election tour through Aragon). His haphazard temperament led to his abandoning a potentially brilliant career in journalism (he was an editor with Ortega y Gasset's El Sol) & throwing in his lot with the anarchist movement, which was more in tune with his adventurous nature. He was to acquire a considerable profile in anarchist circles as a CNT journalist between 1920 & 1950: he was director of Los Galeotes, Hoy, La Revista nueva, Fructidor, Impulso, CNT (in exile), Tierra y Libertad & Solidaridad Obrera (under the republic & during the civil war) & he was a contributor to a huge number of publications, including La Revista Blanca, Solidaridad Obrera (Paris), Umbral, Ruta, Acracia, La Noche, Día Gráfico, Voluntad, etc. A restless figure (he lived in Madrid, Barcelona, Tarragona, Zaragoza, etc.) he was also not exempt from ideological wavering (in 1942 he was to propose the establishment of a libertarian party, & in 1944 he supported the idea of running in municipal elections & within months he had joined the ranks of the orthodox), even though he was almost always numbered among the champions of purism, even on occasions when it was to his personal cost (thus he turned down the leadership of the French CNT because it espoused a line with which he disagreed) & even led to his being jailed (he spent four years behind bars for his beliefs, courtesy of the Republic, having espoused the faísta line against treintismo. Opinion as to his merit has varied; some hold him to have been a man who failed to live up to his potential, with only his journalism worthy of the reading; others contend that he is the acme of anarchist writing this century; it seems clear that his inconsistency prevented him from achieving literary work of merit (in fact he only ever wrote one book, Quinet) & it is hard to assess his journalistic output on account of its being dispersed (he wrote thousands upon thousands of articles). His style is marked by an emphasis upon irony, destructive criticism, his erudition, elegance & his sharp-eyed facility for bringing hidden facets to light. He translated Sinclair, Nettlau & Berneri & is the author of: Cómo se hace un diario (Barcelona 1933), La expropiación invisible (Barcelona 1933), El problema de la tierra. Reforma agraria y expropiación social (Barcelona 1935), Azaña: combatiente en la paz, pacifista en la Guerra (Toulouse, undated), Hacia una federación de autonomías ibéricas (Rennes 1945-48), Indalecio Prieto, padrino de Negrín y campeón anticomunista (Toulouse, undated), Por una economía solidaria entre el campo y la ciudad (Barcelona 1937), Vida y muerte de Ramón Acín (Barcelona 1937), Tipos españoles (Paris 1962, 1965), Arte de escribir sin arte (Toulouse 1945), La nueva maldición del practicismo (Toulouse, 1976), La zarpa de Stalin sobre Europa (Toulouse, undated), Quinet (Barcelona 1924), Los aparecidos (Barcelona 1933), María se me fuga de la novela (Barcelona 1932).

    23. ALBARRACíN, Severino. Libertarian teacher who died in Barcelona in 1878.
    Experienced the heroic period of the First International & endured persecution for his work in charge of the FRE. Friendly with Bakunin, Kropotkin & Guillaume, his prestige & importance were great between 1872 & 1878; he attended the congresses in Zaragoza & Córdoba (at the latter he spoke in favour of the resolution calling for the establishment of internationalist schools) & was elected at both to join the federal council. Following the events in Alcoy, he was persecuted, charged with clandestine propaganda & jailed. His freedom was secured through the good offices of Gil & Morago; shortly after that, he left the country (April 1874), living abroad until 1977 & liaising with the interior (he was appointed delegate to the Berne congress in 1876, which, in the end, he failed to attend). Having returned to Spain in 1877 he died of TB the following year.

    24. LIBERTARIAN MOVEMENT GENERAL COUNCIL.
    Established in Paris on 25 March 1939 as the supreme representative body of the CNT-FAI-FIJL (Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Libertarias) in France, after the capture of Barcelona.

    Comprising 25 (secret) members, it was headed by Marianet (secretary), Esgleas (vice-secretary), Federica Montseny, Germinal de Sousa, V. Mas, Herrera, R. Alfonso, Horacio M. Prieto, Gallego Crespo, Iñigo, Aliaga, Xena, García Oliver, García Birlán, Miró, Isgleas & Rueda. At all times it led a very precarious existence, due to the untimely death of Marianet (1939) & the German occupation of France which led to dispersion, imprisonment or confinement of its members (with the exception of F. Montseny). Initially it kept in touch with the membership scattered through the concentration camps & its members served on the SERE & the JARE, arranging for militants to get out of France & affording them financial assistance. With the outbreak of the second world war, its activity ceased & the membership completely marginalised the the Council, so much so that, come the reconstruction of the confederation (June 1943 Plenum) it was concluded that it did not exist & indeed sanctions were imposed upon its members (who were disbarred from holding any office until such time as they gave an account of their stewardship). Just when everything to do with the Council seemed done & dusted, the issue came to the fore again in 1944-45: the October 1944 Plenum asked the National Committee to subpoena Esgleas (the serving secretary of the Council); after much toing & froing a compromise was worked out: those who had been sanctioned were rehabilitated & the supreme authority of the national committee of the CNT-MLE was acknowledged. The matter was settled once & for all when Esgleas was elected to the secretaryship of the CNT (at the Paris congress in 1945) & the commission that was established (Teixidó, Aransáez, Zamorano, Gutiérrez) espoused the Esgleist line, whereby Esgleas would render an account of his stewardship.. to a congress inside Spain.
    The Council's very existence was severely criticised since its very establishment represented a complete trampling upon libertarian principles (the membership having had no hand in its election); it was part of the ideological degeneration triggered by collaborationism in the 1936-39 period. The controversy of 1944-45 about Esgleas has to be seen in the context of the factional squabbling (then at its highest point) between the orthodoxes & the collaborationists.

    25. CINCOPUNTISMO.
    This is the name given to the agreement signed in 1965 between representatives of Francoism & members of the CNT (the so-called Madrid group). It was scarcely a novel arrangement because (if we are looking for precedents) it can be linked to Falangist efforts during the years of the republic (when Falangism made a great fuss about its revolutionary message) to court the CNT; it can also be linked with the 1939-41 entreguismo of Clará, Fornells, Corbella & others (who were unanimously labelled traitors) that led to the Partido Laborista, & even with attempts by the Falangists' vertical unions in 1947 to come to an accommodation with Iñigo & Marco Nadal, attempts rejected by the latter (even though they were in prison). Curiously enough, , twenty years on, possibly doubtful of the prospects of the CNT & disillusioned & worn out by years of imprisonment & the increasing disenchantment in the Confederation, it was to be Iñigo & Marco Nadal who engaged in negotiations with the Falangist unions & gave rise to the Cincopuntismo episode. Even though Cincopuntismo can be dated to 1965, it seems certain that the contacts began even earlier. This is the only way of explaining a series of unusual things that occurred the previous year (Lorenzo Iñigo chaired meetings of the Regional Committee of the Centre even though he had previously asked to be relieved of his post, the Madrid delegation failed to implement resolutions, & there was a request that the national committee transfer to Madrid, something previously always rejected). The Cincopuntismo process gathered pace with the forwarding of a - to say the least - suspect resolution to the forthcoming national plenum of regionals, the agenda for which was sent out in March 1965, but which never met because of the repression visited upon Barcelona (which affected the national committee), because of Catalonia's request that it be postponed & because of the delay for reorganisation in Aragon & Galicia.


    Events gathered pace: in April, the Madrid group issued a first cincopuntista document & in June they spoke up on behalf of the national committee (taking over its functions in the wake of the repression), stating that a provisional agreement had been signed with the vertical unions; next, Royano travelled to Barcelona & to France to brief them on the agreement (he reported to the Montpellier plenum, but his timing was off; there was a frantic factional struggle in progress). On 4 November, a draft resolution on Spanish labor unionism was circulated & in December the pro-agreement faction summoned a national plenum of regionals which endorsed its conduct; a further text at the beginning of 1966 brought home to many people for the first time the gravity of what had been signed (cooperation between the classes, national co-existence..) & a goodly number of those initially involved spoke of treachery. The most damning condemnations came from France (from the Paris CNT, from Edo, Alberola..) & from the Asturian & Basque regionals as well as from the rank & file, but it is clear that Cincopuntismo had numerous supporters within & without Spain (the result of weariness in the membership) & that anything the exiles did would not have been enough, had opposition not arisen within the Falangist camp (particularly from Alonso Vega). The famous agreement was signed by Lorenzo Iñigo, Jaime Morancho, Luis Orobón. Francisco Royano, Enrique Marco Nadal, Natividad Adalia, José Marín, Juan Ferrer Villamala, Manuel Fernández, Gregorio Gallego, José Espín, Eduardo de Guzmán (on the CNT side) & by D. Martín, Lafont, Chozas, Lapiedra, Ginestal, Arroyo, Martín Villa, Fernández Sordo, Emilio Romero, García Bernal, Muñoz Alonso, & Lizcano (for the vertical unions). Furthermore, Diego Abad de Santillán, Villar, Prieto & Juan López were approached for their support (only the last-named gave his endorsement).
    The Royano document stated that, in the light of favourable evolution within the Franco regime, a CNT group had decided to open talks with Muñoz Alonso & that these had blossomed into negotiations between the CNT & the vertical trade unions, with support from Solís, that a five point agreement had been reached & a working party appointed (including Adalia, Iñigo, Carod, Orobón, Royano & Gallego for the CNT). & it had been agreed that heads of agreement be drafted regarding the social & political outlook of the trade union organisation, trade union, political & economic tactics & statutes.


    The celebrated five points were as follows: 1. - A single trade union, with compulsory membership. 2.. - Self-government for workers within their organisations; independence of the government; autonomy of political organisation; differentiation from employers (with whom there might be liaison & coordinating bodies). 3. - Mutuality at work, shared with the employers; worker participation in every sphere. 4. - Right to strike as a last resort. 5. - A boost for cooperativism.

    http://www.christiebooks.com/html/history/archives3.html


    ?
    9006 -- INCLUDES NAMES TO CHECK AGAINST ENCYCLOPEDIA INDEX


    to do: Laureano Cerrada & Francisco Gomez cited at:
    Further details/ context, click here; libertaire, anarchiste, anarchisme, anarchistes, anarchie, anarquista, anarquismo, anarquistas, anarquía[Details / context]



    El presente llamamiento, lanzado en enero de 1923 por el Primer grupo humanitarista, ha tenido un eco poderoso, que prueba que las ideas y los actos que sirven a las aspiraciones a la paz y a la humanización hallan por doquier un terreno favorable para germinar. Citemos tan sólo algunos de los firmantes de este llamamiento:

    Francia. Banville d'Hostel, Henri Barbusse, Gabriel Belot, Paul Brulot, Armand Charpentier, Manuel Devaldés, Camille Drevet, H.-L. Follin, Florian-Parmentier, L.S. Judius, Gérard de Lacaze-Duthiers, E. Lanti, Pierre Lariviére, Philéas Lebesgue, Alex Mercereau, Emile Pignot (fallecido), Henri Poulaille, J. Riviére, Dr. A. Robertson-Prochowsky, P.N. Roinard (fallecido), Han Ryner, Madeleine Vernet, &c. Alemania. Prof. Georg. Fr. Nicolai, Gral. Freiherr von Schoeinaich, Kasimir Edschmied, Herwarth Walden, Werner Ackermann, &c. Austria. Stefan Zweig, Pierre Ramus, &c.

    Estados Unidos de América. Upton Sinclair. India. Rabindranath Tagore. Méjico. Prof. A. L. Herrera. Brasil. Fabio Luz. Argentina. Campio Carpio. Holanda. B. de Ligt, Jo. B. Mejer, &c. Suiza. Prof. Auguste Forel (fallecido); y centenares de otros en todos los países europeos.


    SECONDARY MATERIAL? WHAT WAS THE CALL?, CK SOURCE MATERIAL FOR MORE INFO

    The present call, sent in January of 1923 by the First humanitarista group, has had a powerful echo, that test that the ideas & the acts that serve to the aspirations to La Paz & the humanización find a favorable land everywhere to germinate. Let us mention only some of the signers of this call: France. Banville d'Hostel, Henri Barbusse, Gabriel Belot, Paul Brulot, Armand Charpentier, Manuel Devaldés, Camille Drevet, H.-l. Follin, Florian-Parmentier, L.s. Judius, Gérard de Lacaze-Duthiers, & Lanti, Pierre Lariviére, Philéas Lebesgue, Alex Mercereau, Emile Pignot (passed away), Henri Poulaille, J. Riviére, Dr To Robertson-Prochowsky, P.n. Roinard (passed away), Are Ryner, Madeleine Vernet, &c. Germany. Prof. Georg. Fr. Nicolai, Gral. Freiherr von Schoeinaich, Kasimir Edschmied, Herwarth Walden, Werner Ackermann, &c. Austria. Stefan Zweig, Pierre Ramus, &c.

    The United States of America. Upton Sinclair. India. Rabindranath Tagore. Mexico. Prof. To L. Herrera. Brazil. Fabio Luz. Argentina. Campio Carpio. Holland. B. of Ligt, Jo. B. Mejer, &c. Switzerland. Prof. Auguste Forel (passed away); and hundreds of others in all the European countries. http://www.filosofia.org/aut/001/1932relg.htm


    9006 -- The Libertaire group in Tokyo has published a documentary history of the Japanese anarchist movement that perfectly complements our own. Translated writings include those of Nakae Chômin, Kôtoku Shûsui, woman militant Kanno Suga, Osugi Sakae, syndicalists Kondô Kenji and Mizunuma Tatsuo, terrorist Furuta Daijirô, Kropotkinist Hatta Shûzô, feminists Itô Noe and Takamure Itsue, individualist Tsuji Jun, veterans Ishikawa Sanshirô and Iwasa Sakutarô, the Village Youth Movement and the Anarcho-Communist Party. The collection stops at 1937. The edition is a limited one of 500 copies, and the cost is $10 or its equivalent (inclusive of sea-mail charge), from Le Libertaire c/o S. Hagiwara, 2190 Oizumi-gakuencho, Nerima, Tokyo a historical sketch of the movement, a chronology, and some fascinating photographs.

    __________

    (1903–1933) was an Anarchist and lover of the Proletarian writer Hirabayashi Taiko

    _______________________ Abstract:

    This paper is a reading of Homacrromacrki (1928-30) by Hayashi Fumiko (1903-1951). The analysis demonstrates how the marginal status of the female protagonist is used as a literary device to create a challenging gendered critique of Japanese urban culture in the early 20th century. The paper discusses how the work reflects concepts of a 'hybrid' national identity as defined by Homi Bhabha, and highlights the links between gender and national identity using the concept of the exotic in relation to Alcoff's concept of gender as positionality. It focuses in particular on the structure of the work, bringing out the idea that by using a disjointed narrative and a fragmented telling of the self, Hayashi Fumiko evokes ideas of the self in relation to the nation that are both unstable and destabilising, thus creating a revolutionary and anarchistic view of Japanese culture; the fluidity and hybridity of the nation are reflected in the fluid and hybrid nature of the work itself.

    http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/routledg/rctc/2004/00000045/00000002/art00002

    ____________

    Japanese culture doesn't exactly encourage loud and detailed discussion of things that are considered disgraceful. Silence as a gesture of sincere regret doesn't translate well into the cultural codes of other countries.

    Example: When I was in Japan, I stumbled across a short story by the anarchist writer Hirabayashi Taiko, entitled "Blind Chinese Soldiers." In it, she wrote of a trip she made on a train in the countryside very near the end of the war. One evening, she came upon a group of twenty or thirty Chinese prisoners at a remote station. They were all wearing hospital gowns rather than uniforms, and every one was blind, with eyes swelled shut and pus running down the cheeks. She couldn't find out anything further at the time, since she was just passing through and the Chinese were guarded.

    At the end of the war, she went back to that station and tried to find out what had happened to the group and where they might have gone. The stationmaster, everyone in the area....no one had seen a thing. She was never able to find out anything further about them. Her best guess was that they had been used in chemical warfare experiments, taken far out into the sticks, and disposed of, but no one knows for sure.

    Things like that, and the Japanese failure to fully investigate them, are part of the reason why quite a few older Chinese and Koreans, often people with personal experience of what burned and broken bodies look like, will say that the only thing wrong with the atomic bombings was that they should have been earlier, and there should have been more of them.

    Lux in tenebris lucet et tenebrae eam non comprehenderunt. (The light shines in darkness and the darkness has not understood it.)

    by sagesource on Thu Aug 04, 2005 at 10:01:19 PM PDT __________ Hirabayashi Taiko and "Self-Mockery" (1927): Yoshiko, the young woman narrating this story, is trying to survive her poverty in Japan by living with a succession of men, each of whom exploits her economically and sexually. She is a realistically drawn woman who is haunted by the death of her illegitimate child and who suffers from despair and disillusionment. included in Tanaka, Yukiko, ed. To Live and To Write. Seattle, WA: The Seal Press, 1987.


    9007 -- [MONTH DAY] Timeline icon
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    9007 -- Labor History by the Month NO LONGER online Jan 2007 page 2 of 3

    March

    March 1, 1907 - Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) strikes Portland Oregon sawmills - In 1907 two thousand sawmill workers struck in Portland, Oregon, tying up the lumber industry of that city. A minority was organized in the IWW and these were the leading spirits. The strike lasted about three weeks and was broken by the scabbing of the A. F. of L., which at that time was maintaining a lumber workers' organization
    March 2, 1990 - Greyhound Workers Strike - The ATU pointed out that Greyhound had already advertised that it was hiring permanent striker replacements while it was still in negotiations with the union, and had already hired and trained hundreds of non-union strike breakers well before the strike began.

    March 3, 1989 - Eastern Airlines machinists went on strike, and were joined by pilots and flight attendants. March 4, 1913 -The Department of Labor (DOL) was created by act of March 4, 1913 (29 U.S.C. 551). Congress first created a Bureau of Labor in 1884 under the Interior Department. The Bureau of Labor later became independent as a Department of Labor without executive rank.
    March 5, 1910 - Free speech fight won in Spokane Wa. - The free speech fight in Spokane, Washington in 1909-1910 went like this: Workers would come into town looking for a job cutting timber, they would have to pay a fee to a contractor (labor shark) to tell them where they could get hired.
    March 5, 1917 - IWW workers trial begins in Everett Wa.

    March 7, 1932 - Ford hunger Strike - The stock market crashed in October 1929. Consumer demand plummeted, and so the automobile manufacturers quickly laid off thousands of workers. By the summer of 1930, unemployment was at a high level in Detroit, although there was no statistical system measuring it. The city's coffers were so empty that Mayor Murphy had to borrow $5 million from the Ford Motor Company. March 8 - International Women's Day - International Women's Day (8 March) is an occasion marked by women's groups around the world. This date is also commemorated at the United Nations and is designated in many countries as a national holiday.
    March 9, 1950 - Laborers Local 348 was formed
    March 12, 1912 - Shingle weavers Strike in Raymond Wa.
    March 12, 1971 - BC Federation of labor Women's Committee
    March 15, 1887 -- Painter Union was formed
    March 17, 1970 - First US Postal Strike - By early March of 1970, salaries of Postal Workers dropped below the official poverty line. After the government figures were released, thousands of Postal Workers were accepted for supplemental Welfare in the larger U S cities.
    March 18, 1937 - Police evict NYC Woolworth clerks demanding 40 hour work weeks
    March 19 - Feast Day of St. Joseph patron Saint of Workers
    March 21, 1857 - Alice Henry, Women's Trade Union League
    March 21, 1941 - ACTWU Oregon Joint Board
    March 22, 1973 - CLUW is founded - Following months of discussion and planning, more than 1,200 union women from across the U.S. convened in Chicago, IL on March 23-24, 1974, to form an organization to address the critical needs of millions of unorganized working women and make unions more responsive to the needs of all working women.
    March 22, 1937 - UFCW 1105 was formed
    March 24, 1918 - Canadian Workers Suffrage
    March 24, 1919 - League of Women's Voters - Dissent is the heritage of the League of Women Voters.  The organization grew out of 80 years of protest over women not being allowed to vote.  
    March 25, 1911 - Triangle Shirtwaist Fire - Fire at the Triangle Shirtwaist Company in New York City kills 146 people, mostly young women, when exits that were kept locked to prevent union organizers from entering the premises prevented workers from escaping the fire, forcing many of them to jump to their deaths.
    March 27, 1912 - IWW launches strike on Canadian Northern and Grand Trunk Pacific Lines
    March 27, 1924 - IBEW Local 970 was formed
    March 31, 1927 - Cesar Estrada Chavez was born March 31, 1927 near Yuma, Arizona. Chavez was named after his grandfather, who escaped from slavery on a Mexican ranch and arrived in Arizona during the 1880s.
    March 31, 1949 - Last Great Strike of the Canadian Seamen's Union - In 1949, the CSU went on a strike that stretched across the world as they fought raids from a U.S.-based union headed by a gangster and felon, and resisted intervention by the Canadian, British, and American governments in support of the ship owners

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    April

    April 1, 1907 - BC & Alberta Coal Miners Strike
    April 1, 1897 - Eight Hour Days in Mines
    April 1, 1953 - Sprinklers fitters local 699 was formed
    April 2, 1936 - Laborers local 614 was formed
    April 3, 1930 - British Coal miners win 7 ? hour work day
    April 4, 1965 - Portland Newspaper strike ends the newspaper strike involved 850 men and women who belonged to nearly a dozen local unions. Most of them honored the Stereotypers Local 49's picket lines. Members of many unions not involved in the strike turned out in solidarity to help the newspaper unions maintain mass picketing completely around the one-square-block Oregonian Building at 1320 SW Broadway St.
    April 4, 1968 - Martin Luther King was killed by a sniper, at 6:01 p.m. as he stepped onto the balcony outside the Motel Lorraine in Memphis, Tennessee attending a sanitation strike
    April 5, 1889 - Bricklayers local 1 (WA) was formed
    April 5, 1917 - Carpenters local 1148 was formed
    April 7, 1914 - IBEW local 46 was formed
    April 8, 1912 - ATU local 587 was formed
    April 8, 1952 - Truman Orders seizure of US Steel mills - President Truman announced that he had ordered the government to seize certain steel mills from their owners in order to avert a strike and keep the mills open
    April 10, 2000 - Local 776, the "Fighting Machinists" of Fort Worth Texas, go on strike against Lockheed.
    April 13, 1919 - Eugene Debs was imprisoned for WWI opposition
    April 14, 1939 - John Steinbeck's Grapes of Wrath was published
    April 15 Federal Tax Day
    April 15, 1887 - Seattle Cigar Makers local 188 was formed
    April 17, 1937 - Nez Perce CLC
    April 18, 1857 - Clarence Darrow was born on April 18,1857 probably the most celebrated American lawyer of the 20th century, Clarence Darrow worked as defense counsel in many widely publicized trials. He was notable as a defender of the underdog and civil rights. He was an distinguished speaker on agnosticism, liberalism, free thought and humanism.
    April 20, 1914 - Ludlow Massacre - On that day, 20 innocent men, women and children were killed in the Ludlow Massacre. The coal miners in Colorado and other western states had been trying to join the UMWA for many years.
    April 22, 1526 - First American slave revolt - only 8 years after slaves transported from Africa. The first recorded slave revolt occurs in a settlement of some five hundred Spaniards and one hundred slaves, located on the Pedee River in what is now South Carolina.
    April 23, 1956 - Canadian labor Congress was formed - The CLC was formed in 1956 through the merger of the Trades and labor Congress of Canada and the Canadian Congress of labor.
    April 24, 1944 - Montgomery Ward defies NLRB ruling, taken over by US government
    April 24, 1999 - ILWU halts West Coast shipping in solidarity with Mumia Abu-Jamal
    April 27, 1908 - Seattle Postal Workers union began
    April 28, 1971 - OSHA was introduced - The Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 heralded a new era in the history of public efforts to protect workers from harm on the job. This Act established for the first time a nationwide, federal program to protect almost the entire work force from job-related death, injury and illness.
    April 28 WORKERS MEMORIAL DAY - The first Workers Memorial Day was observed in 1989. April 28 was chosen because it is the anniversary of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration and the day of a similar remembrance in Canada.
    April 29, 1956 - Montana State AFL/CIO
    April 30, 1906 - 20 striking miners shot by PA state troopers

     
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     May

    May 1, 1830
    - Birth of Mother Jones.
    May 1886 - March of the 80,000 up Michigan Avenue for the Eight Hour Day.
    May 1951 - Founding of the Association of Broadcast Employees and Technicians Union.
    May 2, 1911 - Passage of the Illinois Workman's Compensation Law, which Dr. Alice Hamilton helped to get passed.
    May 3, 1886 - Workers killed and injured by police at McCormick Reaper Plant.
    May 4, 1886 - Haymarket Square Meeting, police attack, and a bomb thrown by someone unknown.
    May 5, 1852 - Founding of the Typographical Union.
    May 1886 - Police attack on Jewish workers from the Chicago West Side as they try to march into the Loop to protest slums.
    May 1888 - Founding of the International Association of Machinists.
    May 8, 1926 - Founding of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters by A. Philip Randolph and Milton P. Webster.
    May 9, 1916 - Founding of the American Federation of Teachers.
    May 1934 - Longshoremen's General Strike on West Coast.
    May 10, 1937 - Founding of Transport Workers Union.
    May 11, 1894 - Pullman Strike begins.
    May 12, 1958 - Founding of the Laundry and Dry Cleaning Union.
    May 15, 1893 - Founding of the Western Federation of Miners, the union of Big Bill Haywood, later head of the International Workers of the World (IWW).
    May 16, 1934 - Teamsters Strike for Recognition in Minneapolis-St. Paul.
    May 19, 1937 - Founding of Retail, Wholesale & Department Store Union.
    May 20, 1926 - Passage of the Railway Labor Act.
    May 22, 1895 - Eugene V. Debs enters Woodstock, Ill., jail after trial for injunction violation during Pullman Strike.
    May 25, 1932 - Bonus marchers arrive in Washington, D.C., to protest unemployment.
    May 26, 1937- Battle of the Overpass--Walter Reuther and the UAW in Detroit.
    May 30, 1937 - Memorial Day Massacre at Republic Steel in South Chicago

     
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    June

    June 1, 1946
    -- Local 507, American Airlines, Boston, chartered.

    June 1, 1990 -- Local 571 and Local 572, American Eagle, Chicago, chartered. Local 544, Continental Airlines, Houston, chartered.

    June 4, 1937 -- TWU wins bargaining rights on Third Avenue Railway in NYC.

    June 4, 1943 -- Orange and Black Company bus drivers join Local 225, NJ.

    June 11, 1940 -- NYC Board of Transportation takes control of the IRT and BMT subway lines.

    June 12, 1968 -- Age Discrimination in Employment Act takes effect.

    June 13, 1967 -- Thurgood Marshall named to Supreme Court, first African American to serve.

    June 16, 1975 -- Local 101 locked out by Brooklyn Union Gas Company.

    June 21, 1877 -- 10 Irish miners hanged in PA, all accused of murder and membership in Molly Maguires.

    June 22, 1937 -- TWU wins bargaining rights on NYC Omnibus.

    June 22, 1970 -- Local 291, Miami transit workers vote TWU.

    June 23, 1947 -- Anti-worker Taft-Hartley Act passed by Congress over presidential veto.

    June 25, 1954 -- Local 100 defeats union busting move by management by winning exclusive representation rights in NYC transit lines.

    June 26, 1967 -- Port Authority of NY and NJ workers vote to affiliate with TWU as Local 1400.

    June 26, 1980 -- Local 543, Northwest Airlines, Minneapolis, chartered.

    June 27, 1905 -- Industrial Workers of the World, IWW, believers in "one big industrial union," founded.

    June 27, 1980 -- Local 261 certified to represent Houston School District bus drivers.

    June 28, 1951 -- NYC transit workers win 40-hour work week at 48 hours pay.

    June 29, 1932 -- General Motors and other companies form first bus holding company, National City Lines. The companies were later convicted of criminally conspiring to replace trolleys with gas and diesel buses. Companies fined $5,000; their treasurers, $1.

    June 30, 1944 -- Philadelphia Local 234 wins first contract

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     July

    July 1, 1979
    - Local 2017, Lithecote Company employees in Altoona, PA win 32-day strike.

     July 5, 1935 - National Labor Relations Act passed recognizing workers right to organize and bargain collectively.

    July 5, 1935 -This day became known as "Bloody Thursday" in San Francisco when in 1934 the city's mayor called out the police in an effort to hold off a strike by longshoremen

    July 5, 1965 - Equal Employment Opportunity Act (EEOC), federal agency which investigates discrimination charges, becomes operational.

    July 6, 1926 - IRT subway workers strike in NYC, protesting forced signing of yellow-dog contracts which mandated they join company union.

    July 6, 1892 - Striking workers battled "Pinkertons" -- hired detectives who were predecessors of today's unionbusters -- trying to get into the Carnegie Steel Works in Homestead, Pennsylvania

    July 9, 1935 - First TWU strike protesting dismissals of 6 car cleaners at IRT Jerome Avenue barn who refused work speed-up. All were reinstated.

    July 9, 1998 - Local 106, New York chartered.

    July 12, 1892 - State militia breaks 12-day strike against Carnegie Steel Corp. in Homestead, PA. Strikers, protesting wage cuts of 18-26 percent, suffered 7 deaths in attacks on them by Pinkerton detectives.

    July 17, 1958 - Accidental death of Local 525 missile mechanic sparks 4-day Cape Canaveral walkout. Local gains safety and medical program.

    July 18, 1967 - Down-range missile tracking station workers join TWU.

    July 19, 1877 - PA trainmen seize control of railroads in Pittsburgh to protest wage cuts. Two days later, National Guard moves in, killing 20 people.

    July 21, 1937 -TWU wins recognition of Fifth Avenue Coach, NYC.

    July 22, 1946 -TWU certified to represent American Airlines maintenance, fleet, and ground service workers.

    July 24, 1950 - First rocket launched from Cape Canaveral. a bumper 8 model.

    July 25, 1979  - All Nassau County MSBA bus drivers and maintenance workers, solidified under TWU banner, Local 252.

    July 29, 1970 - the United Farm Workers forced grape growers to sign a contract after a five-year strike.

    July 31, 1937 - TWU signs up workers on the BMT subway line in NYC.

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     August
    August 1, 1917 -
    labor organizer Frank Little was taken forcibly from his boarding house in Butte, Montana, and was lynched from a railroad trestle

    August 2, 1918 - Ginger Goodwin - The working people of British Columbia were outraged with his death and workers in Vancouver marked Goodwin's funeral on August 2, 1918 with Canada's first General Strike

    August 2, 1875 - George Vanderveer was born, Attorney for the Centralia Wobs (IWW) & the Chicago 101.

     August 3, 1981 - PATCO strike, nearly 13,000 of the 17,500 members of the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) walked off the job, hoping to disrupt the nation's transportation system to the extent that the federal government would accede to its demands for higher wages, a shorter work week, and better retirement benefits

    August 6, 1945 - USA A-bombs Hiroshima, Japan

    August 7, 1890 - Elizabeth Gurley Flynn a founding member of the Industrial Workers of the World

    August 9, 1945 - USA A-bombs Nagasaki, Japan

    August 11, 1937 - ILWU receives CIO charter

    August 12, 1881 - Brotherhood of carpenters is formed

    August 14, 1935 - Social Security Act is passed. The real significance of this Act is that it was the country's first major federal government program to deal directly with the economic security of its citizens.

    August 14, 1950 - CIO president J.L. Lewis attacks peacetime draft as teaching ?principles native to the fascist  state ?

    August 15,1956 - Victoria labor Council formed

    August 16, 1894 ? Birth of George Meany. George Meany made notable contributions to the growth of American unions. He played a vital and commanding role in the 1955 merger of the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations.

    August 16, 1963 - Martin Luther King jr.?s ?I have a dream? speech.

    August 17, 1941 - First Canadian Bank Strike.

    August 19, 1909 - First edition of ?the little red song book? the Industrial Workers of the World (often also called "Wobblies"), a radical labor movement, published a set of songs called The IWW Songbook.

    August 19,1936 - Seattle PI strike

    August 20, 1866 - US National Labor Union formed

    August 21, 1958 - General Waterfront strike in B.C.

    August 22, 1950 - Canadian railway strike

    August 23, 1927 - Sacco & Vanzetti executed

    August 24, 1933 - IWW pickets attacked by Yakima,Wa. Farmers

    August 25,1925 - A.Phillip Randolph organizes Sleepingcar Porters Union the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters (BSCP) and the men who built it into the first national union of black workers officially affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and later with the American Federation of Labor/Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO).

    August 25, 1933 - 100 IWW pickets arrested Yakima,Wa

    August 26, 1920 - Women?s Equality Day - when the states ratified the woman suffrage (19th) amendment to the U.S. Constitution, after 72 years of struggle

    August 28, 1995 - In Boise ID, construction workers ?wobble? jobs, several IWW?s blacklisted

    August 29, 1957 - The U.S. Congress passes the Civil Rights Act

    August 30, 1900 - Labor Press is founded The Portland Labor Press is the oldest continuously published labor newspaper in the Pacific Northwest. Founded in 1900 as the "official publication for the Central Labor Council of Portland and vicinity and the Oregon State Federation of Labor," it changed its name in 1915 to the Oregon Labor Press and in 1986 to the Northwest Labor Press

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    9007 -- Labor History by the Month NO LONGER online Jan 2007 page 3 of 3

     September

    September 1
      - Labor Day, the first Monday in September, is a creation of the labor movement and is dedicated to the social and economic achievements of American workers. The first Labor Day holiday was celebrated on Tuesday, September 5, 1882, in New York City, in accordance with the plans of the Central Labor Union. The Central Labor Union held its second Labor Day holiday just a year later, on September 5, 1883.In 1884 the first Monday in September was selected as the holiday.
    September 1, 1907 - Walter Reuther built the benefits package that workers now take for granted, from health care to pensions. But his agenda was bigger than unionism.
    September 3, 1883 - Last spike driven on Northern Pacific in Montana.
    September 5, 1882 - first US Labor Day Parade and First Labor Day.
    September 8, 1965 - UFW begins grape boycott- "Cesar Chavez brought hope and inspiration to tens of thousands of farm workers --some of the hardest-working people on the planet Earth? His dream for farm workers spoke to the heart and conscience of America."
    September 9, 1919 - Police Strike in Boston. The Boston Police Department votes to strike in protest of low wages and poor working conditions. Looting and violence breaks out in the city. Eventually, the National Guard is called in to create order and keep the peace. The strike ends on December 20, 1919.
    September 12, 1918 - Gene Debs was sentenced to 10 years for opposing WW1 Under Locomotive Fireman Gene Debs' leadership; the American Railway Union (ARU) was formed in Chicago on June 20, 1893 as a single organization representing all crafts of railroad employees. Within the year the ARU had 125 locals, as thousands rushed to join the new type of union.
    September 14, 1959 - Landrum ? Griffin Act September 14, 1959, law passed by Congress to eliminate corruption and suppress the influence of organized crime in labor unions. Also called the Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act, it requires that unions file annual financial reports showing how the dues of union members are spent.
    September 16, 1912 - Two-year Vancouver Island Coal strike begins
    September 17, 1938 - Washington State CIO
    September 19, 1885 - Chinese coal miners driven out of Black Diamond, WA
    September 20, 1878 - Upton Sinclair (September 20, 1878 - November 25, 1968) was a writer in many genres perhaps best known for his novel, The Jungle (1905), which dealt with conditions in U.S. meat packing industry
    September 23, 1916 - Billings?s trial begins in San Francisco
    September 24, 1918 - Native American Day.
    September 24, 1918 - IWW declared illegal in Canada
    September 26, 1786 - Shay?s rebellion Springfield, Ma led by Daniel Shays a former Revolutionary Army captain. His followers, who were primarily New England farmers, rebelled against unsettled economic conditions; corrupt politicians and laws, which were revoltingly unfair to working people in general. They protested against excessive taxes on property, polling taxes, which prohibited the underprivileged from voting, inequitable actions by the court of common pleas, the excessive cost of lawsuits, and the lack of a stable currency.
    September 28, 1917 - 167 IWW?s indicted for protesting WW1
    September 29, 1931 ? RCMP fire into coal miners parade, kill 3 Bienfait, SASK

     

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     October

    October 1, 1899
    - American Federation of Music local 99, THE MORE YOU'RE INVOLVED THE MORE POWER TO 'YA!

    October 1, 1985 - AFSCME 328 Portland Or, LOCAL 328 represents over 4,000 employees of OHSU (Oregon health & Sciences University)

    October 2, 1967 -  Thurgood Marshall was sworn in as a Supreme Court justice. Long before President Lyndon Johnson appointed him the first African-American Supreme Court justice, Marshall had established himself as the nation's leading legal civil rights advocate

     October 3, 1902 - President Theodore Roosevelt met with miners and coalfield operators in an attempt to settle the anthracite coal strike, then in its fifth month

    October 3, 1945 - The World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) was established in Paris on 3 October 1945. The First World Trade Union Congress (Paris, 3-8 October 1945) that voted to establish the WFTU was attended by delegates representing 67 million workers from 56 national organizations from 55 countries and 20 international organizations.

    October 4, 1916  - General - Strike against Conscription, Australia

    October 5, 1937 - SEIU local 120 is formed,

    October 6, 1866 -  First recorded train robbery. Thieves boarded an eastbound Ohio & Mississippi passenger train near Seymour, Indiana and entered an Adam Express Company car. Pointing guns at Adams Express employee Elem Miller, the masked bandits demanded keys to the safes.

    October 6, 1918 -  First National Conference of Trade Union Women

    October 7, 1879 ? the death of Joe Hill the Swedish immigrant at the hands of state authorities is one of the few certainties involving one of the most controversial and fiercely debated lives in the history of American labor

    October 11,1882 - Seattle Typos local 202 is formed

    October 12, 1917 - During 1917, Seattle auto mechanics organize Auto Mechanics Union Local No. 289. In 1918 there were 250 members and by 1920 membership increased to 500

    October 13, 1792 - The cornerstone of the White House was laid on. President John Adams and his wife Abigail moved into the unfinished structure on November 1, 1800, keeping to the scheduled relocation of the capital from Philadelphia. Congress declared the city of Washington in the District of Columbia the permanent capital of the United States on July 16, 1790

    October 15, 1914 - Clayton Antitrust Act an Act to supplement existing laws against unlawful restraints and monopolies, and for other purposes

    October 16, 1963 - Teachers 1485 is formed

    October 17, 1939 - Warren Billings released from prison. In November 1938 Culbert Olson was elected as Governor of California. He was the first member of the Democratic Party to hold this office for forty-four years. Soon after gaining power Olson ordered that Billings should be released from prison after 23 years

    October 20, 1887  - John reed American journalist and poet-adventurer whose colorful life as a revolutionary writer ended in Russia but made him the hero of a generation of radical intellectuals. John Silas Reed was born in Portland Oregon into a wealthy family.

    October 23, 1902 -  the miners returned to work after both sides agreed to settle the strike based on the recommendations of a commission appointed by the president.

    October 24, 1940  -  US 40 hour work week takes effect: Republican Pres. Herbert Hoover made shorter hours part of his "nine point economic program" FDR, deluged with protests from near-sighted businessmen and jealous of his own elected role as savior of the nation, blocked it in the House - until he changed his mind two years later and brought it out five years later as a 44-hour workweek in 1938, with a two-hour-per-year reduction thenceforth ).  But then World War II started for the US in 1941 - Lend Lease (Mar.11) was even before Pearl Harbor (Dec.10), so merchants' preferred 'cure' for labor surplus, namely wartime production (plus killing and maiming workers), took over and obscured the freezing of the workweek at the 1940 level in 1941 - and...ever...since.

    October 29, 1929 - New York Stock Market Crashes

    October 30, 1916 -  IWW?s forced to run gauntlet in Everett, WA On October 30, forty-One I.W.W. supporters left Seattle by boat for Everett. There sheriff-led vigilantes met them at the dock. After being beaten, the men were taken to the outskirts of town, where they were made to run the gantlet between rows of vigilantes who wielded clubs. Although there were no fatal casualties some of the men were beaten until they were bloody.These were the tactics which open-shop leaders up and down the region were advocating to get rid of the unionists

     


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     November

     

     

    November 2, 1909 ? 150 people arrested in a IWW free speech fight in Spokane, WA. The classic free-speech battle of the I.W.W. was fought in Spokane in the fall and winter of 1909. There the job shark situation was particularly atrocious in the winter of 1908-1909. 
    November 2, 1983
    - President Ron Reagan signs a bill to establish a federal holiday in honor of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s birthday. Culmination of the efforts by many civil rights organizations & entertainers to name King's birthday as a national holiday, despite opposition of many states.
    November 4th
    Election day - 1845 1st nationally observed uniform Election Day in US
    November 5, 1855
    ? Eugene V. Debs born today
    November 5, 1902
    ? Everett Central Labor Council formed
    November 5, 1916
    ? Everett Massacre - Seven IWW union activists killed, scores wounded in Everett when police attack a group of 280 picketers arriving on a ferry from Seattle. 74 union members are charged with murder in the incident; charges are later dropped
    November 5, 1980
    ? OPEU SEIU local 503 is formed
    November 8, 1897
    ? Dorothy Day born November 8, 1897 in Brooklyn, New York
    November 9, 1935
    ?The Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) was formed in 1935 to expand industrial unionism. It merged with the American Federation of Labor (AFL) in 1955 to form the AFL-CIO.
    November 10, 1959
    ? Portland News paper strike begins
    November 11th
    ? Veteran?s Day.  World War I ended on this day in 1918.
    November 11, 1919
    ? On Armistice Day, Tuesday, November 11 1919, during a parade in Centralia Washington, a riot erupted that resulted in gunfire, killing four veterans recently returned from the First World War.
    November 13, 1974
    ? Karen Silkwood, a union member and activist hero, was run off the road in a mysterious "one car crash".
    November 14, 1903
    ? Woman?s Trade Union League formed. The Women's Trade Union League is the first organization, which has attempted to deal with the whole of the problems of the woman in industry on a national scale.
    November 15, 1881
    ? AFL ? a meeting was called for an international trades union congress to be held in Pittsburgh Pennsylvania. That meeting resulted in the founding of the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions. In 1886, 31 national unions founded the American Federation of Labor
    November 18, 1943
    ? AFSCME Council 28 is formed
    November 19, 1915
    ? Joe Hill born  in January 1914 was arrested in Salt Lake City, Utah and charged with murder. Twenty-two months later, despite nationwide and international protests, he was executed by a firing squad.
    November 20, 1816
    ? First use of SCAB by Albany NY typographical Society
    November 22, 1909 ? 30,000 Garment workers in General Strike led by ILGWU
    November 22, 1963
    ? John F. Kennedy assassinated
    November 23, 1170 b.c. ? First recorded strike in Egypt
    November 24, 1885 ? Anna Louise Strong was born. Anna remains one of the notable radicals in the history of the United States.
    November 25, 1983 ? Canadian postal workers cut postal rates from .82 cents to .10 cents in direct action campaign
    November - 4th Thursday in the Month ? Thanksgivings Day
    November 28, 1891 ? ten men who were determined to obtain a better way of life for electrical workers everywhere founded The IBEW in St. Louis Missouri, on November 28 1891.
    November 30, 1835 ? Mark Twain was born
    N
    ovember 30, 1930 ? Mother Jones Dies - Jones dedicated her life to the cause of helping working people.  She roamed the country for over fifty years, going from strike to strike, speaking, organizing, and protesting for rights for laborers. 
    November 30, 1999 ? Anti-WTO march in Seattle - The largest single event planned during a week of protests--and the probable focus of most media attention for the anti-WTO cause--is a November 30 rally and march planned by organized labor.

    N


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     December

    December 1, 1930
    ? Kellogg Cereal adopts a 6 hour work day to allow more leisure time at the cost of only 15% in pay and allowing more people to work. 

    December 1, 1973 ? Victoria B.C. Newspaper strike 

    December 2, 1911 ? Chicago Tribune reports. ?A slugger," paid $50 by labor unions for every scab he "discouraged," described his job in an interview: "Oh, there ain't nothin' to it. I gets my $50, then I goes out & finds the guy they wanna have slugged. I goes up to `im & I says to `im, `My friend, by way of meaning no harm,' & then I gives it to `im -- biff! in the mug. Nothin' to it."  

    December 2, 1946 - Oakland General Strike. Beginning of three-day general strike of more than 130,000 workers in Alameda County (Oakland) CA, opposing police brutality and in support of striking Oakland department store workers 

    December 3, 1910 ?The IWW was most successful in organizing black workers in the southern lumber industry in Louisiana and Texas. In particular, blacks made up about half of the 35,000 members of the Brotherhood of Timber Workers, which was created in 1910 in the lumber camps of Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas  

    December 4, 1970 ? On December 14, Cesar Chavez is jailed for defying a court order against
    the boycott. There he is visited by Coretta Scott King and Ethel Kennedy. On Christmas eve, the California Supreme Court orders Chavez to be freed, pending appeal. 

    December 5, 1889 ?In 1889 the Vancouver Trades and labor Council (VTLC) was formed, as a more conservative and education-based organization that was also active in Asian exclusion and oppression. The VTLC constructed the Vancouver labor Temple.
    December 5, 1955 ? The two largest labor organizations in the U.S. merged to form the AFL-CIO 

    December 6, 1906 ? First sit-down strike in the US called by IWW at the GE plant in Schenectady NY   

    December 7, 1896 ? The I.U.O.E. was founded on December 7, 1896 - when 11 Power Engineers met in Chicago, Illinois to form the "National Union of Steam Engineers" then, in Toronto, Ontario in 1897 

    December 8, 1886 - The American Federation of Labor (AFL) was one of the first federations of labor unions in the United States of America. 

    December 9, 1869 ? Kights of labor recognized this day as International Human Rights Day 

    December 10, 1865 - Birth of August Spies, one of the Haymarket anarchists, labor agitator, victim of anti-anarchist repression. 

    December 10, 1906 - IWW (Industrial Workers of the World) sponsors first sit-down strike in the US, at a General Electric plant in Schenectady, New York. The method was adopted later by the labor movement in the 30s, with the Flint Sit-Down Strike being one of the most famous

    December 10, 1948 -  INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS DAY 

    December 13, 1924 -Death of Samuel Gompers, 74, president & founder of the AFL, in San Antonio, Texas
     
    December 13, 1981 - Poland: Dictatorship of the Proletariat declares "state of war" against the workers.
    General Jaruzelski imposes martial law for the next 3 years to suppress & destroy the 10-million strong Solidarno?? trade union workers' movement, during which at least 10,000 activists are jailed (even the communists didn't know the exact numbers.) This date is now "Solidarity Day 

    December 14, 1890 ? NACL 79 is formed in Seattle 

    December 15, 1791 ? The new United States of America adopted the Bill of Rights, the first ten amendments to the U.S. Constitution, confirming the fundamental rights of its citizens. 

    December 15, 1906 ? Seattle Metal Trades Council is formed 

    December 16, 1958 ? Idaho State AFL/CIO was formed

    December 21, 1916 ?I.W.W. was outlawed by the Australian government in 1916 and 12 members were jailed on trumped up arson charges. 

    December 22, 1919 - U.S. deports 250 alien ?radicals? 

    December 23, 1908 ? AFL officers found in contempt of court for urging labor boycott 

    December 24, 1934 ? Laborers local 276 was formed 

    December 26, 1869 - Knights of Labor founded. Established in 1869 as an oath-bound secret society with a ritual which borrowed heavily from Masonry, the Knights removed most of their secret elements in 1882, only to restore them in 1895 

    December 26, 1877 - Workingmen's Party reorganized as the Socialist Labor Party. 

    December 27, 1916 - Steelworkers strike in Ohio demanding the 8-hour day and an increase in wages. The strike will end in the New Year in their favor; the U.S. government needs steel for armaments.  

    December 28, 1879 ? Jimmy Duncan Long-time Seattle, Washington, labor leader was born 

    December 29, 1925 ? IBEW local 77 was formed 

    December 29, 1944 ? Plumbers & Pipe fitters local 598 was formed.

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