Private William Buwalda was placed under military arrest & court-martialled for attending one of Emma Goldman's meetings & "for shaking hands with her."

Military authorities punished him severely. True, he had served his country 15 years, during which time his record was unimpeachable.

His sentence was "reduced" to three years upon review.

The ex-soldier William Buwalda, as a result of agitation in his behalf, was pardoned by President Roosevelt after 10-months' imprisonment.

"On several occasions he had come across my name in the papers. He had thought Emma Goldman a crank & had paid little attention to articles about me...He had come upon my meeting accidentally, while out for a walk. He had seen the large crowd & the police before the Walton Pavilion. It had made him curious & he thought it a good opportunity to practise his stenography by taking down the speech....

"I wanted to raise my voice in protest, to challenge your statements before the whole assembly....Instead I was caught by the crowd & found myself standing on the platform holding out my hand to you.

I was upset by what I had heard & in the grip of the turmoil you had caused in me. All the way to the Presidio I kept thinking: 'She's wrong, she's entirely wrong! Patriotism is not the last resort of scoundrels. Militarism isn't only murder & destruction!'

After the plain-clothes men had reported me to my superior officer, I was put under arrest."

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/anarchist_archives/goldman/living/living1_34.html
http://members.aol.com/artgrrrrl/emma.html#menace


1921 -- Anarchism in the Russian Revolution

Anarchism had found its second wind in revolutionary syndicalism; the Russian Revolution gave it its third. This statement may at first surprise the reader, accustomed to think of the great revolutionary movement of October 1917 as the work & domain of the Bolsheviks alone. The Russian Revolution was, in fact, a great mass movement, a wave rising from the people which passed over & submerged ideological formations. It belonged to no one, unless to the people. In so far as it was an authentic revolution, taking its impulse from the bottom upward and spontaneously producing the organs of direct democracy, it presented all the characteristics of a social revolution with libertarian tendencies. However, the relative weakness of the Russian anarchists prevented them from exploiting situations which were exceptionally favorable to the triumph of their ideas.

The Revolution was ultimately confiscated & distorted by the mastery, according to some - the cunning, according to others - of the professional revolutionary team grouped around Lenin. But this defeat of both anarchism & the authentic popular revolution was not entirely sterile for the libertarian idea. In the first place, the collective appropriation of the means of production has not again been put in question, & this safeguards the ground upon which, one day perhaps, socialism from below may prevail over state regimentation; moreover, the Russian experience has provided the occasion for some Russian & some non-Russian anarchists to learn the complex lessons of a temporary defeat - lessons of which Lenin himself seemed to have become aware on the eve of his death. In this context they could rethink the whole problem of revolution and anarchism. According to Kropotkin, echoed by Voline, it taught them, should they ever need to know, how not to make a revolution. Far from proving that libertarian socialism is impracticable, the Soviet experience, on the contrary, broadly confirmed the prophetic correctness of the views of the founders of anarchism and, in particular, their critique of authoritarian socialism.

A LIBERTARIAN REVOLUTION

The point of departure of the Revolution of 1917 was that of 1905, during which a new kind of revolutionary organ had come into being: the soviets. They were born in the factories of St. Petersburg during a spontaneous general strike. In the almost complete absence of a trade-union movement & tradition, the soviets filled a vacuum by coordinating the struggle of the factories on strike. The anarchist Voline was one of the small group which had the idea of setting up the first soviet, in close liaison with the workers & at their suggestion. His evidence coincides with that of Trotsky, who became president of the soviet a few months later. In his account of 1905 he wrote, without any pejorative intent - quite the contrary: "The activity of the soviet represented the organization of anarchy. Its existence & its subsequent development marked the consolidation of anarchy."

This experience had made a permanent mark upon working-class consciousness and, when the second Russian Revolution broke out in February 1917, its leaders did not have to invent anything. The workers took over the factories spontaneously. The soviets revived on their own initiative. Once again, they took the professional revolutionaries by surprise. On Lenin's own admission, the masses of peasants & workers were "a hundred times further to the left" than the Bolsheviks. The prestige of the soviets was such that it was only in their name & at their behest that the October insurrection could be launched.

In spite of their vigor, however, they were lacking in homogeneity, revolutionary experience, and ideological preparation. This made them easy prey to political parties with uncertain revolutionary ideas. Although it was a minority organization, the Bolshevik Party was the only really organized revolutionary force which knew where it was going. It had no rivals on the extreme left in either the political or the trade-union field. It had first-class cadres at its disposal, & set in motion, as Voline admitted, "a feverish, overwhelming, fierce activity."

The party machine, however - of which Stalin was at that time an obscure ornament - had always regarded the soviets with suspicion as embarrassing competitors. Immediately after the seizure of power, the spontaneous & irresistible tendency toward the socialization of production was, at first, channeled through workers' control. A decree of November 14, 1917, legalized the participation of workers in the management of enterprises & the fixing of prices; it abolished trade secrets, & compelled the employers to publish their correspondence and their accounts. According to Victor Serge, "the leaders of the Revolution did not intend to go beyond this." In April 1918 they "still intended . . . to set up mixed companies with shares, in which the Soviet State & Russian & foreign capital would all participate." "The initiative for measures of expropriation came from the masses & not from authority."

As early as October 20, 1917, at the first Congress of Factory Councils, a motion inspired by anarchism was presented. It proposed "control over production, & that control commissions should not be simply investigative bodies, but . . . from this moment on cells of the future preparing to transfer production to the hands of the workers." "In the very early days of the October Revolution," Anna Pankratova [22] reported, "anarchist tendencies were the more easily & successfully manifested, because the capitalists put up the liveliest resistance to the enforcement of the decree on workers' control & actually refused workers' participation in production."

Workers' control in effect soon showed itself to be a half measure, halting & inefficient. The employers sabotaged it, concealed their stocks, removed tools, challenged or locked out the workers; sometimes they used the factory committees as simple agents or aides to management; they even thought it profitable to try to have their firms nationalized. The workers responded to these maneuvers by seizing the factories & running them for their own benefit. "We ourselves will not send the owners away," the workers said in their resolutions, "but we will take charge of production if they will not insure that the factories function." Anna Pankratova adds that, in this first period of "chaotic" & "primitive" socialization, the factory councils "frequently took over the management of factories whose owners had been dismissed or had fled."

Workers' control soon had to give place to socialization. Lenin literally did violence to his more timorous lieutenants by throwing them into the "crucible of living popular creativity," by obliging them to speak in authentic libertarian language. The basis of revolutionary reconstruction was to be workers' self-management. It alone could arouse in the masses such revolutionary enthusiasm that the impossible would become possible. When the last manual worker, any unemployed person, any cook, could see the factories, the land, the administration in the hands of associations of workers, of employees, of officials, of peasants; rationing in the hands of democratic committees, etc.; all created spontaneously by the people - "when the poor see & feel that, there will be no force able to defeat the social revolution." The future seemed to be opening up for a republic of the type of the Commune of 1871, a republic of soviets.

According to Voline's account, "in order to catch the imagination of the masses, gain their confidence & their sympathy, the Bolshevik Party announced . . . slogans which had up tin then been characteristic . . . of anarchism." All power to the soviets was a slogan which the masses intuitively understood in the libertarian sense. Peter Archinoff reported that "the workers interpreted the idea of soviet power as that of their own right to dispose of themselves socially and economically." At the Third Congress of Soviets, at the beginning of 1918, Lenin declared: "Anarchist ideas have now taken on living form." Soon after, at the Seventh Party Congress, March ~8, he proposed for adoption theses which dealt among other things with the socialization of production administered by workers' organizations (trade unions, factory committees, etc.); the abolition of officials in charge of manual trades, of the police & the army; the equality of salaries & remuneration; the participation of all members of the soviets in management & administration of the State; the complete elimination by stages of the said State & of the use of money. At the Trade-Union Congress (spring 1918), Lenin described the factories as "self-governing communes of producers & consumers." The anarcho-syndicalist Maximoff goes so far as to maintain that "the Bolsheviks had not only abandoned the theory of the gradual withering away of the State, but Marxist ideology in general. They had become some kind of anarchists."

AN AUTHORITARIAN REVOLUTION This audacious alignment with the instinct of the masses & their revolutionary temper may have succeeded in giving the Bolsheviks command over the revolution, but had nothing to do with their traditional ideology or their real intentions. They had been authoritarians for a long time, & were imbued with ideas of the State, of dictatorship, of : ':__': , of a ruling party, of management of the economy from above, of all things which were in flagrant contradiction with a really libertarian conception of soviet democracy.

State & Revolution was written on the eve of the October insurrection & mirrors the ambivalence of Lenin's thoughts. Some pages might have been written by a libertarian and, as we have seen above [23], some credit at least is given to the anarchists. However, this call for a revolution from below runs parallel to a statement of the case for a revolution from above. Concepts of a hierarchical, centralized state system are not half concealed afterthoughts but, on the contrary, are frankly expressed: the State will survive the conquest of power by the proletariat & will wither away only after a transitional period. How long is this purgatory to last? This is not concealed; we are told rather with relief than with regret that the process will be "slow," & "of long duration." Under the guise of soviet power, the revolution will bring forth the "proletarian State," or "dictatorship of the proletariat"; the writer even lets slip the expression "bourgeois State without the bourgeoisie," just when he is revealing his inmost thoughts. This omnivorous State surely intends to take everything over.

Lenin took a lesson from contemporary German state capitalism, the Kriegswirtschaft (war economy). Another of his models was the organization of modern large-scale industry by capitalism, with its "iron discipline." He was particularly entranced by a state monopoly such as the posts & telegraphs & exclaimed: "What an admirably perfected mechanism! The whole of economic life organized like the postal services, . . . that is the State, that is the economic base which we need." To seek to do without "authority" & "subordination" is an "anarchist dream," he concluded. At one time he had waxed enthusiastic over the idea of entrusting production & exchange to workers' associations & to self-management. But that was a misdeal. Now he did not hide his magic prescription: all citizens becoming "employees and workers of one universal single state trust," the whole of society converted into "one great office and one great factory." There would be soviets, to be sure, but under the control of the workers' party, a party whose historic task it is to "direct" the proletariat. The most clear-minded Russian anarchists were not misled by this view. At the peak of Lenin's libertarian period they were already warning the workers to be on their guard: in their journal, Golos Truda (The Voice of Labor), in the last months of 1917 & early in 1918 Voline wrote the following prophetic warning:

"Once they have consolidated & legalized their power, the Bolsheviks - who are socialists, politicians, & believers in the State, that is to say, centralist and authoritarian men of action - will begin to arrange the life of the country & the people by governmental & dictatorial means imposed from the centers .... Your soviets . . . will gradually become simply executive organs of the will of the central government.... An authoritarian political state apparatus will be set up and, acting from above, it will seek to crush everything with its iron fist . . . Woe betide anyone who is not in agreement with the central authority.

"All power to the soviets will become in effect the authority of the party leaders."

It was Voline's view that it was the increasingly anarchist tendencies of the masses which obliged Lenin to turn away from his original path for a time. He would allow the State, authority, the dictatorship, to remain only for an hour, for a short moment. & then would come "anarchism." "But, good God, do you not foresee . . . what citizen Lenin will say when real power has been consolidated & it has become possible not to listen any more to the voice of the masses?'' Then he will come back to the beaten path. He will create "a Marxist State," of the most complete type.

It would, of course, be risky to maintain that Lenin & his team consciously set a trap for the masses. There was more doctrinal dualism in them than deliberate duplicity. The contradiction between the two poles of their thought was so obvious, so flagrant, that it was to be foreseen that it would soon impinge upon events. Either the anarchist trend & the pressure of the masses would oblige the Bolsheviks to forget the authoritarian aspect of their concepts, or, on the contrary, the consolidation of their power, coinciding with the exhaustion of the people's revolutionary upsurge, would lead them to put aside their transitory anarchist thoughts.

A new factor then made its appearance, disturbing the balance of the issues in question: the terrible circumstances of the civil war & the foreign intervention, the disorganization of transport, the shortage of technicians. These things drove the Bolshevik leaders to emergency measures, to dictatorship, to centralization, & to recourse to the "iron fist." The anarchists, however, denied that these were the result simply of objective causes external to the Revolution. In their opinion they were due in part to the internal logic of the authoritarian ideas of Bolshevism, to the weakness of an overcentralized & excessively bureaucratic authority. According to Voline, it was, among other things, the incompetence of the State, & its desire to direct & control everything, that made it incapable of reorganizing the economic life of the country & led to a real "breakdown"; that is, to the paralysis of industry, the ruin of agriculture, & the destruction of all connections between the various branches of the economy.

As an example, Voline told the story of the former Nobel oil refinery at Petrograd. It had been abandoned by its owners & its 4,000 workers decided to operate it collectively. They addressed themselves to the Bolshevik government in vain. Then they tried to make the plant work on their own initiative. They divided themselves into mobile groups & tried to find fuel, raw materials, outlets, & means of transport. With regard to the latter they had actually begun discussions with their comrades among the railwaymen. The government became angry, feeling that its responsibility to the country prevented it from allowing each factory to act independently. The workers' council persisted & called a general assembly of the workers. The People's Commissar of Labor took the trouble to give a personal warning to the workers against a "serious act of insubordination." He castigated their attitude as "anarchistic and egotistical." He threatened them with dismissal without compensation. The workers retorted that they were not asking for any privileges: the government should let the workers & peasants all over the country act in the same way. All in vain, the government stuck to its point of view and the factory was closed.

One Communist confirms Voline's analysis: Alexandra Kollontay. In 1921 she complained that numerous examples of workers' initiative had come to grief amid endless paperwork and useless administrative discussions: "How much bitterness there is among the workers . . . when they see what they could have achieved if they had been given the right & the freedom to act.... Initiative becomes weak & the desire for action dies down."

In fact the power of the soviets only lasted a few months, from October 1917 to the spring of 1918. The factory councils were very soon deprived of their power, on the pretext that self-management did not take account of the "rational" needs of the economy, that it involved an egoism of enterprises competing one with the other, grasping for scarce resources, wanting to survive at any price even if other factories were more important "for the State" & better equipped. In brief, according to Anna Pankratova, the situation was moving toward a fragmentation of the economy into "autonomous producers' federations of the kind dreamed of by the anarchists." No doubt the budding workers' self-management was not above reproach. It had tried, painfully & tentatively, to create new forms of production which had no precedent in world history. It had certainly made mistakes & taken wrong turns. That was the price of apprenticeship. As Alexandra Kollontay maintained, communism could not be "born except by a process of practical research, with mistakes perhaps, but starting from the creative forces of the working class itself."

The leaders of the Party did not hold this view. They were only too pleased to take back from the factory committees the power which they had not in their heart of hearts been happy to hand over. As early as 1918, Lenin stated his preference for the "single will" in the management of enterprises. The workers must obey "unconditionally" the single will of the directors of the work process. All the Bolshevik leaders, Kollontay tells us, were "skeptical with regard to the creative abilities of workers' collectives." Moreover, the administration was invaded by large numbers of petty bourgeois, left over from old Russian capitalism, who had adapted themselves all too quickly to institutions of the soviet type, & had got themselves into responsible positions in the various commissariats, insisting that economic management should be entrusted to them & not to workers' organizations.

The state bureaucracy played an increasing role in the economy. From December 5, 1917, on, industry was put under a Supreme Economic Council, responsible for the authoritarian coordination of the activity of all organs of production. From May 26 to June 4, 1918, the Congress of Economic Councils met & decided that the directorate of each enterprise should be composed of members two-thirds of whom would be nominated by the regional councils or the Supreme Economic Council & only one third elected by workers on the spot. A decree of May 28, 1918, extended collectivization to industry as a whole but, by the same token, transformed the spontaneous socializations of the first months of the revolution into nationalizations. The Supreme Economic Council was made responsible for the administration of the nationalized industries. The directors & technical staff were to remain at their posts as appointees of the State. At the Second Congress of the Supreme Economic Council at the end of 1918, the factory councils were roundly trounced by the committee reporter for trying to direct the factories in the place of the board of directors.

For the sake of appearances, elections to factory committees continued to take place, but a member of the Communist cell read out a list of candidates drawn up in advance & voting was by show of hands in the presence of the armed "Communist guards" of the enterprise. Anyone who declared his opposition to the proposed candidates became subject to economic sanctions (wage cuts, etc.). As Peter Archinoff reported, there remained a single omnipresent master - the State. Relations between the workers & this new master became similar to those which had previously existed between labor & capital.

The functions of the soviets had become purely nominal. They were transformed into institutions of government power. "You must become basic cells of the State," Lenin told the Congress of Factory Councils on June 27, 1918. As Voline expressed it, they were reduced to the role of "purely administrative & executive organs responsible for small, unimportant local matters and entirely subject to 'directives' from the central authorities: government & the leading organs of the Party." They no longer had "even the shadow of power." At the Third Trades-Union Congress (April 1920), the committee reporter, Lozovosky, admitted: "We have abandoned the old methods of workers' control & we have preserved only the principle of state control." From now on this "control" was to be exercised by an organ of the State: the Workers' & Peasants' Inspectorate.

The industrial federations which were centralist in structure had, in the first place, helped the Bolsheviks to absorb & subjugate the factory councils which were federalist & libertarian in their nature. From April 1, 1918, the fusion between the two types of organization was an accomplished fact. From then on the trade unions played a disciplinary role under the supervision of the Party. The union of workers in the heavy metal industries of Petrograd forbade "disruptive initiatives" from the factory councils & objected to their "most dangerous" tendency to put this or that enterprise into the hands of the workers. This was said to be the worst way of imitating production cooperatives, "the idea of which had long since been bankrupt" & which would "not fail to transform themselves into capitalist undertakings." "Any enterprise abandoned or sabotaged by an industrialist, the product of which was necessary to the national economy, was to be placed under the control of the State." It was "not permissible" that the workers should take over such enterprises without the approval of the trade-union organization.

After this preliminary take-over operation the trade unions were, in their turn, tamed, deprived of any autonomy, purged; their congresses were postponed, their members arrested, their organizations disbanded or merged into larger units. At the end of this process any anarcho-syndicalist tendency had been wiped out, & the trade-union movement was completely subordinated to the State & the single party.

The same thing happened with regard to consumers' cooperatives. In the early stages of the Revolution they had arisen everywhere, increased in numbers, & federated with each other. Their offense, however, was that they were outside the control of the Party & a certain number of social democrats (Mensheviks) had infiltrated them. First, local shops were deprived of their supplies & means of transport on the pretext of "private trade" & "speculation," or even without any pretext at all. Then, all free cooperatives were closed at one stroke & state cooperatives set up bureaucratically in their place. The decree of March 20, 1919, absorbed the consumer cooperatives into the Commissariat of Food Supplies & the industrial producer cooperatives into the Supreme Economic Council. Many members of cooperatives were thrown into prison.

The working class did not react either quickly or vigorously enough. It was dispersed, isolated in an immense, backward, & for the most part rural country exhausted by privation and revolutionary struggle, and, still worse, demoralized. Finally, its best members had left for the fronts of the civil war or had been absorbed into the party & government apparatus. Nevertheless, quite a number of workers felt themselves more or less done out of the fruits of their revolutionary victories, deprived of their rights, subjected to tutelage, humiliated by the arrogance & arbitrary power of the new masters; & these became aware of the real nature of the supposed "proletarian State." Thus, during the summer of 1918, dissatisfied workers in the Moscow & Petrograd factories elected delegates from among their number, trying in this way to oppose their authentic "delegate councils" to the soviets of enterprises already captured by authority. Kollontay bears witness that the worker felt sore & understood that he had been pushed aside. He could compare the life style of the soviet functionaries with the way in which he lived - he upon whom the "dictatorship of the proletariat" was based, at least in theory.

By the time the workers really saw the light it was too late. Power had had the time to organize itself solidly & had at its disposal repressive forces fully able to break any attempted autonomous action on the part of the masses. According to Voline, a bitter but unequal struggle lasted some three years, & was entirely unknown outside Russia. In this a working-class vanguard opposed a state apparatus determined to deny the division which had developed between itself & the masses. From 1919 to 1921, strikes increased in the large cities, in Petrograd especially, & even in Moscow. They were severely repressed, as we shall see further on.

Within the directing Party itself a "Workers' Opposition" arose which demanded a return to the democracy of the soviets & self-management. At the Tenth Party Congress in March 1921, one of its spokesmen, Alexandra Kollontay, distributed a pamphlet asking for freedom of initiative and organization for the trade unions & for a "congress of producers" to elect a central administrative organ for the national economy. The brochure was confiscated & banned. Lenin persuaded almost the whole congress to vote for a resolution identifying the theses of the Workers' Opposition with "petty-bourgeois & anarchist deviations": the "syndicalism," the "semi-anarchism" of the oppositionists was in his eyes a "direct danger" to the monopoly of power exercised by the Party in the name of the proletariat. From then on all opposition within the Party was forbidden & the way was open to "totalitarianism," as was admitted by Trotsky years later.

The struggle continued within the central leadership of the trade unions. Tomsky & Riazanov were excluded from the Presidium & sent into exile, because they had stood for trade unions independent of the Party. The leader of the workers' opposition, Shlyapaikov, met the same fate, and was soon followed by the prime mover of another opposition group: G. I. Miasnikov, a genuine worker who had put the Grand Duke Michael to death in 1917. He had been a party member for fifteen years and, before the revolution, spent more than seven years in prison and seventy-five days on a hunger strike. In November 1921, he dared to state in a pamphlet that the workers had lost confidence in the Communists, because the Party no longer had a common language with the rank & file & was now using against the working class the repressive measures brought in against the bourgeoisie between 1918 & 1920.

THE PART PLAYED BY THE ANARCHISTS

What part did the Russian anarchists play in this drama in which a libertarian-style revolution was transmuted into its opposite? Russia had no libertarian traditions & it was in foreign lands that Bakunin & Kropotkin became anarchists. Neither played a militant anarchist role inside Russia at any time. Up to the time of the 1917 Revolution, only a few copies of short extracts from their writings had appeared in Russia, clandestinely & with great difficulty. There was nothing anarchist in the social, socialist, & revolutionary education of the Russians. On the contrary, as Voline told us, "advanced Russian youth were reading literature which always presented socialism in a statist form." People's minds were soaked in ideas of government, having been contaminated by German social democracy.

The anarchists "were a tiny handful of men without influence," at the most a few thousand. Voline reported that their movement was "still far too small to have any immediate, concrete effect on events." Moreover, most of them were individualist intellectuals not much involved in the working-class movement. Voline was an exception, as was Nestor Makhno, who could move the hearts of the masses in his native Ukraine. In Makhno's memoirs he passed the severe judgment that "Russian anarchism lagged behind events or even functioned completely outside them."

However, this judgment seems to be less than fair. The anarchists played a far from negligible part in events between the February & October revolutions. Trotsky admitted this more than once in his History of the Russian Revolution. "Brave" & "active," though few in numbers, they were a principled opposition in the Constituent Assembly at a time when the Bolsheviks had not yet turned anti-parliamentary. They put out the call "all power to the soviets" long before Lenin's party did so. They inspired the movement for the spontaneous socialization of housing, often against the will of the Bolsheviks. Anarcho-syndicalist activists played a part in inducing workers to take over the factories, even before October.

During the revolutionary days that brought Kerensky's bourgeois republic to an end, the anarchists were in the forefront of the military struggle, especially in the Dvinsk regiment commanded by old libertarians like Grachoff & Fedotoff. This force dislodged the counter-revolutionary "cadets." Aided by his detachment, the anarchist Gelezniakov disbanded the Constituent Assembly: the Bolsheviks only ratified the accomplished fact. Many partisan detachments were formed or led by anarchists (Mokrooussoff, Cherniak, & others), & fought unremittingly against the White armies between 1918 & 1920.

Scarcely a major city was without an anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist group, spreading a relatively large amount of printed matter - papers, periodicals, leaflets, pamphlets, & books. There were two weeklies in Petrograd & a daily in Moscow, each appearing in 25,000 copies. Anarchist sympathizers increased as the Revolution deepened & then moved away from the masses. The French captain Jacques Sadoul, on a mission in Russia, wrote in a report dated April 6, 1918: "The anarchist party is the most active, the most militant of the opposition groups & probably the most popular .... The Bolsheviks are anxious." At the end of 1918, according to Voline, "this influence became so great that the Bolsheviks, who could not accept criticism, still less opposition, became seriously disturbed." Voline reports that for the Bolshevik authorities "it was equivalent . . . to suicide to tolerate anarchist propaganda. They did their best first to prevent, & then to forbid, any manifestation of libertarian ideas and finally suppressed them by brute force."

The Bolshevik government "began by forcibly closing the offices of libertarian organizations, and forbidding the anarchists from taking part in any propaganda or activity." In Moscow on the night of April 12, 1918, detachments of Red Guards, armed to the teeth, took over by surprise twenty-five houses occupied by the anarchists. The latter, thinking that they were being attacked by White Guards, replied with gunfire. According to Voline, the authorities soon went on to "more violent measures: imprisonment, outlawing, & execution." "For four years this conflict was to keep the Bolshevik authorities on their toes . . . until the libertarian trend was finally crushed by military measures (at the end of 1921)."

The liquidation of the anarchists was all the easier since they had divided into two factions, one of which refused to be tamed while the other allowed itself to be domesticated. The latter regarded "historical necessity" as justification for making a gesture of loyalty to the regime and, at last temporarily, approving its dictatorial actions. They considered a victorious end to the civil war & the crushing of the counter-revolution to be the first necessities.

The more intransigent anarchists regarded this as a short-sighted tactic. For the counter-revolutionary movements were being fed by the bureaucratic impotence of the government apparatus & the disillusionment & discontent of the people. Moreover, the authorities ended up by making no distinction between the active wing of the libertarian revolution which was disputing its methods of control, & the criminal activities of its right-wing adversaries. To accept dictatorship & terror was a suicidal policy for the anarchists who were themselves to become its victims. Finally, the conversion of the so-called soviet anarchists made the crushing of those other, irreconcilable, ones easier, for they were treated as "false" anarchists, irresponsible & unrealistic dreamers, stupid muddlers, madmen, sowers of division, and, finally, counterrevolutionary bandits.

Victor Serge was the most brilliant, & therefore considered the most authoritative, of the converted anarchists. He worked for the regime & published a pamphlet in French which attempted to defend it against anarchist criticism. The book he wrote later, L'An I de la Revolution Russe, is largely a justification of the liquidation of the soviets by Bolshevism. The Party - or rather its elite leadership - is presented as the brains of the working class. It is up to the duly selected leader of the vanguard to discover what the proletariat can & must do. Without them, the masses organized in soviets would be no more than "a sprinkling of men with confused aspirations shot through with gleams of intelligence."

Victor Serge was certainly too clear-minded to have any illusions about the real nature of the central Soviet power. But this power was still haloed with the prestige of the first victorious proletarian revolution; it was loathed by world counter-revolution; & that was one of the reasons - the most honorable - why Serge & many other revolutionaries saw fit to put a padlock on their tongues. In the summer of 1921 the anarchist Gaston Leval came to Moscow in the Spanish delegation to the Third Congress of the Communist International. In private, Serge confided to him that "the Communist Party no longer practices the dictatorship of the proletariat but dictatorship over the proletariat." Returning to France, Leval published articles in Le Libertaire using well documented facts, & placing side by side what Victor Serge had told him confidentially & his public statements, which he described as "conscious lies." In Living My Life, the great American anarchist Emma Goldman was no kinder to Victor Serge, whom she had seen in action in Moscow.

THE MAKHNOVTCHINA

It had been relatively easy to liquidate the small, weak nuclei of anarchists in the cities, but things were different in the Ukraine, where the peasant Nestor Makhno had built up a strong rural anarchist organization, both economic & military. Makhno was born of poor Ukrainian peasants & was twenty years old in 1919. As a child, he had seen the 1905 Revolution and later became an anarchist. The Czarist regime sentenced him to death, commuted to eight years' imprisonment, which was spent, more often than not in irons, in Boutirki prison, the only school he was ever to attend. He filled at least some of the gaps in his education with the help of a fellow-prisoner, Peter Archinoff.

Immediately after the October Revolution, Makhno took the initiative in organizing masses of peasants into an autonomous region, a roughly circular area 480 by 400 miles, with seven million inhabitants. Its southern end reached the Sea of Azov at the port of Berdiansk, & it was centered in Gulyai-Polye, a large town of 20,000 to 30,000 people. This was a traditionally rebellious region which had seen violent disturbances in 1905.

The story began when the German & Austrian armies of occupation imposed a right-wing regime which hastened to return to their former owners the lands which had been seized by revolutionary peasants. The land workers put up an armed defense of their new conquests. They resisted reaction but also the untimely intrusion of Bolshevik commissars, & their excessive levies. This vast jacquerie [24] was inspired by a "lover of justice," a sort of anarchist Robin Hood called "Father" Makhno by the peasants. His first feat of arms was the capture of Gulyai-Polye in mid-September 1918. The armistice of November 11, however, led to the withdrawal of the Austro-German occupation forces, & gave Makhno a unique opportunity to build up reserves of arms & supplies.

For the first time in history, the principles of libertarian communism were applied in the liberated Ukraine, & self-management was put into force as far as possible in the circumstances of the civil war. Peasants united in "communes" or "free-work soviets," and communally tilled the land for which they had fought with the former owners. These groups respected the principles of equality & fraternity. Each man, woman, or child had to work in proportion to his or her strength, & comrades elected to temporary managerial functions subsequently returned to their regular work alongside the other members of the communes.

Each soviet was simply the executive of the will of the peasants in the locality from which it had been elected. Production units were federated into districts, & districts into regions. The soviets were integrated into a general economic system based on social equality; they were to be independent of any political party. No politician was to dictate his will to them under cover of soviet power. Members had to be authentic workers at the service of the laboring masses.

When the Makhnovist partisans moved into an area they put up posters reading: "The freedom of the workers & peasants is their own, & not subject to any restriction. It is up to the workers and peasants themselves to act, to organize themselves, to agree among themselves in all aspects of their lives, as they themselves see fit & desire .... The Makhnovists can do no more than give aid & counsel .... In no circumstances can they, nor do they wish to, govern."

When, in 1920, Makhno's men were brought to negotiate with the Bolsheviks, they did so as their equals, & concluded an ephemeral agreement with them, to which they insisted that the following appendix be added: "In the area where the Makhnovist army is operating the worker and peasant population shall create its own free institutions for economic & political self-administration; these institutions shall be autonomous & linked federally by agreements with the governing organs of the Soviet Republics." The Bolshevik negotiators were staggered and separated the appendix from the agreement in order to refer it to Moscow where of course, it was, considered "absolutely inadmissible."

One of the relative weaknesses of the Makhnovist movement was its lack of libertarian intellectuals, but it did receive some intermittent aid from outside. This came first from Kharkov and Kursk where the anarchists, inspired by Voline, had in 1918 formed a union called Nabat (the tocsin). In 1919 they held a congress at which they declared themselves "categorically and definitely opposed to any form of participation in the soviets, which have become purely political bodies, organized on an authoritarian, centralized, statist basis." The Bolshevik government regarded this statement as a declaration of war & the Nabat was forced to give up all its activities. Later, in July, Voline got through to Makhno's headquarters & joined with Peter Archinoff to take charge of the cultural & educational side of the movement. He presided at the congress held in October at Alexandrovsk, where the "General Theses" setting out the doctrine of the "free soviets" were adopted.

Peasant & partisan delegates took part in these congresses. In fact, the civil organization was an extension of a peasant army of insurrection, practicing guerrilla tactics. This army was remarkably mobile, covering as much as 160 miles in a day, thanks not only to its cavalry but also to its infantry, which traveled in light horse-drawn carts with springs. This army was organized on a specifically libertarian, voluntary basis. The elective principle was applied at all levels & discipline freely agreed to: the rules of the latter were drawn up by commissions of partisans, then validated by general assemblies, & were strictly observed by all.

Makhno's franc-tireurs gave the White armies of intervention plenty of trouble. The units of Bolshevik Red Guards, for their part, were not very effective. They fought only along the railways & never went far from their armored trains, to which they withdrew at the first reverse, sometimes without taking on board all their own combatants. This did not give much confidence to the peasants who were short of arms & isolated in their villages & so would have been at the mercy of the counter-revolutionaries. Archinoff, the historian of the Makhnovtchina, wrote that "the honor of destroying Denikin's counter-revolution in the autumn of 1919 is principally due to the anarchist insurgents."

But after the units of Red Guards had been absorbed into the Red Army, Makhno persisted in refusing to place his army under the supreme command of the Red Army chief, Trotsky. That great revolutionary therefore believed it necessary to turn upon the insurrectionary movement. On June 4, 1919, he drafted an order banning the forthcoming Makhnovist congress, accusing them of standing out against Soviet power in the Ukraine. He characterized participation in the congress as an act of "high treason" & called for the arrest of the delegates. He refused to give arms to Makhno's partisans, failing in his duty of assisting them, & subsequently accused them of "betrayal" & of allowing themselves to be beaten by the White troupe. The same procedure was followed eighteen years later by the Spanish Stalinists against the anarchist brigades.

The two armies, however, came to an agreement again, on two occasions, when the extreme danger caused by the intervention required them to act together. This occurred first in March 1919, against Denikin, the second during the summer & autumn of 1920, before the menace of the White forces of Wrangel which were finally destroyed by Makhno. But as soon as the supreme danger was past the Red Army returned to military operations against the partisans of Makhno, who returned blow for blow.

At the end of November 1920 those in power went so far as to prepare an ambush. The Bolsheviks invited the officers of the Crimean Makhnovist army to take part in a military council. There they were immediately arrested by the Cheka, the political police, & shot while their partisans were disarmed. At the same time a regular offensive was launched against Gulyai-Polye. The increasingly unequal struggle between libertarians & authoritarians continued for another nine months. In the end, however, overcome by more numerous & better equipped forces, Makhno had to give up the struggle. He managed to take refuge in Rumania in August 1921, & later reached Paris, where he died much later of disease & poverty. This was the end of the epic story of the Makhnovtchina. According to Peter Archinoff, it was the prototype of an independent movement of the working masses & hence a source of future inspiration for the workers of the world.

KRONSTADT

In February-March 1921, the Petrograd workers & the sailors of the Kronstadt fortress were driven to revolt, the aspirations which inspired them being very similar to those of the Makhnovist revolutionary peasants.

The material conditions of urban workers had become intolerable through lack of foodstuffs, fuel, & transport, & any expression of discontent was being crushed by a more & more dictatorial & totalitarian regime. At the end of February strikes broke out in Petrograd, Moscow, & several other large industrial centers. The workers demanded bread & liberty; they marched from one factory to another, closing them down, attracting new contingents of workers into their demonstrations. The authorities replied with gunfire, & the Petrograd workers in turn by a protest meeting attended by 10,000 workers. Kronstadt was an island naval base forty-eight miles from Petrograd in the Gulf of Finland which was frozen during the winter. It was populated by sailors & several thousand workers employed in the naval arsenals. The Kronstadt sailors had been in the vanguard of the revolutionary events of 1905 & 1917. As Trotsky put it, they had been the "pride & glory of the Russian Revolution." The civilian inhabitants of Kronstadt had formed a free commune, relatively independent of the authorities. In the center of the fortress an enormous public square served as a popular forum holding as many as 30,000 persons.

In 1921 the sailors certainly did not have the same revolutionary makeup & the same personnel as in 1917; they had been drawn from the peasantry far more than their predecessors; but the militant spirit had remained & as a result of their earlier performance they retained the right to take an active part in workers' meetings in Petrograd. When the workers of the former capital went on strike they sent emissaries who were driven back by the forces of order. During two mass meetings held in the main square they took up as their own the demands of the strikers. Sixteen thousand sailors, workers, & soldiers attended the second meeting held on March 1, as did the head of state, Kalinin, president of the central executive. In spite of his presence they passed a resolution demanding that the workers, Red soldiers, & sailors of Petrograd, Kronstadt, & the Petrograd province be called together during the next ten days in a conference independent of the political parties. They also called for the abolition of "political officers," asked that no political party should have privileges, & that the Communist shock detachments in the army & "Communist guards" in the factories should be disbanded.

It was indeed the monopoly of power of the governing party which they were attacking. The Kronstadt rebels dared to call this monopoly an "usurpation." Let the angry sailors speak for themselves, as we skim through the pages of the official journal of this new commune, the Izvestia of Kronstadt. According to them, once it had seized power the Communist Party had only one concern: to keep it by fair means or foul. It had lost contact with the masses, and proved its inability to get the country out of a state of general collapse. It had become bureaucratic & lost the confidence of the workers. The soviets, having lost their real power, had been meddled with, taken over, & manipulated, the trade unions were being made instruments of the State. An omnipotent police apparatus weighed on the people, enforcing its laws by gunfire & the use of terror. Economic life had become not the promised socialism, based on free labor, but a harsh state capitalism. The workers were simply wage earners under this national trust, exploited just as before. The irreverent men of Kronstadt went so far as to express doubt about the infallibility of the supreme leaders of the revolution. They mocked Trotsky, & even Lenin, irreverently. Their immediate demands were the restoration of all freedoms & free elections to all the organs of soviet democracy, but beyond this they were looking to a more distant objective with a clearly anarchist content: a "third revolution."

The rebels did, however, intend to keep within the framework of the Revolution & undertook to watch over the achievements of the social revolution. They proclaimed that they had nothing in common with those who would have wished to "return to the knout of Czarism," & though they did not conceal their intention of depriving the "Communists" of power, this was not to be for the purpose of "returning the workers & peasants to slavery." Moreover, they did not cut off all possibility of cooperation with the regime, still hoping "to be able to find a common language." Finally, the freedom of expression they were demanding was not to be for just anybody, but only for sincere believers in the Revolution: anarchists & "left socialists" (a formula which would exclude social democrats or Mensheviks).

The audacity of Kronstadt was much more than a Lenin or a Trotsky could endure. The Bolshevik leaders had once & for all identified the Revolution with the Communist Party, and anything which went against this myth must, in their eyes, appear as "counter-revolutionary." They saw the whole of Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy in danger. Kronstadt frightened them the more, since they were governing in the name of the proletariat and, suddenly, their authority was being disputed by a movement which they knew to be authentically proletarian. Lenin, moreover, held the rather simplistic idea that a Czarist restoration was the only alternative to the dictatorship of his own party. The statesmen of the Kremlin in 1921 argued in the same way as those, much later, in the autumn of 1956: Kronstadt was the forerunner of Budapest.

Trotsky, the man with the "iron fist," undertook to be personally responsible for the repression. "If you persist, you will be shot down from cover like partridges," he announced to the "mutineers." The sailors were treated as "White Guardists," accomplices of the interventionist Western powers, & of the "Paris Bourse." They were to be reduced to submission by force of arms. It was in vain that the anarchists Emma Goldman & Alexander Berkman, who had found asylum in the fatherland of the workers after being deported from the United States, sent a pathetic letter to Zinoviev, insisting that the use of force would do "incalculable damage to the social revolution" & adjuring the "Bolshevik comrades" to settle the conflict through fraternal negotiation. The Petrograd workers could not come to the aid of Kronstadt because they were already terrorized, & subject to martial law.

An expeditionary force was set up composed of carefully hand-picked troops, for many Red soldiers were unwilling to fire on their class brothers. This force was put under the command of a former Czarist officer, the future Marshall Tukachevsky. The bombardment of the fortress began on March 7. Under the heading "Let the world know!" the besieged inhabitants launched a last appeal: "May the blood of the innocent be on the head of the Communists, mad, drunk and enraged with power. Long live the power of the soviets!" The attacking force moved across the frozen Gulf of Finland on March 18 & quelled the "rebellion" in an orgy of killing.

The anarchists had played no part in this affair. However, the revolutionary committee of Kronstadt had invited two libertarians to join it: Yarchouk (the founder of the Kronstadt soviet of 1917) & Voline; in vain, for they were at the time imprisoned by the Bolsheviks. Ida Mett, historian of the Kronstadt revolt (in La Commune de Cronstadt), commented that "the anarchist influence was brought to bear only to the extent to which anarchism itself propagated the idea of workers' democracy." The anarchists did not play any direct part in events, but they associated themselves with them. Voline later wrote: "Kronstadt was the first entirely independent attempt of the people to free themselves of all control & carry out the social revolution: this attempt was made directly, . . . by the working masses themselves, without 'political shepherds,' without 'leaders,' or 'tutors.' Alexander Berkman added: "Kronstadt blew sky high the myth of the proletarian State; it proved that the dictatorship of the Communist Party & the Revolution were really incompatible."

ANARCHISM LIVING & DEAD

Although the anarchists played no direct part in the Kronstadt rising, the regime took advantage of crushing it to make an end of an ideology which continued to frighten them. A few weeks earlier, on February 8, the aged Kropotkin had died on Russian soil, & his remains had been given an imposing funeral, which was followed by an immense convoy of about 100,000 people. Over the heads of the crowd, among the red flags, one could see the black banners of the anarchist groups inscribed in letters of fire: "Where there is authority there is no freedom." According to Kropotkin's biographers, this was "the last great demonstration against Bolshevik tyranny, & many took part more to demand freedom than to praise the great anarchist."

Hundreds of anarchists were arrested after Kronstadt, & only a few months later, the libertarian Fanny Baron & eight of her comrades were shot in the cellars of the Cheka prison in Moscow. Militant anarchism had received a fatal blow. But outside Russia, the anarchists who had lived through the Russian Revolution undertook an enormous labor of criticism and doctrinal revision which reinvigorated libertarian thought & made it more concrete. As early as September 1920, the congress of the Confederation of Anarchist Organizations of the Ukraine, Nabat, had categorically rejected the expression "dictatorship of the proletariat," seeing that it led inevitably to dictatorship over the masses by that fraction of the proletariat entrenched in the Party, by officials, & a handful of leaders. Just before he died Kropotkin had issued a "Message to the Workers of the West" in which he sorrowfully denounced the rise of a "formidable bureaucracy": "It seems to me that this attempt to build a communist republic on the basis of a strongly centralized state, under the iron law of the dictatorship of one party, has ended in a terrible fiasco. Russia teaches us how not to impose communism."

In 1920 the German anarchist, Rudolf Rocker, who later lived & died in the United States, wrote Die Bankrotte des Russischen Stautskommunismus (The Bankruptcy of State Communism), which appeared in 1921. This was the first analysis to be made of the degeneration of the Russian Revolution. In his view the famous "dictatorship of the proletariat" was not the expression of the will of a single class, but the dictatorship of a party pretending to speak in the name of a class & kept in power by force of bayonets. "Under the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia a new class has developed, the 'commissarocracy,' which oppresses the broad masses just as much as the old regime used to do." By systematically subordinating all the factors in social life to an all-powerful government endowed with every prerogative, "one could not fail to end up with the hierarchy of officials which proved fatal to the development of the Russian Revolution." "Not only did the Bolsheviks borrow the state apparatus from the previous society, but they have given it an all-embracing power which no other government arrogates to itself."

In June 1922 the group of Russian anarchists exiled in Germany published a revealing little book under the names of A. Gorielik, A. Komoff, & Voline: Repression de l'Anarchisme en Russie Sovietique(The Repression of Anarchism in Soviet Russia). Voline made a French translation which appeared at the beginning of 1923. It contained an alphabetical list of the martyrs of Russian anarchism. In 1921-1922, Alexander Berkman, & in 1922-1923, Emma Goldman published a succession of pamphlets on the dramatic events which they had witnessed in Russia.

In their turn, Peter Archinoff & Nestor Makhno himself, escaped Makhnovites who had taken refuge in the West, published their evidence.

The two great libertarian classics on the Russian Revolution, The Guillotine at Work: Twenty Years of Terror in Russia by Grigori Maximov [G.P. Maximoff] & The Unkown Revolution by Voline, came much later, during the Second World War, & were written with the maturity of thought made possible by the passage of the years.

For Maximoff, whose account appeared in America, the lessons of the past brought to him a sure expectation of a better future. The new ruling class in the U.S.S.R. cannot & will not be permanent, & it will be succeeded by libertarian socialism. Objective conditions are driving this development forward:

"Is it conceivable . . . that the workers might desire the return of the capitalists to their enterprises? Never! for they are rebelling specifically against exploitation by the State & its bureaucrats."

What the workers desire is to replace this authoritarian management of production with their own factory councils, & to unite these councils into one vast national federation. What they desire is workers' self-management. In the same way, the peasants have understood that there can be no question of returning to an individualist economy. Collective agriculture is the only solution, together with the collaboration of the rural collectives with the factory councils & trade unions: in short, the further development of the program of the October Revolution in complete freedom.

Voline strongly asserted that any experiment on the Russian model could only lead to "state capitalism based on an odious exploitation of the masses," the "worst form of capitalism and one which has absolutely nothing to do with the progress of humanity toward a socialist society." It could do nothing but promote "the dictatorship of a single party which leads unavoidably to the repression of all freedom of speech, press, organization, & action, even for revolutionary tendencies, with the sole exception of the party in power," & to a "social inquisition" which suffocates "the very breath of the Revolution." Voline went on to maintain that Stalin "did not fall from the moon."

Stalin & Stalinism are, in his view, the logical consequence of the authoritarian system founded & established between 1918 & 1921.

"This is the lesson the world must learn from the tremendous & decisive Bolshevik experiment: a lesson which gives powerful support to the libertarian thesis & which events will soon make clear to the understanding of all those who grieve, suffer, think, & struggle."

Barcelona 1917- 1923 -Crònica- Manel Aisa

desembre 1921 Martínez Anido, Miguel Arleguí y el comisario Espejo, "La ley de fugas". El 3 de JANUARY ENERO / JANUARY 3 de 1921 los pistoleros del Libre darán muerte al cenetista Josep Julià delegado de la CNT en un telar de la calle Industria. El 4 de ENERO / JANUARY 4 los cenetistas atentan de nuevo contra Marià Sans (que había pertenecido a la banda del varón de Köenning), en la calle Valencia donde tenía un tenderete, en la autopsia le encontraron un tatuaje en el antebrazo con el lema ¡Viva la anarquía!. 1921 El 6 de ENERO / JANUARY 6 unos cuantos cenetistas se reúnen con sus familias en la Font del Quento de la barriada del Clot cuando de pronto irrumpieron numerosos coches de la policía deteniéndolos a todos. Este hecho hizo sospechar de Francisco Villena Presidente del Ramo del Agua de la CNT y por este motivo cayó en sospecha, por lo que decidieron vigilarle. Este mismo día de Reyes, serán detenidos en la calle Viladomat Acrato Vidal y Pedro Álvarez Montaña, acusados de pertenecer al sindicato de Artes Gráficas de la CNT. 1921 El 8 de ENERO / JANUARY 8 es asesinado por los del Libre, el cenetista Manuel Valero, en una taberna de la calle Jerusalem cerca de las Ramblas. También este día del niño, será detenido el cenetista Domingo Colominas, acusado de unos hechos ocurrido en Sta. Eulalia donde en un tiroteo con la policía murió el cenetista C.Figuerola. 1921 El 12 de ENERO / JANUARY 12 en Terrassa es asesinado el Teniente de Alcalde de Terrassa Juan Abella, la policía por este hecho detuvo en Barcelona al cenetista Isidre Tomás, precisamente en el día que estaba velando a su hijo, éste al ver venir a la policía pudo huir y refugiarse en el pueblo de sus padres "La Garriga", donde sería detenido días más tarde. Después de una soberbial paliza se intentó aplicarle la Ley de Fugas, pero estaba Isidre tan débil que no pudo hacer ni tan siquiera el gesto o la intención de escapar.

El 15 de JANUARY ENERO / JANUARY 15 el cenetista Juan Caballé estaba pidiendo apoyo para los presos de la CNT, en las proximidades del Arco del Triunfo cuando dos policías se percatan de su cometido y lo detienen, inmediatamente se establece un tiroteo entre la policía y los compañeros cenetistas que cubrían la espalda de Caballé, en la refriega murió el cenetista Francisco Sabate (El Quico), Juan Caballé logró escapar con lo recaudado. ADDED DATE & REWROTE THE MATERIAL IN BLUE FOR THE BLEED JANUARY 2007:

Por aquellos días de Valencia llegaron a Barcelona varios cenetistas (Juan Villanueva, Juli Peris, Ramón Gomar, Antonio Parra), con aportaciones económicas para los presos, enterado el inspector Espejo que los valencianos se encontraban en el Café Español, los detuvo el 17 de ENERO / JANUARY 17, llevándolos a comisaria y acusándoles de haber atentado en la capital del Turia, contra el ex-gobernador Salvatierra.

Ese mismo día 17 de ENERO / JANUARY 17 1921 JANUARY la policía por una delación asalta la vivienda de Isidro Pons Calvo de la calle Carretas nº 69,2º1ª, donde está instalado el Comité Pro-Presos de la CNT, en el lugar requisan numerosa documentación además, detienen a todas las personas que se encuentran en la misma, que son los cenetistas Pablo Martínez Casanova, María López, Juan Canales Moncax y Pablo Martín que usa la identidad de José Ramón Cuartero. Entre la documentación encontrada, había algunos recibos firmados por Companys, Arderius y el abogado Lorogoyen, la policía también encontrará recibos de numerosas mujeres, compañeras en este caso de presos en la Modelo de los cuales el comité Pro-presos se hacía cargo de los gastos familiares. Hubo otras detenciones en la persona de Juan Mata Fernández que trabajaba de practicante de farmacia, al cual se le acusó de tener y leer libros y folletos anarquistas, además de portar un carnet del ramo "Agua, gas y electricidad de la CNT". Por otro lado Ramón Archs había trabajado sus contactos con los grupos de afinidad y en una última reunión en el Novelty habían decidido quienes eran los encargados de acabar con el desagradable inspector Espejo. //

By those days of Valencia several cenetistas arrived at Barcelona (Juan Villanueva, Juli Peris, Ramon Gomar, Antonio Parra), with economic contributions for the prisoners, found out the inspecting Mirror who the Valencians were in the Spanish Coffee, stopped the 17 of JANUARY/JANUARY 17, taking them to police station and accusing to them to have attempted in the capital of the Turia, against Salvatierra ex--governor.

That same day 17 of JANUARY/JANUARY 17 JANUARY the police by a denunciation assault the house of Isidro Bald Pons of the street Carts nº 69,2º1ª, where the Pro-Prisoner Committee of the CNT is installed, in the place confiscates numerous documentation in addition, stops all the people who are in the same one, that they are the cenetistas Pablo Martinez Casanova, Maria Lopez, Juan Moncax Channels and Pablo Martin who uses the identity of Jose Ramon Cuartero. Between the found documentation, there were some receipts signed by Companys, Arderius and Lorogoyen lawyer, the police also will find receipts of numerous women, companions in this case of prisoners in the Model of which the committee Pro-prisoners took charge of the familiar expenses. There were other haltings in the person of Juan Bush Fernandez who worked of pharmacy medical instructor, to which she was accused to him to have and to read books and pamphlets anarchists, besides to carry a card of the branch “Water, gas and electricity of the CNT”. On the other hand Ramon Archs had worked his contacts with the affinity groups and in a last meeting in the Novelty they had decided that was the ones in charge to end the disagreeable inspector Mirror.

Thus the 18 of 18 JANUARY/JANUARY 18 1921 Antonio Espejo and Ferrer inspector returned to the Spanish Coffee to make some diligences, later marched by the street Count the Assault and in the Boulevard they separated entering Mirror by the Wide street, meanwhile a group of cenetistas they had followed to him discreetly and at the moment at which it had to stop - Mirror so that it crossed the car of the sweepings, was the precise moment that they took advantage of to aim several firings to him, by the eyewitnesses knew that the executor carried a gray raincoat that as of that moment returned to appear in other occasions. By this fact the police stopped to Eusebio Conde and Jose Liciaga. Although according to the carlista weekly magazine “the Protest” the Sailor” and the Eusebios Liciaga were Jose Domingo “, who fled to France.

Así el 18 de ENERO / JANUARY 18 1921 Antonio Espejo y el inspector Ferrer volvieron al Café Español para realizar algunas diligencias, después marcharon por la calle Conde del Asalto y en la Rambla se separaron entrando Espejo por la calle Ancha, mientras tanto un grupo de cenetistas le habían seguido discretamente y en el momento en que tuvo que detenerse -Espejo- para que cruzara el carro de la basura, fue el instante preciso que aprovecharon para asestarle varios disparos, por los testigos presenciales se supo que el ejecutor portaba un impermeable gris que a partir de aquel momento volvió a aparecer en otras ocasiones. Por este hecho la policía detuvo a Eusebio Conde y José Liciaga. Aunque según el semanario carlista "la Protesta" fueron José Domingo "El Marino" y Eusebio Liciaga, que huyeron a Francia. ADDED TO BLEED JANUARY 18: Este mismo día 18 de ENERO / JANUARY 18 1921 en el Clot, Francisco Villena Presidente del Ramo del Agua de la CNT ya confirmado que se trataba de un confidente de la policía, los grupos de afinidad de la CNT fueron a por él, así al salir de la Cooperativa La Flor de Maig situada en la calle Montaña para dirigirse a su casa, se detuvo un momento frente al cine Montaña donde aprovecharon para acribillarlo, el atentado fue atribuido a Buenaventura Telón y Albert Coll (El pintor) que eran miembros del comité sindical del barrio. Otro de los atentados del día fue en la calle de la Marina en el lugar conocido como "Pont dels Angels", donde murió el empresario del Metal Francisco Fontcuberta. Aquella noche como represalia por la muerte del inspector Espejo, Arleguí dio la orden para aplicar la Ley de Fugas a todo cenetista detenido. Así de madrugada sacaron de los calabozos de comisaría a los cenetistas valencianos Juan Villanueva, Antonio Parra, Juli Peris, Ramón Gomar y esposados pretendían conducirlos hasta la Modelo pero a la altura de la calle Calabria los guardias retrocedieron unos pasos y dispararon contra los reos con la excusa de que pretendían escapar. A Antonio Parra herido en el hombro le cayeron encima los cuerpos sin vida de sus compañeros y él no tuvo más que hacerse el muerto y esperar que vinieran los camilleros del Hospital Clínico. Mientras tanto y creyendo a todos muertos, desde jefatura salió un comunicado de prensa con una versión muy particular de los hechos, pero Parra, pudo contar una muy distinta versión a los médicos del Clínico, pese a que al enterrarse las autoridades de que aún vivía le colocaron dos guardias en la puerta de habitación. (Parra, murió en el exilio de Venezuela, en 1970). Retaliation; order to apply the Law of Flights to all lengthy cenetista. Thus the Valencian Juan Villanueva, Antonio Parra, Juli Peris, Ramon Gomar and newlywed cenetistas tried to lead them until the Model but to the height of the Calabria street the guards backed down steps and shot against the criminals with the excuse of which they tried to escape. To Antonio Parra hurt in the shoulder the bodies without life of their companions fell to him above and it did not have more to become the dead and to hope that the stretcher-bearers came from the Clinical Hospital. Meanwhile and believing to all deads, from headquarters it left an official notice press with a very particular version of the facts, but Parra, could count a very different version from the doctors from the Clinical one, although when being buried the authorities on which still it lived placed two guards to him in the room door. (Parra, died in exile of Venezuela, 1970). A la mañana siguiente 19 de ENERO / JANUARY 19 fue detenido el cenetista José Pérez Espín, trasladado a jefatura se le aplicó la Ley de Fugas en la misma comisaría mientras se informaba a la prensa que había pretendido escapar. Ese mismo día a la altura del Arco del Triunfo fueron detenidos Agustín Flor, Hernández Silvestre, Francisco Bravo y Benito Mechano que eran miembros del grupo de afinidad "Internacional" a los que se les aplicó también la Ley de Fugas, en esta ocasión logró salvarse Agustín Flor, que pudo llegar hasta su casa aunque con una tremenda excitación, que poco después le produciría un ataque cardíaco que le ocasiono la muerte. La Ley de Fugas se convirtió en habitual, entrando por ejemplo el día 22 de ENERO / JANUARY 22 de 1921, 36 cadáveres en el Hospital Clínico de Barcelona. Mientras tanto, Ramón Archs seguía con su plan de acabar con la cabeza de la represión, así se reúne con los miembros del grupo de afinidad del metal, acordando acabar con Martínez Anido comprometiéndose a realizar el atentado Domènech Rivas y Ricart Pi, la ocasión idónea evidentemente la encuentran en el entierro del inspector Espejo el día 23 de ENERO / JANUARY 23, pero Anido está fuertemente custodiado por la policía, y aunque los cenetistas lo intentaron, acercándose lo más que pudieron a la figuras mastodóntica del gobernador, éstos fueron detectados, detenidos y conducidos a comisaria, aquella noche misteriosamente aparecieron sus cuerpos acribillados en la avenida de la Diagonal. También durante este mes de ENERO / JANUARY de 1921 Ramón Archs tuvo otra reunión con los miembros de grupos de afinidad del metal donde se decidió esta vez a suerte quiénes participaban en el atentado a Eduardo Dato. Primero partió hacía Madrid, Ramón Casanellas para preparar el terreno luego lo hizo Pedro Matheu y más tarde Luis Nicolau y su compañera Lucía (nombre de guerra de Joaquina Carlota). 1921 El 22 de ENERO / JANUARY 22 son detenidos los hermanos Ramón y Juan San Romà Poblet, en Montblanc acusados de atentar contra el pistolero del Libre Davila. El 24 de ENERO / JANUARY 24 se aplica la Ley de fugas a los cenetistas Manuel Fernández y Francisco Gil que habían estado detenidos y acusados de la muerte de un guardia de asalto. 1921 El 9 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 9 Julián Besteiro llevará el caso de la Ley de Fugas de Barcelona al Parlamento, preguntándole al Ministro de Gobernación Conde de Bugallal, si aprobaba los métodos empleados por Martínez Anido en Barcelona, el Conde le contestó que en efecto los presos pretendían escaparse en todos los casos aunque dos diputados demostraron que eso era imposible, se trataba de Guerra del Río y de Lluis Companys que había sustituido a Francesc Layret, después del asesinato de éste. Sin embargo Bugallal y el propio Cambó no dudaron en continuar defendiendo las acciones de Martínez Anido y Arleguí en Barcelona. A partir de entonces la Ley de Fugas tuvo una ligera modificación, siendo ahora los encargados de aplicarla, bien el Somatén o los pistoleros del sindicato Libre, siempre a la salida de los cenetistas de la cárcel o de jefatura de policía. Así llegó un momento en que los presos cenetistas se negaban a ser puestos en libertad, sobretodo durante la noche ya que ello significaba la muerte, muchas compañeras de presos temiendo lo peor, pasaban la noche haciendo guardia junto a la Modelo o jefatura. El 16 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 16 en un enfrentamiento con la policía cae mortalmente herido Francisco Rodenas, ese mismo día se atento contra el empresario Joan Serra de la fábrica Serra y Balet, aunque gracias a su chófer pudo llegar hasta su fábrica donde le curaron las heridas. La represión sobre la CNT era tan bárbara que el pánico se apoderó de los trabajadores, lo que obligó a los militantes cenetistas a reducir sus sindicatos a simples esquemas estructúrales para no desaparecer. Todo cenetista se vio obligado a armarse, aunque sólo fuera para defenderse, por lo que el tráfico de armas creció espectacularmente en Barcelona. En esa coyuntura también los del Libre aprovecharon la ocasión para armarse mejor. El 26 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 26 los pistoleros del Libre se presentan a las puertas de la fábrica "Fundición Alexandre" de la calle Ginebra de la Barceloneta donde todos los empleados eran de la CNT, allí abrieron fuego, muriendo Ramón Lloveras y quedaron heridos Francisco Vizcaíno, Emilio Fuentes y Emilio Cervantes también fueron heridos los niños, Elías Vidal y Francisco Marcos. Aquel mismo día volvió a actuar el hombre del impermeable gris, alrededor de las seis de la tarde atento contra el industrial Antonio Pareto, por qué éste empresario había sustituido a todos sus empleados por gente del Libre. Al día siguiente los cenetistas Sebastián Canal y Antonio Cruzat sufrieron un atentado en la Plaza Real en el cruce de Tres Llits. Según Inocencio Feced los autores de este nuevo atentado fueron los del Libre, Vera (Mirete), Paulí Pallás, A.Oliveras y A.Coll (sin embargo Pallás en aquel momento estaba detenido en Tarragona, por un intento de atentado realizado el 4 de ENERO / JANUARY 4, por lo que no pudo formar parte del grupo, fue liberado en un plan de apoyo de Martínez Anido su protector, el 14 de abril). Aquel mes de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY en la calle Toledo número 10 de la Barriada de Sans, donde vivía Vicens Sales con su padre, su joven compañera Roser Benavent montaba un taller de costura, como pantalla financiada por Pedro Vandellós, para en el mismo local preparar explosivos y almacén de los mismos, más tarde el arsenal acumulado sería trasladado a la masía La Farinera de Sant Feliu de Llobregat . 1921 El 27 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 27 es asesinado el tranviario Ramón Esteve, que días después resultó ser un policía infiltrado, los hechos ocurrieron en la carretera del Morrot y la policía acusa del atentado al cenetista Vicens Sales. El 1 de marzo el grupo de afinidad de la "calle Toledo " coloca unos explosivos en la parte trasera de la central eléctrica, en la calle Vila i Vilà, la explosión apenas provocará la rotura de cristales. El 3 de marzo casi fortuitamente después de un registro en la calle Marina 137 la policía detiene a Angel Fernández aunque en realidad se trataba de Evelio Boal, a raíz de está detención Andreu Nin pasará a ser secretario del C.N de la CNT y Ramón Archs secretario del Comité Regional. 1921 El 8 de marzo Eduardo Dato Presidente del Gobierno recibió en audiencia al gobernador de Zaragoza Conde Coello de Portugal y después partió hacía el senado donde asistió al debate entre el Marqués de Santa Cruz y el General Luque, luego marchó hacía su residencia en su coche conducido por el sargento Manuel Ros, por la Calle de Alcalá a la altura de la Plaza de la Independencia una moto sidecar conducida por cenetistas se acercó hasta la proximidad del vehículo y al grito de ¡Visca l'anarquía! Comenzaron a disparar, eran las 8 y 18 minutos de la tarde, Eduardo Dato murió pocos minutos después de llegar al dispensario de la calle Olózaga. La policía que acudió al lugar del atentado y desconociendo el móvil político, tuvo una primera pista gracias a los numerosos testigos que informaron sobre una moto sidecar con un farol rojo. El 11 de marzo una vecina informa a la guardia civil de haber visto una moto de las descritas en la prensa, en la calle Andrés Soria. Lo que condujo a la pista del garaje de Fernández Oviedo, una antigua carnicería, lugar donde se escondía la moto sidecar, al leer esta noticia en la prensa Valeriana López que había estado la anfitriona de los cenetistas, se pone en contacto con la policía, pues bien pudiera tratarse de sus huéspedes, así resultó más tarde, ya que la policía montó una discreta vigilancia sobre aquel domicilio. 1921 El 13 de marzo Pedro Matheu fue a casa de Valeriana a recoger un maletín en el que guardaba algunos documentos, aunque es probable que fuera a buscar una gabardina para protegerse del mal tiempo. De hecho la policía ya iba a abandonar el servicio de vigilancia, cuando por casualidad vieron venir a un hombre joven, el cual resultó ser Pedro Matheu. A su detención Matheu dijo: "Yo no maté a Dato, sino al Ministro que autorizó la Ley de Fugas". Hasta meses después, ya en pleno verano no se supo la identidad de Ramón Casanellas que logró pasar los Pirineos, mientras que Nicolau y Lucía anduvieron escondiéndose por las cercanías de Barcelona hasta que Amor Archs y Luisa Padrós se ocuparon de pasarlos a Francia. Mientras tanto Manuel Allendesalazar se hizo cargo del nuevo gobierno de la nación. A pesar de todo lo ocurrido en Madrid, en Barcelona no se detuvo la Ley de Fugas antes al contrario Martínez Anido y Miguel Arleguí la siguieron aplicando con insistencia. El 17 de marzo los cenetistas Ferran Sánchez Rojas "Negre de Gracia" y Joan Baptista Ascher "El poeta" atentan contra Salvador Anglada y Josep Rafa que eran miembros del Centro Carlista de Sans, en la reyerta resulto herido leve Anglada. 1921 El 21 de marzo es detenido Marcos Alcón acusándole de la muerte de Luis Vivó Tubau, también este mismo día será detenido Progreso Rodenas que de nuevo estaba en busca y captura, al día siguiente su hermana Libertad Rodenas se presentará en la Asamblea de la Asociación Profesional de Banca y Bolsa donde espera a que intervenga el representante del Libre para increparle y calumniarle y así reventar el acto, saliendo escoltada por los compañeros cenetistas. Al otro día 23 de marzo enterado Arleguí de lo sucedido en la Asamblea de Banca e impresionado por el fuerte carácter de Libertad Rodenas manda llamarla y en su despacho tendrán una larga e intensa entrevista en la que al parecer, ante el argumento de Libertad de que estaba segura de que tanto ella como sus hermanos iban a ser asesinados, Arleguí le prometio seguridad para ella y los suyos. (Aunque su hermano Francisco moriría poco después, el 21 de abril en el Clínico resultado de su enfrentamiento con la policía el 16 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 16). El 27 de marzo sale de la cárcel el cenetista Agustí Subirats se dirige hacía su residencia en una pequeña pensión de la calle Mariano Agulló nº27, será seguido por dos pistoleros del Libre que lo asesinan nada más llegar a la pensión. Este mismo día 27 en Mataró los del Libre se presentan en la Fonda Condal cerca del Cine Moderno entre las 3 y las 4 tarde cuando los cenetistas estaban comiendo, allí quedaron muertos los cenetistas Buenaventura Roca y Joan Sans y herido el dueño del local Joan Clavería. Unos carabineros con la ayuda de algunos soldados lograron detener a varios de los agresores, enviados al juzgado acabó por olvidarse el asunto. La respuesta cenetista no se hace esperar y el 29 de marzo en la calle Prim de Badalona muere el organizador del Ramo del Vidrio del Libre Salvador Aguilar. El 1 de abril en la calle Montaña de Barcelona es asesinado Francisco Celis conserje de la Unión de Propietarios del Barrio de Sant Martí. Para este mes de abril de 1921 se estaba organizando un Pleno Regional de la CNT en Lérida donde sin duda estaba un poco más tolerada la CNT, aunque todavía no se habían concretado las fechas. Hacía primeros de abril la policía paso información policial de los cenetistas a los pistoleros del Libre para que éstos actuaran libremente sobre ellos. Con esta medida los cenetistas quedaban completamente vulnerables y se convertían en un blanco fácil, al capricho de los pistoleros del Libre pagados por la Patronal. También en este principio de abril Arleguí y Anido inician una campaña de desprestigio contra los abogados sindicalistas por lo que algunos de los más amenazados como Puig d'Asprer y José Ulled huyen de la ciudad aunque volverán poco días después. El 6 de abril son detenidos en la calle Tamarit los cenetistas Custodio Beltrán, Jacinto Borrás y María Sanahuja días después son acusados de incendiar la fábrica "Casa Lligé" que ardió dos días después de su detención, cuando ellos estaban en las dependencias policiales. El 12 de abril es asesinado por los pistoleros del Libre el cenetista del sindicato de la Construcción Felipe Hilario en la calle Huerto de la Bomba muy cerca de la cárcel de mujeres de Reina Amalía. El 14 de abril es asesinado el primer abogado defensor de la causa sindicalistas, se trata de José Lastra y los hechos ocurren en su propio gabinete de la calle Diputación número 351. Aquella misma noche José Ulled resultó herido ante su domicilio del Paseo de Gracia 105, pero no tuvo tanta suerte su ordenanza Francisco Estrada que también fue asesinado. Pero no sólo en Barcelona se represalió a los abogados laboristas o sociales también en Madrid atentaron contra los abogados Fontana, Saragoyen y Guerra del Río. A Eduardo Barriobero le prepararon una encerrona en Barcelona, pero éste viéndolas venir y temiendo lo peor, aquella misma noche partió hacia Madrid, entonces como represalia fueron en busca de su pasante en Barcelona, Joan Casanovas que vivía en la calle Aragón, pero éste que iba armado pudo repeler la agresión y salir ileso del percance. El 20 de abril es detenido Basilio Bardagi cuando repartía hojas informativas de la CNT en la fábrica "Manufacturas Reunidas de la Industria Textil" en la Verneda. El 21 de abril la policía monta una redada policial en las Calle de Poniente esquina Peu de la Creu, serán detenidos al encontrarles sellos de cotización así como direcciones de grupos libertarios de Europa y España, Ramón Estany, Josep Prat Roca, Antonio Sesé Arturo, Melchor Tarrida Alix. El 24 de abril se hizo la entrega de una bandera del Somatén con un Santo Cristo bordado por damas de Madrid. Los militantes anarquistas proyectaron lanzar una bomba a la tribuna presidencial en la que debía estar Arleguí, Anido y el Rey (aunque éste último no acudió). A la vez se preparaba otro atentado contra el jefe del Somatén del Distrito VI Emili Vidal-Ribas, que era uno de los que con mayor saña perseguía a los sindicalistas. Así un día antes de la entrega de la Bandera cuando Vidal se disponía a entrar en su almacén de la calle Mercaders fue acribillado, muriendo poco después en el dispensario. La mañana del 24 los activistas Acher, José Pérez "Mula" y Pedro Vandellós cogieron un taxi en la Plaza Cataluña y le indicaron que los condujera hasta Esplugas, por el camino recogieron a Roser Segarra y Juan Elías Saturnino, luego se dirigieron a la Masía la Farinera en busca del paquete que contenía las bombas, más tarde se deshicieron del taxista dejándolo sin sentido y continuaron el camino. Sin embargo se encontraron con que el Paseo de Gracia había sido tomado por la fuerza pública y no se podía circular en coche, por lo que tuvieron que buscar un lugar menos vigilado, entonces en vistas de que no conseguían acercarse a la tribuna decidieron dejar el coche en marcha con las bombas dentro del motor para que estallaran, pero no advirtieron que habían dejado el coche delante de un garaje, por lo que los mecánicos al ver salir el humo se apresuraron a detenerlo, tantas circunstancias impidieron que el atentado se llevará a cabo. Aquel día, desfilaron ante Martínez Anido 40.000 somatenistas y los asistentes al acto no pararon de vitorear a Martínez Anido como un auténtico héroe nacional. Los anarquistas al no enterrarse de lo ocurrido y creyendo que el Rey había estado en el acto, decidieron poner una cuña en la vía ferroviaria, para que descarrilara el tren que debía de devolver al Rey a Madrid, pero otra ver la casualidad frustró los hechos, ya que un guarda agujas impacientado por la tardanza de su hija salió en su busca descubriendo la cuña, teniendo tiempo suficiente de avisar, para que esta fuera retirada. Aquel final de abril fue asesinado junto a su domicilio en la calle Cruz de los Canteros el cenetistas Josep Montserrat. El Pleno que debía celebrarse en Lérida al final, clandestinamente se celebró en casa de un compañero de la barriada del Pueblo Seco el 28 de abril de 1921, este pleno lo presidía Andreu Nin que era S.C.N., en aquel pleno los cenetistas después de analizar la situación decidieron que no tenía más remedio que provocar una revuelta popular, pero para ello necesitaban el apoyo de los Soviets rusos, Nin que tenía el informe desfavorable de Pestaña en aquella ocasión omitió el documento, puesto que estaba interesado en pedirle armas a la III Internacional de la cual formaba parte la CNT, por lo que se acordó que Andreu Nin, Hilarí Arlandis y Joaquin Maurín fueran delegados a Rusia. Partiendo inmediatamente de Barcelona sin apenas dinero, pero los ácratas de los diversos países por los que anduvieron, los cobijaron y les ayudaron a pasar clandestinamente las diferentes fronteras. Al llegar a Moscú fueron recibidos por León Trotsky, que en aquel momento era "Comisario del Pueblo para la Defensa" En la entrevista que tuvieron con Trotsky, éste les preguntó si contaban con los soldados para la revuelta, los delegados cenetistas sorprendidos le respondieron que no, por lo que Trotsky consideró que era una locura entregarles las armas, con lo cual la delegación en este aspecto fue un fracaso. Mientras tanto en Barcelona uno los grupos de afinidad más activo el conocido después por el nombre de la "Calle Toledo "preparaba un atentado contra Juan de la Cierva ex-ministro, la estrategia consistía en colocar una bomba en la vía férrea a la altura de Falset aproximadamente.

El 2 de mayo Roser Benavent hizo salir antes de hora a las operarias de su taller de confección que servía de tapadera y poco después los compañeros fueron llegando y en el pequeño cuarto laboratorio empezaron a preparar las bombas que debían servir para el atentado de La Cierva, alguna cosa debió fallar ya que se provocó una explosión alcanzando de lleno a Roser Benavent quedando gravemente herida y abrasada, mientras que Acher quedó con una mano destrozada, Juan Abrau que murió al instante, Juan Bautista Cucha que murió a los pocos días, los demás pudieron salir por su pie, como Josefa Crespo que herida acudió a una farmacia próxima donde fue detenida (19). Los vecinos vieron como del cuarto piso del nº10 de la calle Toledo salía gran cantidad de humo y gente con las ropas incendiadas, los bomberos que al principio creyeron que se trataba de un incendio fortuito comprobaron que se trataba de liquido inflamables por lo que dieron parte a la policía que inmediatamente trasladó a su brigada especial que se hizo cargo de la situación. El 4 mayo Roser Segarra una de las activistas de la Calle Toledo que había sido hospitalizada en el Clínico logra escaparse y esconderse en Vilanova i la Geltrú. Hacia el 9 de mayo los somatenistas le aplican la Ley de Fugas al cenetista Gregori Fabre "El Brasileño", cuando andaba recogiendo cuotas sindicales. El 10 de mayo la policía registra la vivienda de la compañera de Acher, Luisa Moreno en la calle Bejar nº10 en el registro encuentran una carta firmada por Leonor Pujol, que en realidad se trata de Roser Segarra huida desde la explosión de la calle Toledo. El 17 de mayo y después de los interrogatorios aplicados a los detenidos de la calle Toledo, que se encontraban en el Clínico, fue cercado el cuadrado que comprende las calles de Av.Paral.lel, Olmo, San Beltrán y Santa Madrona, en busca de dos activistas, Pedro Navarro y Josep Saleta "El Nano" sin embargo ambos pudieron escapar aunque el primero al poco tiempo fue detenido en Montalbán, Teruel. También por estos días habían estado detenidas María Fernández y J.Castro cuando intentaban vigilar los movimientos de Miguel Arleguí, aunque éstas disuadieron a la policía y salieron en libertad. En la última semana de aquel mayo fatídico para los grupos de afinidad, perdieron a Ferran Rojas "Negre" uno de los mejores activistas. Por aquel entonces la policía contaba con mucha información debido a los numerosos confidente que tenía dentro de la organización cenetista, así pudo averiguar que los principales responsables de los grupos de afinidad confederal estaban coordinados por Ramón Archs y Pedro Vandellós, a raíz de esto, se convirtieron en los principales objetivos de la policía y del Libre. Los nervios dentro de la organización confederal estaban a flor de piel ya que cualquiera era sospechoso de ser delator, así el 20 de mayo hay un enfrentamiento entre propios compañeros acusándose los unos a los otros de confidente y entablándose una reyerta, muriendo en el tiroteo Manuel Marcos que no pudo negar su acusación algo muy parecido ocurrió entre Pere Bautista y Salvador Coll "Mallorca" al que acusaban de haberse vendido a las autoridades, en Montjuich lo ejecutaron aunque unos días más tarde, los propios compañeros que había realizado el atentado comprobaron su error. Con la estrategia de acercarce a Martínez Anido se planeó un atentado contra el alcalde de Barcelona, en el que intervino Salvador Salsench que era un antiguo carlista pasado a las filas de la CNT, los hechos se llevaron a cabo el 17 de junio en plena Plaza de Sant Jaume resultando herido el alcalde Martínez Domingo, conducido a una clínica privada, varios activistas se apostaron estratégicamente en sus alrededores en espera de ver aparecer a Martínez Anido sin embargo éste nunca apareció por el lugar. También hubo otro intento para acabar con Anido, por ejemplo, en la puerta de la Iglesia de Santa Ana donde solía acudir en diversas ocasiones, el plan lo había organizado el grupo de Anibal Álvarez y los hermanos Asdrúbal, pero Anido como presintiendo alguna cosa no se presento durante unos días por los alrededores de la Iglesia. Aquella noche del 17 de junio la respuesta policial fue sacar a Evelio Boal de la cárcel y trasladarlo hasta jefatura junto a Antoni Feliu (tesorero de la Regional Catalana) y a José Domínguez, al cabo de poco más de una hora quedaron en libertad, mientras volvían a casa, a la altura de Santa María del Mar les esperaban los pistoleros del Libre, cuando hacía apenas un instante se habían separado de Domínguez, fueron acribillados a balazos, minutos más tarde, mientras unos policías examinaban los cadáveres oían unos disparos, que esta vez iban dirigidos hacía Domínguez que había sido alcanzado en la calle Sombrerers, de este atentado pudo escapar Feliu aunque a los pocos días fue cazado por los pistoleros del Libre en el Paseo de Sant Juan muy cerca del Arco del Triunfo. Sin duda resultaban unos tiempos muy difíciles donde los nervios estaban tensión en todos los bandos, así el 23 de junio por la noche cuando Bertrán y Musitu iba por la calle Salmerón con su hijo y en su coche advirtieron que les seguía una moto, recordando lo acontecido a Eduardo Dato bajaron del coche y dispararon, aunque luego pudieron comprobar que se trataba de dos somatenistas que habían decidido escoltar a su jefe, sin embargo éstos no tuvieron tiempo de explicarse en un principio y salieron huyendo, mientras unos guardias que andaban por la zona dispararon hiriendo al hijo de Musitu. El 24 de junio será detenido en la calle Bofarull de Sant Andrés, Pedro Vandellós delatado por algún confidente. Vandellós hombre muy perseguido por la policía solía esconderse durante el día por zonas poco accesibles donde se dedicaba a disfrutar de la lectura, mientras esperaba las primeras horas de la tarde para ir en busca de los obreros que liquidaban su cuota sindical. Aquella noche le aplicaron la Ley de Fugas en la Verneda a la altura de la fábrica de galletas "La Esperanza". El 25 de junio Ramón Archs cae en una trampa mortal que le tiende otro confidente del cual nunca se conoció su identidad, estaban ambos citados en la Plaza Urquinaona, al bajar del tranvía Ramón Archs varios policías secretas lo detienen y lo conducen a presencia de Arleguí. Archs será torturado y su rostro desfigurado, apareciendo el cadáver al día siguiente en la calle Vila i Vilà. Al enterarse de las muertes de Archs y Vandellós, sus compañeros (Josep Saleta "El Nano", Andreu Masdeu "El Llarch", Llorens, Vicens Cervera, Francesc García "El Patillas", Joan Tarragó ) responderán inmediatamente preparando un atentado en la Asociación de Cazadores situado en la Rambla /Plaza Catalunya, donde se decía que se reclutaban los mercenarios . El atentado se lleva a cabo el 30 de junio con un coche lanzaran una ráfaga de metralla sobre la terraza del bar y seguidamente el joven Joan Tarragó lanza una bomba de mano por la ventana del local.

El 2 de julio es capturado el grupo de Francisco Martínez Valls. El 19 de julio será detenida en Puigcerdà Roser Segarra que había estado identificada como integrante del grupo de la calle Toledo. Mientras tanto a más de 1500 Kilómetros de Barcelona, en Marruecos, el 7 de julio las tropas capitaneadas por el general Igueriben ocupan y aseguran la posición de Annual y Monte Arruit, pero este comandamiento será fuertemente sitiado por las tropas de Abd -el-Krim por lo que el convoy de ayuda no logró llegar hasta Monte Arruit. Por ello, los sitiados desesperados pensaron en salir de la fortaleza, ya que llevaban varios días sin agua y apenas comida, a la vez de que nuevas tropas dirigidas por Fernández Silvestre iban en su ayuda, aunque quedaron frenadas en las inmediaciones de Annual por los rifeños de Abd-el -Krim que les impidieron avanzar en este último tramo. En este contexto las tropas desesperadas que ocupaban Monte Arruit decidieron salir de su fortaleza el 21 de julio de 1921 bajo el fuego cruzado del enemigo, muriendo en el intento la mayor parte de la guarnición. Estos hechos del desastre de Annual y Monte Arruit en Africa al desplomarse el frente español capitaneado por los generales Fernández Silvestre y Berenguer ante los ataques de los rifeños, dio atención preferencial de la prensa hacía el problema de Marruecos, dejando en segundo termino la guerra sucia de Barcelona, hecho que permitió a Martínez Anido lanzar una nueva y feroz campaña contra la CNT en Barcelona. El 28 de julio es detenido mientras se bañaba en la Barceloneta el cenetista Jacinto Vila se le acusa de atentar contra el pistolero del Libre "El Mallorquín" como Vila se negó a firmar una inventada declaración fue tremendamente torturado. El 2 de agosto será detenido en el Ateneo La Farinera Josep Saleta y Andreu Masdeu. Este mismo día por la noche la policía saca de la cárcel Modelo a Juan López para que firme unos documentos, al negarse, recibió éste una brutal paliza, de vuelta a la Modelo sus compañeros no reconocieron su persona por el estado físico en que quedó su cuerpo. El 3 de agosto el detenido será Angel Latorre, éste recibirá tortura directamente de Arleguí y Anido durante 6 días, trasladado a la Modelo permanecerá 17 días incomunicado. El 5 de agosto mientras manipulaban una bomba Angel Noguera y otro compañero les explotó en las manos muriendo instantáneamente, los hechos ocurrieron en la calle dels Metges del barrio de Santa Catalina. A partir de esta explosión la policía logró detener en el barrio a Luis Dufur "Larrosa" y Salvador Salsench, estas nuevas detenciones fueron el hilo conductor para descubrir todo un arsenal que el grupo tenía en la montaña de Montjuich, casi al mismo tiempo detenían a los propietarios de can Vidiella de Falset, que había estado en numerosas ocasiones refugio de los confedérales.

1921 El 11 de agosto será procesado Antonio Pellicer por un artículo aparecido en "Bandera Roja" que él nunca escribió.

1921 El 12 de agosto será detenido el cenetista Victoriano Muñoz al cual se le acusa de repartir unas octavillas antimilitaristas.

Aquel septiembre de 1921 Antonio Maura forma nuevo gabinete en el que entraran los catalanes Francesc Cambó y Josep Bertrán i Musitu, la burguesía creía que de nuevo se entraba en una etapa de nuevo paraíso, de sueldos bajos y obreros sumisos. También el Libre con Ramón Sales a la cabeza creyó que había llegado el momento de organizarse sindicalmente, así comenzaron la campaña con un Miting en el cine Boheme de Hostafrachs y plantearon varias reivindicaciones sindicales. La burguesía catalana quedó algo sorprendida y pidió a Martínez Anido que actuará pero éste dejó que el Libre desarrollará su nuevo proyecto.

// That September of 1921 Antonio Maura forms new cabinet in which entered Catalan the Francesc Cambó and Josep Bertrán i Musitu, the bourgeoisie thought that again paradise entered a stage again, of submissive low and working pays. Also the Free one with Ramon Salts at the top thought that the moment had arrived for organizing itself union, thus began the campaign with a Miting in cinema Boheme de Hostafrachs and raised several union vindications. The Catalan bourgeoisie was left something surprised and requested a Martinez I nest that it will act but this one left the Free one will develop its new proyecto.

En Berlín serán detenidos Lluis Nicolau y Lucía, además de Andreu Nin en un barrio obrero de la ciudad. Las autoridades alemanas a cambio de su extradición pidieron que no se les aplicara la pena de muerte ampliando la petición a Pedro Matheu, único detenido directo con relación al atentado de Eduardo Dato en Madrid, mientras los compañeros comunistas de Andreu Nin conseguían que no lo extraditaran.

El 1 de octubre 90.000 hombres licenciados del ejército un año antes son llamados de nuevo a filas y enviados a Africa del Norte.

1921 El 20 de octubre / OCTOBER es detenido Magí Marimón que pertenecía al grupo de la calle Toledo, será tremendamente torturado con corrientes eléctricas y más tarde permanecerá 44 días incomunicado en la Modelo de Barcelona. También será detenido Rafael Sánchez Rex del Sindicato de la Construcción de la CNT, por el delito de ser amigo de Acher será enviado a la prisión del Dueso de la cual pudo escapar aunque a los pocos días apareció su cadáver con un tiro en la frente.

A finales de 1921 Libertad Rodenas y Rosario Dolcet parten hacia Madrid para dar una conferencia en el Ateneo Científico, donde explicarán la situación social por la que atraviesa Barcelona, ningún intelectual se atrevió a presentar el acto.

1921 El 8 de diciembre / DECEMBER será asesinado en la calle Jerusalem el cenetista Manuel Valero.

[Source] http://www.manelaisa.com/texto/Articulos/PagArticulos9.htm


1921 -- DUPLICATE, THERE IS ANOTHER COPY OF THIS IN THE DATABASE; FIGURE OUT WHICH TO DELETE

Barcelona 1917- 1923 -Crònica- Manel Aisa

1921 Martínez Anido, Miguel Arleguí y el comisario Espejo, "La ley de fugas". El 3 de JANUARY ENERO / JANUARY 3 de 1921 los pistoleros del Libre darán muerte al cenetista Josep Julià delegado de la CNT en un telar de la calle Industria. El 4 de ENERO / JANUARY 4 los cenetistas atentan de nuevo contra Marià Sans (que había pertenecido a la banda del varón de Köenning), en la calle Valencia donde tenía un tenderete, en la autopsia le encontraron un tatuaje en el antebrazo con el lema ¡Viva la anarquía!. 1921 El 6 de ENERO / JANUARY 6 unos cuantos cenetistas se reúnen con sus familias en la Font del Quento de la barriada del Clot cuando de pronto irrumpieron numerosos coches de la policía deteniéndolos a todos. Este hecho hizo sospechar de Francisco Villena Presidente del Ramo del Agua de la CNT y por este motivo cayó en sospecha, por lo que decidieron vigilarle. Este mismo día de Reyes, serán detenidos en la calle Viladomat Acrato Vidal y Pedro Álvarez Montaña, acusados de pertenecer al sindicato de Artes Gráficas de la CNT. 1921 El 8 de ENERO / JANUARY 8 es asesinado por los del Libre, el cenetista Manuel Valero, en una taberna de la calle Jerusalem cerca de las Ramblas. También este día del niño, será detenido el cenetista Domingo Colominas, acusado de unos hechos ocurrido en Sta. Eulalia donde en un tiroteo con la policía murió el cenetista C.Figuerola. 1921 El 12 de ENERO / JANUARY 12 en Terrassa es asesinado el Teniente de Alcalde de Terrassa Juan Abella, la policía por este hecho detuvo en Barcelona al cenetista Isidre Tomás, precisamente en el día que estaba velando a su hijo, éste al ver venir a la policía pudo huir y refugiarse en el pueblo de sus padres "La Garriga", donde sería detenido días más tarde. Después de una soberbial paliza se intentó aplicarle la Ley de Fugas, pero estaba Isidre tan débil que no pudo hacer ni tan siquiera el gesto o la intención de escapar. El 15 de JANUARY ENERO / JANUARY 15 el cenetista Juan Caballé estaba pidiendo apoyo para los presos de la CNT, en las proximidades del Arco del Triunfo cuando dos policías se percatan de su cometido y lo detienen, inmediatamente se establece un tiroteo entre la policía y los compañeros cenetistas que cubrían la espalda de Caballé, en la refriega murió el cenetista Francisco Sabate (El Quico), Juan Caballé logró escapar con lo recaudado.

Por aquellos días de Valencia llegaron a Barcelona varios cenetistas (Juan Villanueva, Juli Peris, Ramón Gomar, Antonio Parra), con aportaciones económicas para los presos, enterado el inspector Espejo que los valencianos se encontraban en el Café Español, los detuvo el 17 de ENERO / JANUARY 17, llevándolos a comisaria y acusándoles de haber atentado en la capital del Turia, contra el ex-gobernador Salvatierra.

Ese mismo día 17 de ENERO / JANUARY 17 JANUARY la policía por una delación asalta la vivienda de Isidro Pons Calvo de la calle Carretas nº 69,2º1ª, donde está instalado el Comité Pro-Presos de la CNT, en el lugar requisan numerosa documentación además, detienen a todas las personas que se encuentran en la misma, que son los cenetistas Pablo Martínez Casanova, María López, Juan Canales Moncax y Pablo Martín que usa la identidad de José Ramón Cuartero. Entre la documentación encontrada, había algunos recibos firmados por Companys, Arderius y el abogado Lorogoyen, la policía también encontrará recibos de numerosas mujeres, compañeras en este caso de presos en la Modelo de los cuales el comité Pro-presos se hacía cargo de los gastos familiares. Hubo otras detenciones en la persona de Juan Mata Fernández que trabajaba de practicante de farmacia, al cual se le acusó de tener y leer libros y folletos anarquistas, además de portar un carnet del ramo "Agua, gas y electricidad de la CNT". Por otro lado Ramón Archs había trabajado sus contactos con los grupos de afinidad y en una última reunión en el Novelty habían decidido quienes eran los encargados de acabar con el desagradable inspector Espejo. Así el 18 de ENERO / JANUARY 18 Antonio Espejo y el inspector Ferrer volvieron al Café Español para realizar algunas diligencias, después marcharon por la calle Conde del Asalto y en la Rambla se separaron entrando Espejo por la calle Ancha, mientras tanto un grupo de cenetistas le habían seguido discretamente y en el momento en que tuvo que detenerse -Espejo- para que cruzara el carro de la basura, fue el instante preciso que aprovecharon para asestarle varios disparos, por los testigos presenciales se supo que el ejecutor portaba un impermeable gris que a partir de aquel momento volvió a aparecer en otras ocasiones. Por este hecho la policía detuvo a Eusebio Conde y José Liciaga. Aunque según el semanario carlista "la Protesta" fueron José Domingo "El Marino" y Eusebio Liciaga, que huyeron a Francia. Este mismo día 18 de ENERO / JANUARY 18 en el Clot, Francisco Villena Presidente del Ramo del Agua de la CNT ya confirmado que se trataba de un confidente de la policía, los grupos de afinidad de la CNT fueron a por él, así al salir de la Cooperativa La Flor de Maig situada en la calle Montaña para dirigirse a su casa, se detuvo un momento frente al cine Montaña donde aprovecharon para acribillarlo, el atentado fue atribuido a Buenaventura Telón y Albert Coll (El pintor) que eran miembros del comité sindical del barrio. Otro de los atentados del día fue en la calle de la Marina en el lugar conocido como "Pont dels Angels", donde murió el empresario del Metal Francisco Fontcuberta. Aquella noche como represalia por la muerte del inspector Espejo, Arleguí dio la orden para aplicar la Ley de Fugas a todo cenetista detenido. Así de madrugada sacaron de los calabozos de comisaría a los cenetistas valencianos Juan Villanueva, Antonio Parra, Juli Peris, Ramón Gomar y esposados pretendían conducirlos hasta la Modelo pero a la altura de la calle Calabria los guardias retrocedieron unos pasos y dispararon contra los reos con la excusa de que pretendían escapar. A Antonio Parra herido en el hombro le cayeron encima los cuerpos sin vida de sus compañeros y él no tuvo más que hacerse el muerto y esperar que vinieran los camilleros del Hospital Clínico. Mientras tanto y creyendo a todos muertos, desde jefatura salió un comunicado de prensa con una versión muy particular de los hechos, pero Parra, pudo contar una muy distinta versión a los médicos del Clínico, pese a que al enterrarse las autoridades de que aún vivía le colocaron dos guardias en la puerta de habitación. (Parra, murió en el exilio de Venezuela, en 1970). A la mañana siguiente 19 de ENERO / JANUARY 19 fue detenido el cenetista José Pérez Espín, trasladado a jefatura se le aplicó la Ley de Fugas en la misma comisaría mientras se informaba a la prensa que había pretendido escapar. Ese mismo día a la altura del Arco del Triunfo fueron detenidos Agustín Flor, Hernández Silvestre, Francisco Bravo y Benito Mechano que eran miembros del grupo de afinidad "Internacional" a los que se les aplicó también la Ley de Fugas, en esta ocasión logró salvarse Agustín Flor, que pudo llegar hasta su casa aunque con una tremenda excitación, que poco después le produciría un ataque cardíaco que le ocasiono la muerte. La Ley de Fugas se convirtió en habitual, entrando por ejemplo el día 22 de ENERO / JANUARY 22 de 1921, 36 cadáveres en el Hospital Clínico de Barcelona. Mientras tanto, Ramón Archs seguía con su plan de acabar con la cabeza de la represión, así se reúne con los miembros del grupo de afinidad del metal, acordando acabar con Martínez Anido comprometiéndose a realizar el atentado Domènech Rivas y Ricart Pi, la ocasión idónea evidentemente la encuentran en el entierro del inspector Espejo el día 23 de ENERO / JANUARY 23, pero Anido está fuertemente custodiado por la policía, y aunque los cenetistas lo intentaron, acercándose lo más que pudieron a la figuras mastodóntica del gobernador, éstos fueron detectados, detenidos y conducidos a comisaria, aquella noche misteriosamente aparecieron sus cuerpos acribillados en la avenida de la Diagonal. También durante este mes de enero de 1921 Ramón Archs tuvo otra reunión con los miembros de grupos de afinidad del metal donde se decidió esta vez a suerte quiénes participaban en el atentado a Eduardo Dato. Primero partió hacía Madrid, Ramón Casanellas para preparar el terreno luego lo hizo Pedro Matheu y más tarde Luis Nicolau y su compañera Lucía (nombre de guerra de Joaquina Carlota). 1921 El 22 de ENERO / JANUARY 22 son detenidos los hermanos Ramón y Juan San Romà Poblet, en Montblanc acusados de atentar contra el pistolero del Libre Davila. El 24 de ENERO / JANUARY 24 se aplica la Ley de fugas a los cenetistas Manuel Fernández y Francisco Gil que habían estado detenidos y acusados de la muerte de un guardia de asalto. 1921 El 9 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 9 Julián Besteiro llevará el caso de la Ley de Fugas de Barcelona al Parlamento, preguntándole al Ministro de Gobernación Conde de Bugallal, si aprobaba los métodos empleados por Martínez Anido en Barcelona, el Conde le contestó que en efecto los presos pretendían escaparse en todos los casos aunque dos diputados demostraron que eso era imposible, se trataba de Guerra del Río y de Lluis Companys que había sustituido a Francesc Layret, después del asesinato de éste. Sin embargo Bugallal y el propio Cambó no dudaron en continuar defendiendo las acciones de Martínez Anido y Arleguí en Barcelona. A partir de entonces la Ley de Fugas tuvo una ligera modificación, siendo ahora los encargados de aplicarla, bien el Somatén o los pistoleros del sindicato Libre, siempre a la salida de los cenetistas de la cárcel o de jefatura de policía. Así llegó un momento en que los presos cenetistas se negaban a ser puestos en libertad, sobretodo durante la noche ya que ello significaba la muerte, muchas compañeras de presos temiendo lo peor, pasaban la noche haciendo guardia junto a la Modelo o jefatura. El 16 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 16 en un enfrentamiento con la policía cae mortalmente herido Francisco Rodenas, ese mismo día se atento contra el empresario Joan Serra de la fábrica Serra y Balet, aunque gracias a su chófer pudo llegar hasta su fábrica donde le curaron las heridas. La represión sobre la CNT era tan bárbara que el pánico se apoderó de los trabajadores, lo que obligó a los militantes cenetistas a reducir sus sindicatos a simples esquemas estructúrales para no desaparecer. Todo cenetista se vio obligado a armarse, aunque sólo fuera para defenderse, por lo que el tráfico de armas creció espectacularmente en Barcelona. En esa coyuntura también los del Libre aprovecharon la ocasión para armarse mejor. El 26 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 26 los pistoleros del Libre se presentan a las puertas de la fábrica "Fundición Alexandre" de la calle Ginebra de la Barceloneta donde todos los empleados eran de la CNT, allí abrieron fuego, muriendo Ramón Lloveras y quedaron heridos Francisco Vizcaíno, Emilio Fuentes y Emilio Cervantes también fueron heridos los niños, Elías Vidal y Francisco Marcos. Aquel mismo día volvió a actuar el hombre del impermeable gris, alrededor de las seis de la tarde atento contra el industrial Antonio Pareto, por qué éste empresario había sustituido a todos sus empleados por gente del Libre. Al día siguiente los cenetistas Sebastián Canal y Antonio Cruzat sufrieron un atentado en la Plaza Real en el cruce de Tres Llits. Según Inocencio Feced los autores de este nuevo atentado fueron los del Libre, Vera (Mirete), Paulí Pallás, A.Oliveras y A.Coll (sin embargo Pallás en aquel momento estaba detenido en Tarragona, por un intento de atentado realizado el 4 de ENERO / JANUARY 4, por lo que no pudo formar parte del grupo, fue liberado en un plan de apoyo de Martínez Anido su protector, el 14 de abril). Aquel mes de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY en la calle Toledo número 10 de la Barriada de Sans, donde vivía Vicens Sales con su padre, su joven compañera Roser Benavent montaba un taller de costura, como pantalla financiada por Pedro Vandellós, para en el mismo local preparar explosivos y almacén de los mismos, más tarde el arsenal acumulado sería trasladado a la masía La Farinera de Sant Feliu de Llobregat . 1921 El 27 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 27 es asesinado el tranviario Ramón Esteve, que días después resultó ser un policía infiltrado, los hechos ocurrieron en la carretera del Morrot y la policía acusa del atentado al cenetista Vicens Sales. El 1 de marzo el grupo de afinidad de la "calle Toledo " coloca unos explosivos en la parte trasera de la central eléctrica, en la calle Vila i Vilà, la explosión apenas provocará la rotura de cristales. El 3 de marzo casi fortuitamente después de un registro en la calle Marina 137 la policía detiene a Angel Fernández aunque en realidad se trataba de Evelio Boal, a raíz de está detención Andreu Nin pasará a ser secretario del C.N de la CNT y Ramón Archs secretario del Comité Regional. 1921 El 8 de marzo Eduardo Dato Presidente del Gobierno recibió en audiencia al gobernador de Zaragoza Conde Coello de Portugal y después partió hacía el senado donde asistió al debate entre el Marqués de Santa Cruz y el General Luque, luego marchó hacía su residencia en su coche conducido por el sargento Manuel Ros, por la Calle de Alcalá a la altura de la Plaza de la Independencia una moto sidecar conducida por cenetistas se acercó hasta la proximidad del vehículo y al grito de ¡Visca l'anarquía! Comenzaron a disparar, eran las 8 y 18 minutos de la tarde, Eduardo Dato murió pocos minutos después de llegar al dispensario de la calle Olózaga. La policía que acudió al lugar del atentado y desconociendo el móvil político, tuvo una primera pista gracias a los numerosos testigos que informaron sobre una moto sidecar con un farol rojo. El 11 de marzo una vecina informa a la guardia civil de haber visto una moto de las descritas en la prensa, en la calle Andrés Soria. Lo que condujo a la pista del garaje de Fernández Oviedo, una antigua carnicería, lugar donde se escondía la moto sidecar, al leer esta noticia en la prensa Valeriana López que había estado la anfitriona de los cenetistas, se pone en contacto con la policía, pues bien pudiera tratarse de sus huéspedes, así resultó más tarde, ya que la policía montó una discreta vigilancia sobre aquel domicilio. 1921 El 13 de marzo Pedro Matheu fue a casa de Valeriana a recoger un maletín en el que guardaba algunos documentos, aunque es probable que fuera a buscar una gabardina para protegerse del mal tiempo. De hecho la policía ya iba a abandonar el servicio de vigilancia, cuando por casualidad vieron venir a un hombre joven, el cual resultó ser Pedro Matheu. A su detención Matheu dijo: "Yo no maté a Dato, sino al Ministro que autorizó la Ley de Fugas". Hasta meses después, ya en pleno verano no se supo la identidad de Ramón Casanellas que logró pasar los Pirineos, mientras que Nicolau y Lucía anduvieron escondiéndose por las cercanías de Barcelona hasta que Amor Archs y Luisa Padrós se ocuparon de pasarlos a Francia. Mientras tanto Manuel Allendesalazar se hizo cargo del nuevo gobierno de la nación. A pesar de todo lo ocurrido en Madrid, en Barcelona no se detuvo la Ley de Fugas antes al contrario Martínez Anido y Miguel Arleguí la siguieron aplicando con insistencia. El 17 de marzo los cenetistas Ferran Sánchez Rojas "Negre de Gracia" y Joan Baptista Ascher "El poeta" atentan contra Salvador Anglada y Josep Rafa que eran miembros del Centro Carlista de Sans, en la reyerta resulto herido leve Anglada. 1921 El 21 de marzo es detenido Marcos Alcón acusándole de la muerte de Luis Vivó Tubau, también este mismo día será detenido Progreso Rodenas que de nuevo estaba en busca y captura, al día siguiente su hermana Libertad Rodenas se presentará en la Asamblea de la Asociación Profesional de Banca y Bolsa donde espera a que intervenga el representante del Libre para increparle y calumniarle y así reventar el acto, saliendo escoltada por los compañeros cenetistas. Al otro día 23 de marzo enterado Arleguí de lo sucedido en la Asamblea de Banca e impresionado por el fuerte carácter de Libertad Rodenas manda llamarla y en su despacho tendrán una larga e intensa entrevista en la que al parecer, ante el argumento de Libertad de que estaba segura de que tanto ella como sus hermanos iban a ser asesinados, Arleguí le prometio seguridad para ella y los suyos. (Aunque su hermano Francisco moriría poco después, el 21 de abril en el Clínico resultado de su enfrentamiento con la policía el 16 de FEBRERO / FEBRUARY 16). El 27 de marzo sale de la cárcel el cenetista Agustí Subirats se dirige hacía su residencia en una pequeña pensión de la calle Mariano Agulló nº27, será seguido por dos pistoleros del Libre que lo asesinan nada más llegar a la pensión. Este mismo día 27 en Mataró los del Libre se presentan en la Fonda Condal cerca del Cine Moderno entre las 3 y las 4 tarde cuando los cenetistas estaban comiendo, allí quedaron muertos los cenetistas Buenaventura Roca y Joan Sans y herido el dueño del local Joan Clavería. Unos carabineros con la ayuda de algunos soldados lograron detener a varios de los agresores, enviados al juzgado acabó por olvidarse el asunto. La respuesta cenetista no se hace esperar y el 29 de marzo en la calle Prim de Badalona muere el organizador del Ramo del Vidrio del Libre Salvador Aguilar. El 1 de abril en la calle Montaña de Barcelona es asesinado Francisco Celis conserje de la Unión de Propietarios del Barrio de Sant Martí. Para este mes de abril de 1921 se estaba organizando un Pleno Regional de la CNT en Lérida donde sin duda estaba un poco más tolerada la CNT, aunque todavía no se habían concretado las fechas. Hacía primeros de abril la policía paso información policial de los cenetistas a los pistoleros del Libre para que éstos actuaran libremente sobre ellos. Con esta medida los cenetistas quedaban completamente vulnerables y se convertían en un blanco fácil, al capricho de los pistoleros del Libre pagados por la Patronal. También en este principio de abril Arleguí y Anido inician una campaña de desprestigio contra los abogados sindicalistas por lo que algunos de los más amenazados como Puig d'Asprer y José Ulled huyen de la ciudad aunque volverán poco días después. El 6 de abril son detenidos en la calle Tamarit los cenetistas Custodio Beltrán, Jacinto Borrás y María Sanahuja días después son acusados de incendiar la fábrica "Casa Lligé" que ardió dos días después de su detención, cuando ellos estaban en las dependencias policiales. El 12 de abril es asesinado por los pistoleros del Libre el cenetista del sindicato de la Construcción Felipe Hilario en la calle Huerto de la Bomba muy cerca de la cárcel de mujeres de Reina Amalía. El 14 de abril es asesinado el primer abogado defensor de la causa sindicalistas, se trata de José Lastra y los hechos ocurren en su propio gabinete de la calle Diputación número 351. Aquella misma noche José Ulled resultó herido ante su domicilio del Paseo de Gracia 105, pero no tuvo tanta suerte su ordenanza Francisco Estrada que también fue asesinado. Pero no sólo en Barcelona se represalió a los abogados laboristas o sociales también en Madrid atentaron contra los abogados Fontana, Saragoyen y Guerra del Río. A Eduardo Barriobero le prepararon una encerrona en Barcelona, pero éste viéndolas venir y temiendo lo peor, aquella misma noche partió hacia Madrid, entonces como represalia fueron en busca de su pasante en Barcelona, Joan Casanovas que vivía en la calle Aragón, pero éste que iba armado pudo repeler la agresión y salir ileso del percance. El 20 de abril es detenido Basilio Bardagi cuando repartía hojas informativas de la CNT en la fábrica "Manufacturas Reunidas de la Industria Textil" en la Verneda. El 21 de abril la policía monta una redada policial en las Calle de Poniente esquina Peu de la Creu, serán detenidos al encontrarles sellos de cotización así como direcciones de grupos libertarios de Europa y España, Ramón Estany, Josep Prat Roca, Antonio Sesé Arturo, Melchor Tarrida Alix. El 24 de abril se hizo la entrega de una bandera del Somatén con un Santo Cristo bordado por damas de Madrid. Los militantes anarquistas proyectaron lanzar una bomba a la tribuna presidencial en la que debía estar Arleguí, Anido y el Rey (aunque éste último no acudió). A la vez se preparaba otro atentado contra el jefe del Somatén del Distrito VI Emili Vidal-Ribas, que era uno de los que con mayor saña perseguía a los sindicalistas. Así un día antes de la entrega de la Bandera cuando Vidal se disponía a entrar en su almacén de la calle Mercaders fue acribillado, muriendo poco después en el dispensario. La mañana del 24 los activistas Acher, José Pérez "Mula" y Pedro Vandellós cogieron un taxi en la Plaza Cataluña y le indicaron que los condujera hasta Esplugas, por el camino recogieron a Roser Segarra y Juan Elías Saturnino, luego se dirigieron a la Masía la Farinera en busca del paquete que contenía las bombas, más tarde se deshicieron del taxista dejándolo sin sentido y continuaron el camino. Sin embargo se encontraron con que el Paseo de Gracia había sido tomado por la fuerza pública y no se podía circular en coche, por lo que tuvieron que buscar un lugar menos vigilado, entonces en vistas de que no conseguían acercarse a la tribuna decidieron dejar el coche en marcha con las bombas dentro del motor para que estallaran, pero no advirtieron que habían dejado el coche delante de un garaje, por lo que los mecánicos al ver salir el humo se apresuraron a detenerlo, tantas circunstancias impidieron que el atentado se llevará a cabo. Aquel día, desfilaron ante Martínez Anido 40.000 somatenistas y los asistentes al acto no pararon de vitorear a Martínez Anido como un auténtico héroe nacional. Los anarquistas al no enterrarse de lo ocurrido y creyendo que el Rey había estado en el acto, decidieron poner una cuña en la vía ferroviaria, para que descarrilara el tren que debía de devolver al Rey a Madrid, pero otra ver la casualidad frustró los hechos, ya que un guarda agujas impacientado por la tardanza de su hija salió en su busca descubriendo la cuña, teniendo tiempo suficiente de avisar, para que esta fuera retirada. Aquel final de abril fue asesinado junto a su domicilio en la calle Cruz de los Canteros el cenetistas Josep Montserrat. El Pleno que debía celebrarse en Lérida al final, clandestinamente se celebró en casa de un compañero de la barriada del Pueblo Seco el 28 de abril de 1921, este pleno lo presidía Andreu Nin que era S.C.N., en aquel pleno los cenetistas después de analizar la situación decidieron que no tenía más remedio que provocar una revuelta popular, pero para ello necesitaban el apoyo de los Soviets rusos, Nin que tenía el informe desfavorable de Pestaña en aquella ocasión omitió el documento, puesto que estaba interesado en pedirle armas a la III Internacional de la cual formaba parte la CNT, por lo que se acordó que Andreu Nin, Hilarí Arlandis y Joaquin Maurín fueran delegados a Rusia. Partiendo inmediatamente de Barcelona sin apenas dinero, pero los ácratas de los diversos países por los que anduvieron, los cobijaron y les ayudaron a pasar clandestinamente las diferentes fronteras. Al llegar a Moscú fueron recibidos por León Trotsky, que en aquel momento era "Comisario del Pueblo para la Defensa" En la entrevista que tuvieron con Trotsky, éste les preguntó si contaban con los soldados para la revuelta, los delegados cenetistas sorprendidos le respondieron que no, por lo que Trotsky consideró que era una locura entregarles las armas, con lo cual la delegación en este aspecto fue un fracaso. Mientras tanto en Barcelona uno los grupos de afinidad más activo el conocido después por el nombre de la "Calle Toledo "preparaba un atentado contra Juan de la Cierva ex-ministro, la estrategia consistía en colocar una bomba en la vía férrea a la altura de Falset aproximadamente.

El 2 de mayo Roser Benavent hizo salir antes de hora a las operarias de su taller de confección que servía de tapadera y poco después los compañeros fueron llegando y en el pequeño cuarto laboratorio empezaron a preparar las bombas que debían servir para el atentado de La Cierva, alguna cosa debió fallar ya que se provocó una explosión alcanzando de lleno a Roser Benavent quedando gravemente herida y abrasada, mientras que Acher quedó con una mano destrozada, Juan Abrau que murió al instante, Juan Bautista Cucha que murió a los pocos días, los demás pudieron salir por su pie, como Josefa Crespo que herida acudió a una farmacia próxima donde fue detenida (19). Los vecinos vieron como del cuarto piso del nº10 de la calle Toledo salía gran cantidad de humo y gente con las ropas incendiadas, los bomberos que al principio creyeron que se trataba de un incendio fortuito comprobaron que se trataba de liquido inflamables por lo que dieron parte a la policía que inmediatamente trasladó a su brigada especial que se hizo cargo de la situación. El 4 mayo Roser Segarra una de las activistas de la Calle Toledo que había sido hospitalizada en el Clínico logra escaparse y esconderse en Vilanova i la Geltrú. Hacia el 9 de mayo los somatenistas le aplican la Ley de Fugas al cenetista Gregori Fabre "El Brasileño", cuando andaba recogiendo cuotas sindicales. El 10 de mayo la policía registra la vivienda de la compañera de Acher, Luisa Moreno en la calle Bejar nº10 en el registro encuentran una carta firmada por Leonor Pujol, que en realidad se trata de Roser Segarra huida desde la explosión de la calle Toledo. El 17 de mayo y después de los interrogatorios aplicados a los detenidos de la calle Toledo, que se encontraban en el Clínico, fue cercado el cuadrado que comprende las calles de Av.Paral.lel, Olmo, San Beltrán y Santa Madrona, en busca de dos activistas, Pedro Navarro y Josep Saleta "El Nano" sin embargo ambos pudieron escapar aunque el primero al poco tiempo fue detenido en Montalbán, Teruel. También por estos días habían estado detenidas María Fernández y J.Castro cuando intentaban vigilar los movimientos de Miguel Arleguí, aunque éstas disuadieron a la policía y salieron en libertad. En la última semana de aquel mayo fatídico para los grupos de afinidad, perdieron a Ferran Rojas "Negre" uno de los mejores activistas. Por aquel entonces la policía contaba con mucha información debido a los numerosos confidente que tenía dentro de la organización cenetista, así pudo averiguar que los principales responsables de los grupos de afinidad confederal estaban coordinados por Ramón Archs y Pedro Vandellós, a raíz de esto, se convirtieron en los principales objetivos de la policía y del Libre. Los nervios dentro de la organización confederal estaban a flor de piel ya que cualquiera era sospechoso de ser delator, así el 20 de mayo hay un enfrentamiento entre propios compañeros acusándose los unos a los otros de confidente y entablándose una reyerta, muriendo en el tiroteo Manuel Marcos que no pudo negar su acusación algo muy parecido ocurrió entre Pere Bautista y Salvador Coll "Mallorca" al que acusaban de haberse vendido a las autoridades, en Montjuich lo ejecutaron aunque unos días más tarde, los propios compañeros que había realizado el atentado comprobaron su error. Con la estrategia de acercarce a Martínez Anido se planeó un atentado contra el alcalde de Barcelona, en el que intervino Salvador Salsench que era un antiguo carlista pasado a las filas de la CNT, los hechos se llevaron a cabo el 17 de junio en plena Plaza de Sant Jaume resultando herido el alcalde Martínez Domingo, conducido a una clínica privada, varios activistas se apostaron estratégicamente en sus alrededores en espera de ver aparecer a Martínez Anido sin embargo éste nunca apareció por el lugar. También hubo otro intento para acabar con Anido, por ejemplo, en la puerta de la Iglesia de Santa Ana donde solía acudir en diversas ocasiones, el plan lo había organizado el grupo de Anibal Álvarez y los hermanos Asdrúbal, pero Anido como presintiendo alguna cosa no se presento durante unos días por los alrededores de la Iglesia. Aquella noche del 17 de junio la respuesta policial fue sacar a Evelio Boal de la cárcel y trasladarlo hasta jefatura junto a Antoni Feliu (tesorero de la Regional Catalana) y a José Domínguez, al cabo de poco más de una hora quedaron en libertad, mientras volvían a casa, a la altura de Santa María del Mar les esperaban los pistoleros del Libre, cuando hacía apenas un instante se habían separado de Domínguez, fueron acribillados a balazos, minutos más tarde, mientras unos policías examinaban los cadáveres oían unos disparos, que esta vez iban dirigidos hacía Domínguez que había sido alcanzado en la calle Sombrerers, de este atentado pudo escapar Feliu aunque a los pocos días fue cazado por los pistoleros del Libre en el Paseo de Sant Juan muy cerca del Arco del Triunfo. Sin duda resultaban unos tiempos muy difíciles donde los nervios estaban tensión en todos los bandos, así el 23 de junio por la noche cuando Bertrán y Musitu iba por la calle Salmerón con su hijo y en su coche advirtieron que les seguía una moto, recordando lo acontecido a Eduardo Dato bajaron del coche y dispararon, aunque luego pudieron comprobar que se trataba de dos somatenistas que habían decidido escoltar a su jefe, sin embargo éstos no tuvieron tiempo de explicarse en un principio y salieron huyendo, mientras unos guardias que andaban por la zona dispararon hiriendo al hijo de Musitu. El 24 de junio será detenido en la calle Bofarull de Sant Andrés, Pedro Vandellós delatado por algún confidente. Vandellós hombre muy perseguido por la policía solía esconderse durante el día por zonas poco accesibles donde se dedicaba a disfrutar de la lectura, mientras esperaba las primeras horas de la tarde para ir en busca de los obreros que liquidaban su cuota sindical. Aquella noche le aplicaron la Ley de Fugas en la Verneda a la altura de la fábrica de galletas "La Esperanza". El 25 de junio Ramón Archs cae en una trampa mortal que le tiende otro confidente del cual nunca se conoció su identidad, estaban ambos citados en la Plaza Urquinaona, al bajar del tranvía Ramón Archs varios policías secretas lo detienen y lo conducen a presencia de Arleguí. Archs será torturado y su rostro desfigurado, apareciendo el cadáver al día siguiente en la calle Vila i Vilà. Al enterarse de las muertes de Archs y Vandellós, sus compañeros (Josep Saleta "El Nano", Andreu Masdeu "El Llarch", Llorens, Vicens Cervera, Francesc García "El Patillas", Joan Tarragó ) responderán inmediatamente preparando un atentado en la Asociación de Cazadores situado en la Rambla /Plaza Catalunya, donde se decía que se reclutaban los mercenarios . El atentado se lleva a cabo el 30 de junio con un coche lanzaran una ráfaga de metralla sobre la terraza del bar y seguidamente el joven Joan Tarragó lanza una bomba de mano por la ventana del local.

El 2 de julio es capturado el grupo de Francisco Martínez Valls. El 19 de julio será detenida en Puigcerdà Roser Segarra que había estado identificada como integrante del grupo de la calle Toledo. Mientras tanto a más de 1500 Kilómetros de Barcelona, en Marruecos, el 7 de julio las tropas capitaneadas por el general Igueriben ocupan y aseguran la posición de Annual y Monte Arruit, pero este comandamiento será fuertemente sitiado por las tropas de Abd -el-Krim por lo que el convoy de ayuda no logró llegar hasta Monte Arruit. Por ello, los sitiados desesperados pensaron en salir de la fortaleza, ya que llevaban varios días sin agua y apenas comida, a la vez de que nuevas tropas dirigidas por Fernández Silvestre iban en su ayuda, aunque quedaron frenadas en las inmediaciones de Annual por los rifeños de Abd-el -Krim que les impidieron avanzar en este último tramo. En este contexto las tropas desesperadas que ocupaban Monte Arruit decidieron salir de su fortaleza el 21 de julio de 1921 bajo el fuego cruzado del enemigo, muriendo en el intento la mayor parte de la guarnición. Estos hechos del desastre de Annual y Monte Arruit en Africa al desplomarse el frente español capitaneado por los generales Fernández Silvestre y Berenguer ante los ataques de los rifeños, dio atención preferencial de la prensa hacía el problema de Marruecos, dejando en segundo termino la guerra sucia de Barcelona, hecho que permitió a Martínez Anido lanzar una nueva y feroz campaña contra la CNT en Barcelona. El 28 de julio es detenido mientras se bañaba en la Barceloneta el cenetista Jacinto Vila se le acusa de atentar contra el pistolero del Libre "El Mallorquín" como Vila se negó a firmar una inventada declaración fue tremendamente torturado. El 2 de agosto será detenido en el Ateneo La Farinera Josep Saleta y Andreu Masdeu. Este mismo día por la noche la policía saca de la cárcel Modelo a Juan López para que firme unos documentos, al negarse, recibió éste una brutal paliza, de vuelta a la Modelo sus compañeros no reconocieron su persona por el estado físico en que quedó su cuerpo. El 3 de agosto el detenido será Angel Latorre, éste recibirá tortura directamente de Arleguí y Anido durante 6 días, trasladado a la Modelo permanecerá 17 días incomunicado. El 5 de agosto mientras manipulaban una bomba Angel Noguera y otro compañero les explotó en las manos muriendo instantáneamente, los hechos ocurrieron en la calle dels Metges del barrio de Santa Catalina. A partir de esta explosión la policía logró detener en el barrio a Luis Dufur "Larrosa" y Salvador Salsench, estas nuevas detenciones fueron el hilo conductor para descubrir todo un arsenal que el grupo tenía en la montaña de Montjuich, casi al mismo tiempo detenían a los propietarios de can Vidiella de Falset, que había estado en numerosas ocasiones refugio de los confedérales.

1921 El 11 de agosto será procesado Antonio Pellicer por un artículo aparecido en "Bandera Roja" que él nunca escribió.

1921 El 12 de agosto será detenido el cenetista Victoriano Muñoz al cual se le acusa de repartir unas octavillas antimilitaristas.

Aquel septiembre de 1921 Antonio Maura forma nuevo gabinete en el que entraran los catalanes Francesc Cambó y Josep Bertrán i Musitu, la burguesía creía que de nuevo se entraba en una etapa de nuevo paraíso, de sueldos bajos y obreros sumisos. También el Libre con Ramón Sales a la cabeza creyó que había llegado el momento de organizarse sindicalmente, así comenzaron la campaña con un Miting en el cine Boheme de Hostafrachs y plantearon varias reivindicaciones sindicales. La burguesía catalana quedó algo sorprendida y pidió a Martínez Anido que actuará pero éste dejó que el Libre desarrollará su nuevo proyecto.

// That September of 1921 Antonio Maura forms new cabinet in which entered Catalan the Francesc Cambó and Josep Bertrán i Musitu, the bourgeoisie thought that again paradise entered a stage again, of submissive low and working pays. Also the Free one with Ramon Salts at the top thought that the moment had arrived for organizing itself union, thus began the campaign with a Miting in cinema Boheme de Hostafrachs and raised several union vindications. The Catalan bourgeoisie was left something surprised and requested a Martinez I nest that it will act but this one left the Free one will develop its new proyecto.

En Berlín serán detenidos Lluis Nicolau y Lucía, además de Andreu Nin en un barrio obrero de la ciudad. Las autoridades alemanas a cambio de su extradición pidieron que no se les aplicara la pena de muerte ampliando la petición a Pedro Matheu, único detenido directo con relación al atentado de Eduardo Dato en Madrid, mientras los compañeros comunistas de Andreu Nin conseguían que no lo extraditaran.

El 1 de octubre 90.000 hombres licenciados del ejército un año antes son llamados de nuevo a filas y enviados a Africa del Norte.

1921 El 20 de octubre / OCTOBER es detenido Magí Marimón que pertenecía al grupo de la calle Toledo, será tremendamente torturado con corrientes eléctricas y más tarde permanecerá 44 días incomunicado en la Modelo de Barcelona. También será detenido Rafael Sánchez Rex del Sindicato de la Construcción de la CNT, por el delito de ser amigo de Acher será enviado a la prisión del Dueso de la cual pudo escapar aunque a los pocos días apareció su cadáver con un tiro en la frente.

A finales de 1921 Libertad Rodenas y Rosario Dolcet parten hacia Madrid para dar una conferencia en el Ateneo Científico, donde explicarán la situación social por la que atraviesa Barcelona, ningún intelectual se atrevió a presentar el acto.

1921 El 8 de diciembre / DECEMBER será asesinado en la calle Jerusalem el cenetista Manuel Valero.

http://www.manelaisa.com/texto/Articulos/PagArticulos9.htm


1940 -- US: 1940-1948 The daily left-leaning PM newspaper was published over this period. Theodor Seuss Geisel drew cartoons for the paper from 1941-1943.


1953 -- SITUATIONIST CHRONOLOGY

April 1951

20 Guy-Ernest Debord meets the lettrists at the Cannes Film Festival, following the screening of Isou's Traité de bave et d'éternité (Treatise on Slime and Eternity).

April 1952

2 The Anticoncept is banned by the French film censorship commission.

23 Ion #1, Paris, Editor: Marc-Gilbert Guillaumin, contains the scripts for The Anticoncept and an early version of Howls for Sade, as well as Guy-Ernest Debord's Prolégomènes à tout cinéma futur (Prolegomena to Any Future Cinema).

Fini le Cinéma français (No More French Cinema), tract distributed at the Cannes Film Festival, signed by Serge Berna, Guy-Ernest Debord, François Dufrêne, Monique Geoffrey, Jean-Isidore Isou, Yolande du Luart, Marc,O., Gabriel Pomerand, Poucette and Gil J. Wolman.

June 1952

Serge Berna, Jean-Louis Brau, Guy-Ernest Debord and Gil J. Wolman secretly form the radical Lettrist International tendency within the lettrist movement.

30 First projection of Guy Debord's film Howls for Sade in Paris.
75 minutes, 35mm, black and white.
Voice-over: Gil J. Wolman, Guy Debord, Serge Berna, Barbara Rosenthal, Jean-Isidore Isou.

(NOTE: POST IN FEBRUARY OR LATE JANUARY)

Early 1953

Guy Debord writes Never Work! on a wall in the rue de Seine.

June 1954

22 Potlatch #1, internal bulletin of the French Lettrist International group, Paris. Editor-in-chief: André Frank Conord.

June 1956

Toutes ces dames au salon! (All the Ladies in the Room!), tract denouncing the exhibition The Oil Industry in the Eyes of Artists, held at the Palais de Beaux-Arts, Brussels, 2 to 14 June, signed by members of the Lettrist International (Michèle Bernstein, Mohamed Dahou, Guy Debord, Jacques Fillon, Alexander Trocchi, Gil J. Wolman), the Les Lèvres nues group (Paul Bourgoignie, Jane Graverol, Marcel Mariën, Paul Nougé, Gilbert Senecaut), the Nuclear Art Movement (Enrico Baj, Sergio Dangelo, Asger Jorn) and several independent artists (Ernest Carlier, Paul Joostens, Herbert Read).

July 1956

Eristica #1. Journal of the International Movement for an Imaginist Bauhaus. Editor: Giuseppe Pinot Gallizio. Editorial Committee: Enrico Baj, Christian Dotremont, Walter Korun.

November 1956

2 Potlatch #27, information bulletin of the Lettrist International, Paris.

Publication in Les Lèvres nues #9 of Guy Debord's article, 'Theory of the dérive,' in which the word 'situationist' makes its first appearance.

1521 Concerned about potential threats from European enemies, Spain began constructing massive defenses around San Juan. El Morro Castle featured 18-foot-thick walls; San Cristóbal & San Geronimo Forts also garrisoned troops. Next the Spaniards constructed a wall, parts of which still survive, around the entire city. Government Center is moved to the isle of San Juan. The ever arriving Spaniards settlers, many of them gold-seekers, brought no women on their ships. To populate the country, the Spaniard took Indian woman. With the arrival of African slaves, other elements were added. This historic intermingling has resulted in a contemporary Puerto Rico without racial problems. Juan Ponce de León arrived to Florida, where he suffered a serious injury. He died in La Habana, Cuba. ——————

1876 Spain proclaims "El Yunque" a Forest Reserve, making it one of the oldest reserves in the Western Hemisphere.

1904 Luis Muñoz Rivera & José de Diego founded the Unionist Party of Puerto Rico to fight against the colonial government established under the Foraker Act.

1912 Rosendo Matienzo Cintrón, Manuel Zeno Gandía, Luis Llorens Torres, Eugenio Benítez Castaño, & Pedro Franceschi founded the Independence Party which was the first party in the history of the island to exclusively want Puerto Rican independence. Though short-lived, it established a precedent for future organizations with similar ideologies. 1937 At the beginning of "Nacionalista de Puerto Rico" Party parade, in Ponce, occurred as called "Masacre de Ponce" were 20 people are killed & 100 people are wounded. Pedro Albizu Campos & other Nationalists are transferred out of Puerto Rico to serve time in Atlanta, Georgia. --------- 1954 Nationalists (Lolita Lebron, Rafael Cancel Miranda, Irvin Flores & Andres Figueroa) open fire in the U.S. House of Representatives, wounding five Congressmen. They are sentenced to 50 years imprisonment. 1966 The shopping mall "Plaza Las Americas" is inaugurated, the largest shopping center in central & South America. 1968 Formal research efforts to save the endangered Puerto Rican parrot began in the Forest with collaboration of U.S. Fish & Wildlife, the PR Department of Natural Resources & the World Wildlife Fund. 1971 United States army takes possession of almost all of Culebra Island. 1976 The 936 section of the United States Internal Revenue Tax Code is implemented. This new code allowed American companies to make profit in the island without paying taxes. Banks on the island experienced an unprecedented growth. About 100,000 Puerto Ricans were directly dependent on employment generated by Section 936 companies. The "Ateneo Puertorriqueño" is founded. 1980 The U.S. Congress recommends the Navy leave Vieques. Other Resources: The 1996 Atlantic Hurricane Season Caribbean History Archives The Changing of the Guard: Puerto Rico in 1898 Christopher Columbus Christopher Columbus Comisión Estatal de Elecciones de Puerto Rico Conoce a Puerto Rico Declaración de Lares al Mundo Elections in Puerto Rico FEMA Fact Sheet: Hurricanes Puerto Rican Independence then & now by José Cruz The World of 1898: The Spanish-American War http://www.spanamwar.com/SanJuan.htm
http://welcome.topuertorico.org/history5.shtml


1997 -- 2005: NEW, NEED TO UPDATE, NEED EXACT DATE??

First big meeting between Polish & Russian anarchists. 1997
http://insurgentes.vilabol.uol.com.br/passos.htm http://insurgentes.vilabol.uol.com.br/passos.htm


1999 -- "It seems to me," says Andrew Manshel, attorney for the Grand Central Partnership, "we could agree as a society that occupying public space to sell things is antisocial." He goes on to say, "It's mostly about how they look as much as what they're doing. . . . [T]hey don't look like they've made a capital investment in what they're doing." Village Alliance president Honi Klein further clarifies: "I don't think the First Amendment should protect people who are street people. They are not homeless. These people never had homes." http://www.villagevoice.com/vls/165/sante.shtml

2000 -- Among Goldman's closest comrades were Mollie Steimer & Senya Fleshin, who also left Soviet Russia after conditions there became intolerable for anarchists. She was a wonderful girl, with an iron will & a tender heart, but she was fearfully set in her ideas. "A sort of Alexander Berkman in skirts," I jokingly remarked to Stella. Mollie was a true factory child of revolutionary spirit. She had gone to work at the age of thirteen & she had continued in the shop until she fell into the hands of the authorities. She was essentially of the idealistic youth of Russia in times of the Tsar, who sacrificed their lives before they had scarcely begun to live. What a fearful fate--from the factory to the Missouri prison for fifteen years, with no joy in between for my lovely young comrade! ---Emma Goldman, Living My Life by Emma Goldman Volume two New York: Alfred A Knopf Inc.,1931. Chapter 50 http://www.spunk.org/texts/pubs/sekhmet/8/sp001228.txt

http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/USAsteimer.htm

2001 -- MONOLITH

Local News : Thursday, January 04, 2001

Monolith is gone but not forgotten

By Richard Martin Seattle Times assistant metro editor

The Seattle monolith departed yesterday as mysteriously as it arrived.

Gone from public view to local lore, sure to become another "remember when" question for years to come.

Remember when someone attached a 700-pound steel ball & shackles on the Hammering Man in 1993? Remember when someone left an 1,800-pound metal heart in Westlake Park in 1996?

Remember when a dark-gray, 9-foot-tall rectangular steel structure appeared at Magnuson Park on New Year's Eve? The one that brought back memories of the dark, shrieking monolith in Stanley Kubrick's "2001: A Space Odyssey"?

"It seems to be kind of a tradition here," said Barbara Goldstein, who manages the Seattle Arts Commission's public-art program.

Make no mistake, the mysterious monolith isn't among commission-approved artwork that appears throughout the city, such as the towering Hammering Man at the Seattle Art Museum, the bronze dance steps laid along the sidewalk in Capitol Hill, or numerous paintings on the walls inside public buildings.

But Goldstein said it appeared to fulfill the purpose of public art, which is to bring people together and stimulate discussion.

"I don't think there's anything wrong with it," Goldstein said. "As long as it's temporary, as long as the parks department was comfortable & as long as the people who created it remove it."

Goldstein, however, considers such anonymous work more social commentary than art, something similar to postering, where social or political messages are rarely signed.

"Usually, artists want their work to be recognized," she said. "This seems to be more satirical commentary on the fact we've reached the year 2001."

Goldstein also said it's important to distinguish the monolith from other renegade public art statements as the ball & shackles on the Hammering Man.

"When you make an alteration to something you didn't create, without permission, it's kind of intruding on someone's intellectual property," she said.

A main issue with temporary art is whether it's going to fall over & hurt somebody, Goldstein said.

That was also a concern of city parks officials, who were just getting ready to inspect the sculpture yesterday morning, only to discover it was gone. Only a rectangular hole with concrete inside, a few candles & a broken-stemmed rose remained.

"We were looking forward to having the sculpture around for a while," said C. David Hughbanks, executive director of Sand Point Magnuson Park.

_____________

Local News : Friday, January 05, 2001

Duck Island on Green Lake is new home to monolith

By Richard Martin Seattle Times assistant metro editor

A man claiming to be one of the people responsible for the mysterious monolith that first appeared, then disappeared from Magnuson Park says it was stolen from that spot before it surfaced again yesterday at Green Lake, on a small, remote bird sanctuary called Duck Island.

As it has done every day of its brief existence in the public eye, the dark-gray 9-foot steel rectangular structure attracted its fair share of visitors, inviting comparisons to the shrieking black monolith in Stanley Kubrick's classic 1968 film "2001: A Space Odyssey."

Caleb Schaber, a 27-year-old Ballard artist, said a group of about 15 people, members of a loosely organized group called "Some People," planned the monolith's appearance at Magnuson Park on New Year's Eve, but had nothing to do with its disappearance Wednesday morning & relocation to Green Lake.

He said he wants it back, but has no means to remove it from the island, which sits about 50 yards from the lake's northwest shore.

The group had been planning the monolith project for several months. They raised money, hired someone to build it - someone who Schaber said prefers to remain anonymous - & planned its appearance at Magnuson Park's Kite Hill.

Placing it there involved a number of steps, carried out over two days. On Saturday, they mixed the concrete in a wheelbarrow, poured it into a rectangular hole near the top of the grassy hill and set four hollow tubes in the concrete. The 350-pound monolith, which was built with four pieces of rebar protruding from its base, was brought to the site the next evening, Schaber said, & the rebar was set inside the tubes with epoxy.

The rest is history.

People & pets flocked. News crews converged. & city parks officials obliged. "It's whimsical & creative & interesting," said Seattle parks spokesman David Takami. "We're enjoying it like other people."

Christopher Williams, Green Lake park manager, said the monolith's new location is actually safer than its old one. Duck Island is off limits to park-goers, & there is no easy access to it.

"We're going to leave it there, hoping that whomever left it there will pick it up eventually," Williams said.

"It's great that we've gotten such a good response," said Schaber. "We're very happy we got to send a positive message from Seattle."

That's one of the group's intentions, said Schaber & another member of "Some People," identified only as Honky The Clown.

"This town takes itself too seriously, & we're trying to change that," Honky The Clown wrote in an e-mail. "It's nonsense, beautiful nonsense.

"Pondering the monolith has given the citizens of our city joy & childlike wonder. Not many things can do that anymore."

2002 -- THIS BLEED REFERENCE PAGE ENTRY, & THE BLEED entry, removed Jan 2007; this is highly suspect, from what appears to be a very unreliable source (http://www.anarchy.no/ a one-man band who appears to have created a massive presence for himself & misc looping / self-referencing pages for an organization that does not exist except to reference itself); I have checked over the years for other references to this "boycott" without success, & email query turned nothing up either. The online letter by Seamus Cain looks simply that he got suckered & sent off a letter per the site request, as it uses much the same language provided at the site. [January 10] Brazil: Call for International Solidarity, Stop the Boycott & Ochlarchy against Edgar Rodrigues.

The anarchist, Edgar Rodrigues, 80 years old, with 46 books published, is being boycotted by the Union of Writers of Rio de Janeiro (Brasil), SERJ, with which he is affiliated.
Por ser anarquista, Edgar Rodrigues, 80 anos, 46 livros publicados, está sendo boicotado pelo Sindicato dos Escritores do Rio de Janeiro, SERJ, ao qual é filiado.

His work has been damaged. He is the victim of political obfuscation. His creative efforts in the world are blockaded. He is the victim of oligarchical behavior. Indeed, the actions of SERJ have silenced an important writer,

Edgar Rodrigues was the first person to provide specific detail, documents, & evidence of the role played by the descendants of African slaves in Brazil in the beginnings of the organized labor movement in Brazil!

The works of Edgar Rodrigues have been regularly collected by the Libraries around the world.

Send protest letters...

http://www.anarchy.no/edgar.html

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2004: argentina.htm dates selected from the Bleed using "argentina" as search term; page then edited in composer http://recollectionbooks.com/anow/world/la/argentina/argentina.htm


2004 -- Kropotkin, was doubtless the most distinguished. When he came to America to lecture, he was heard throughout the country with great interest & respect; that he was a guest of Hull-House during his stay in Chicago attracted little attention at the time, but two years later, when the assassination of President McKinley occurred, the visit of this kindly scholar, who had always called himself an "anarchist" & had certainly written fiery tracts in his younger manhood, was made the basis of an attack upon Hull-House by a daily newspaper, which ignored the fact that while Prince Kropotkin had addressed the Chicago Arts & Crafts Society at Hull-House, giving a digest of his remarkable book on "Fields, Factories, & Workshops," he had also spoken at the State Universities of Illinois & Wisconsin & before the leading literary & scientific societies of Chicago. These institutions & societies were not, therefore, called anarchistic. Hull-House had doubtless laid itself open to this attack through an incident connected with the imprisonment of the editor on an anarchistic paper, who was arrested in Chicago immediately after the assassination of President McKinley. In the excitement following the national calamity & the avowal by the assassin of the influence of the anarchistic lecture to which he had listened, arrests were made in Chicago of every one suspected of anarchy, in the belief that a widespread plot would be uncovered. The editor's house was searched for incriminating literature, his wife & daughter taken to a police station, & his son & himself, with several other suspected anarchists, were placed in the disused cells in the basement of the city hall. It is impossible to overstate the public excitement of the moment & the unfathomable sense of horror with which the community regarded an attack upon the chief executive of the nation, as a crime against government itself which compels an instinctive recoil from all law-abiding citizens. Doubtless both the horror & recoil have their roots deep down in human experience; the earliest forms of government implied a group which offered competent resistance to outsiders, but assuming no protection was necessary between any two of its own members, promptly punished with death the traitor who had assaulted anyone within. An anarchistic attack against an official thus furnishes an accredited basis both for unreasoning hatred & for prompt punishment. Both the hatred & the determination to punish reached the highest pitch in Chicago after the assassination of President McKinley, & the group of wretched men detained in the old-fashioned, scarcely habitable cells, had not the least idea of their ultimate fate. They were not allowed to see an attorney & were kept "in communicado" as their excited friends called it. I had seen the editor & his family only during Prince Kropotkin's stay at Hull-House, when they had come to visit him several times. The editor had impressed me as a quiet, scholarly man, challenging the social order by the philosophic touchstone of Bakunin & of Herbert Spencer, somewhat startled by the radicalism of his fiery young son & much comforted by the German domesticity of his wife & daughter. Perhaps it was but my hysterical symptom of the universal excitement, but it certainly seemed to me more than I could bear when a group of his individualistic friends, who had come to ask for help, said: "You see what becomes of your boasted law; the authorities won't even allow an attorney, nor will they accept bail for these men, against whom nothing can be proved, although the veriest criminals are not denied such a right." Challenged by an anarchist, one is always sensitive for the honor of legally constituted society, & I replied that of course the men could have an attorney, that the assassin himself would eventually be furnished with one, that the fact that a man was an anarchist had nothing to do with his rights before the law! I was met with the retort that that might do for a theory, but that the fact still remained that these men had been absolutely isolated, seeing no one but policemen, who constantly frightened them with tales of public clamor & threatened lynching. The conversation took place on Saturday night and, as the final police authority rests in the mayor, with a friend who was equally disturbed over the situation, I repaired to his house on Sunday morning to appeal to him in the interest of a law & order that should not yield to panic. We contended that to the anarchist above all men it must be demonstrated that law is impartial & stands the test of every strain. The mayor heard us through with the ready sympathy of the successful politician. He insisted, however, that the men thus far had merely been properly protected against lynching, but that it might now be safe to allow them to see some one; he would not yet, however, take the responsibility of permitting an attorney, but if I myself chose to see them on the humanitarian errand of an assurance of fair play, he would write me a permit at once. I promptly fell into the trap, if trap it was, & within half an hour was in a corridor in the city hall basement, talking to the distracted editor & surrounded by a cordon of police, who assured me that it was not safe to permit him out of his cell. The editor, who had grown thin & haggard under his suspense, asked immediately as to the whereabouts of his wife & daughter, concerning whom he had heard not a word since he had seen them arrested. Gradually he became composed as he learned, not that his testimony had been believed to the effect that he had never seen the assassin but once & had then considered him a foolish half-witted creature, but that the most thoroughgoing "dragnet" investigations on the part of the united police of the country had failed to discover a plot & that the public was gradually becoming convinced that the dastardly act was that of a solitary man with no political or social affiliations. The entire conversation was simple & did not seem to me unlike, in motive or character, interviews I had had with many another forlorn man who had fallen into prison. I had scarce returned to Hull-House, however, before it was filled with reporters, & I at once discovered that whether or not I had helped a brother out of a pit, I had fallen into a deep one myself. A period of sharp public opprobrium followed, traces of which, I suppose, will always remain. & yet in the midst of the letters of protest & accusation which made my mail a horror every morning came a few letters of another sort, one from a federal judge whom I had never seen & another from a distinguished professor in the constitutional law, who congratulated me on what they termed a sane attempt to uphold the law in time of panic. Although one or two ardent young people rushed into print to defend me from the charge of "abetting anarchy," it seemed to me at the time that mere words would not avail. I had felt that the protection of the law itself extended to the most unpopular citizen was the only reply to the anarchistic argument, to the effect that this moment of panic revealed the truth of their theory of government; that the custodians of law & order have become the government itself quite as the armed men hired by the medieval guilds to protect them in the peaceful pursuit of their avocations, through sheer possession of arms finally made themselves rulers of the city. At that moment I was firmly convinced that the public could only be convicted of the blindness of its course, when a body of people with a hundred-fold of the moral energy possessed by a Settlement group, should make clear that there is no method by which any community can be guarded against sporadic efforts on the part of half-crazed, discouraged men, save by a sense of mutual rights & securities which will include the veriest outcast. It seemed to me then that in the millions of words uttered & written at that time, no one adequately urged that public-spirited citizens set themselves the task of patiently discovering how these sporadic acts of violence against government may be understood & averted. We do not know whether they occur among the discouraged & unassimilated immigrants who might be cared for in such a way as enormously to lessen the probability of these acts, or whether they are the result of anarchistic teaching. By hastily concluding that the latter is the sole explanation for them, we make no attempt to heal & cure the situation. Failure to make a proper diagnosis may mean treatment of a disease which does not exist, or it may furthermore mean that the dire malady from which the patient is suffering be permitted to develop unchecked. & yet as the details of the meager life of the President's assassin were disclosed, they were a challenge to the forces for social betterment in American cities. Was it not an indictment to all those whose business it is to interpret & solace the wretched, that a boy should have grown up in an American city so uncared for, so untouched by higher issues, his wounds of life so unhealed by religion that the first talk he ever heard dealing with life's wrongs, although anarchistic & violent, should yet appear to point a way of relief? The conviction that a sense of fellowship is the only implement which will break into the locked purpose of a half-crazed creature bent upon destruction in the name of justice, came to me through an experience recited to me at this time by an old anarchist. He was a German cobbler who, through all the changes in the manufacturing of shoes, had steadily clung to his little shop on a Chicago thoroughfare, partly as an expression of his individualism & partly because he preferred bitter poverty in a place of his own to good wages under a disciplinary foreman. The assassin of President McKinley on his way through Chicago only a few days before he committed his dastardly deed had visited all the anarchists whom he could find in the city, asking them for "the password" as he called it. They, of course, possessed no such thing, & had turned him away, some with disgust & all with a certain degree of impatience, as a type of the ill-balanced man who, as they put it, was always "hanging around the movement, without the slightest conception of its meaning." Among other people, he visited the German cobbler, who treated him much as the others had done, but who, after the event had made clear the identity of his visitor, was filled with the most bitter remorse that he had failed to utilize his chance meeting with the assassin to deter him from his purpose. He knew as well as any psychologist who has read the history of such solitary men that the only possible way to break down such a persistent & secretive purpose, was by the kindliness which might have induced confession, which might have restored the future assassin into fellowship with normal men. In the midst of his remorse, the cobbler told me a tale of his own youth; that years before, when an ardent young fellow in Germany, newly converted to the philosophy of anarchism, as he called it, he had made up his mind that the Church, as much as the State, was responsible for human oppression, & that this fact could best be set forth "in the deed" by the public destruction of a clergyman or priest; that he had carried firearms for a year with this purpose in mind, but that one pleasant summer evening, in a moment of weakness, he had confided his intention to a friend, & that from that moment he not only lost all desire to carry it out, but it seemed to him the most preposterous thing imaginable. In concluding the story he said; "That poor fellow sat just beside me on my bench; if I had only put my hand on his shoulder & said, 'Now, look here, brother, what is on your mind? What makes you talk such nonsense? Tell me. I have seen much of life, & understand all kinds of men. I have been young & hot-headed & foolish myself,' if he had told me of his purpose then & there, he would never have carried it out. The whole nation would have been spared this horror." As he concluded he shook his gray head & sighed as if the whole incident were more than he could bear--one of those terrible sins of omission; one of the things he "ought to have done," the memory of which is so hard to endure.


2005 -- IMAGE TO FIND, SITE HAS BEEN REDESIGNED, NEED TO SEARCH http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_protest_marches_on_Washington,_DC


2005 -- www.unboundbooks.org/ posters.html unbound books for links to add to their link page www.unboundbooks.org/ posters.html


2005 -- ENSO BAR SEPARATOR

2005 -- ALL STARS Kropotkin ET AL http://people.bu.edu/wwildman/WeirdWildWeb/media/galleries/philosophy/modern_late/Proudhon1-AllStar.gif http://people.bu.edu/wwildman/WeirdWildWeb/media/galleries/philosophy/modern_late/Chomsky2-AllStar.gif http://people.bu.edu/wwildman/WeirdWildWeb/media/galleries/philosophy/modern_late/Foucault2-AllStar.gif http://people.bu.edu/wwildman/WeirdWildWeb/media/galleries/philosophy/modern_late/Goldman1-AllStar.gif

EMMA GOLDMAN




2005 -- anti-war
vancouver 5
anarchy is order, gov chaos
circle a's

ADD TO QUOTES PAGES?



2005 -- ANARCHY FADE + TAO SYMBOL anarchy book

2005 -- link: http://mysite/mypage.html -site:mysite link: http:/recollectionbooks.com/bleed/gallery/galleryindex.htm -site:recollectionbooks.com link: http:/recollectionbooks.com/bleed/gallery/galleryindex.htm -site:http://www.eskimo.com link: http://www.recollectionbooks.com/bleed/calmast.htm -site:http://www.recollectionbooks.com/



2005 -- MALATESTA IMAGE ALL STAR


2005 -- TO DO : YEAR END, REMOVE/DELETE PAGES IN HERE & THE FOLDER http://recollectionbooks.com/recall/bleed/saints/ THE OLD LINKS WERE REPLACED WITH http://recollectionbooks.com/bleed/Encyclopedia/saints/ IN March 2004 & old ones should be pretty much dead/useless by now



2005 -- ISRAEL ethnic cleansing


2005 -- jan 2-Jan 3-Jan 4-Jan 5 Sept 4-Sept 5-Sept 6-Sept 7 Nov 29-Nov 30 Dec 2-Dec 3-Dec 4-Dec 5- Dec 6-Dec 7-Dec 8- Dec 9-Dec 10-Dec 11- Dec 12-Dec 13-Dec 14- Dec 15-Dec 16-Dec 17- Dec 18-Dec 19-Dec 20- Dec 21-Dec 22-Dec 23- Dec 24- Dec 29 http://www.geocities.com/gwbushyouth/index.html


2005 --

Addio, Lugano bella.

Gli esuli politici nella Svizzera italiana di fine Ottocento Dadò editore, Locarno, 2002, 686 pp. Indice Prefazione di Nicola Tranfaglia Introduzione di Maurizio Binaghi

PROLOGO I temi e lo spazio CAPITOLO PRIMO Repubblica e Nazione 1. La Nazione italiana tra Repubblica e Monarchia 2. La Svizzera di fronte al nazionalismo europeo 3. Il Canton Ticino tra fedeltà alla Svizzera e sostegno alla causa italiana CAPITOLO SECONDO Democrazia e Questione sociale l. La diffidenza italiana verso la democrazia 2. La democrazia nella Svizzera radicale 3. Regimi elettorali e movimenti sociali nel Canton Ticino

CAPITOLO TERZO Libertà e Diritto d'asilo l. La Libertà e le libertà nel Regno d'Italia 2. La libera accoglienza degli esuli in Svizzera 3. La tradizionale ospitalità ticinese: genesi e storia

PARTE PRIMA Le radici: Mazzini e Bakunin CAPITOLO QUARTO Giuseppe Mazzini a Lugano e l'ultima illusione repubblicana 1. Mazzini e l'Alleanza Repubblicana Universale (1866-1869) La presenza di Mazzini a Lugano tra mito e realtà 1.2. Le molteplici anime dell' Alleanza Repubblicana Universale: l'esempio di Ippolito Pederzolli 1.3. L'espulsione di Mazzini dalla Svizzera Italiana 2. La Banda Nathan e le sue conseguenze sul Canton Ticino (1870) 2.1. I moti di Pavia e l'arrivo dei disertori in Ticino 2.2. Lo sconfinamento del Passo del San Lucio 2.3. La paura di un blocco economico e la rottura dell'unità cantonale 3. Decadenza politica e morte di Giuseppe Mazzini (1870-1872) 3.1. Le ultime lotte contro l'Internazionale 3.2. L'ombra di Mazzini a Lugano: una lunga serie di addii CAPITOLO QUINTO Michail Bakunin a Locarno e la sua rete di influenze tra Italia e Svizzera 1 1. Bakunin e l'ltalia (1869-1872) 1 .l. Il rapporto con l’ambiente democratico in Italia e la scelta di Locamo 1.2. Il conflitto con Mazzini e la sua eco in Italia 1.3. Le ristrettezze economiche e la sosta di Carlo Cafiero a Locamo 2. Michail Bakunin e la Svizzera (1869-1872) 2.1. Radicali e conservatori ticinesi a contatto con Bakunin 2.2. La politica federale e Bakunin: l' opuscolo «Gli Orsi di Berna e l'Orso di Pietroburgo» 2.3. Il dibattito per la revisione costituzionale del 1872 PARTE SECONDA L 'età dell'Internazionale nella Svizzera italiana CAPITOLO SESTO I comunardi a Lugano e il Congresso della Pace e della Libertà 1. I profughi della Comune a Lugano (1871-1874) 1.1. Gli esuli comunardi in Svizzera e la presenza di Elisee Reclus a Lugano 1.2. Il ticinese Carlo Salvioni e il suo apprendistato internazionalista 1.3. Una serie di nuovi profughi comunardi in Ticino: Paul Guerin, Benoit Malon, Andre Leo e Arthur Arnould 2. Le tentazioni socialiste del disorientato movimento repubblicano (1871-1874) 2.1. Il ritorno degli esuli repubblicani e i conflitti tra autorità cantonale e federale 2.2. Un'emigrazione repubblicana in crisi di identità: gli esempi di Luigi Cecchini e di Giuseppe Ferrero-Gola 2.3. Il garibaldino ticinese Natale Imperatori: un arrabbiato radicale 3. Il Congresso della Pace e della Libertà a Lugano (1872) 3.1. Un movimento pacifista che crea divisioni: il dibattito tra Carlo Battaglini e Bernardino Lurati 3.2. Le divisioni interne al partito liberale-radicale 3.3. Lo svolgimento del Congresso della Pace e della Libertà CAPITOLO SETTIMO La Baronata, un tentativo di un centro anarchico a Locamo 1. La Baronata (1872-1874) 1.1. L'attività politica di Bakunin: la lotta per un'altra Internazionale 1.2. Il ritiro di Bakunin dall'attività politica: l'acquisto della Baronata 1.3. Il fallimento dell'esperienza della Baronata 2. Il diavolo al Pontelungo: l'attività clandestina di Bakunin (1874) 2.1. Bakunin, l' organizzazione Ypsilon e il Comitato italiano per la Rivoluzione sociale 2.2. Azione clandestina e sorveglianza politica 2.3. Il processo anarchico ai coniugi Bakunin: la reale fine di una lunga carriera rivoluzionaria CAPITOLO OTTAVO Il definitivo ritiro di Michail Bakunin a Lugano 1. Il ritiro Michail Bakunin a Lugano (1874-1876) 1.1. La permanenza di Bakunin a Lugano e l' acquisto di una villa a Besso 1.2. Radicali ticinesi, comunardi e socialisti italiani al cospetto del celebre esule 1.3. La presunta conversione al socialismo di Ippolito Pederzolli 2. La morte di un rivoluzionario a Berna (1876) 2.1. Il progressivo isolamento a Lugano 2.2. La decadenza fisica e la morte a Berna PARTE TERZA I conflitti politici nel Canton Ticino: la lotta per un' eredità politica CAPITOLO NONO La creazione della Sezione del Ceresio 1. «L' Agitatore», un periodico socialista (1874-1875) 1.1. Il pragmatismo evoluzionista di Benoît Malon 1.2. L'attività politica di Ludovico Nabruzzi e di Tito Zanardelli 1.3. Il giornale «L'Agitatore» 2. La Sezione del Ceresio (1875-1876) 2.1. L' «Almanacco del proletario» e la creazione della Sezione del Ceresio 2.2. Lo sviluppo della Sezione e i suoi componenti CAPITOLO DECIMO La crisi politica ticinese e il coinvolgimento della Sezione del Ceresio 1. Lo sciopero di Goschenen (1875) 1.1. Il traforo del Gottardo e i suoi costi sociali: la repressione dello sciopero a Goschenen 1.2. Le accuse all'Internazionale e a Bakunin 2. Il tentativo di colpo di stato liberale (1875-1877) 2.1. Il nuovo corso conservatore e il periodico «Il Giovine Tricino» 2.2. Il fallito Pronunciamento radicale e il coinvolgimento della Sezione del Ceresio 2.3. La nascita e lo sviluppo della loggia massonica ticinese «Il Dovere» CAPITOLO UNDICESIMO Apice e declino della Sezione del Ceresio 1. Lo sforzo organizzativo della sezione dissidente (1875-1876) 1.1. La propaganda politica della Sezione del Ceresio 1.2. L'organizzazione di un congresso dissidente a Lugano 1.3. La decadenza della Sezione del Ceresio 2. La guerra dei capi internazionalisti alla Sezione della Ceresio (1875-1876) 2.1. Carlo Cafiero e l'attacco politico alla Sezione dissidente 2.2. Carlo Salvioni e la creazione della Sezione di Bellinzona 2.3. Errico Malatesta a Lugano e la liquidazione della Ceresio 2.4. La banda del Matese e la «propaganda dell’atto» PARTE QUARTA Socialdemocrazia o anarchismo ? Le scelte di Carlo Cafiero e Andrea Costa CAPITOLO DODICESIMO Andrea Costa e Anna Kulisciov: la lotta tra priorità politiche e sentimenti personali 1. Anna Kulisciov e «La società di propaganda Socialista in Lugano» (1876-1879) 1.1. L'incontro tra Andrea Costa e Anna Kulisciov 1.2. «La società di propaganda Socialista in Lugano» 2. Andrea Costa, Benoît Malon e la svolta verso un nuovo socialismo (1877-1879) 2.1. La rivista «Le Socialisme progressif» : Lugano centro della riflessione internazionalista 2.2. Le relazioni epistolari tra Andrea Costa e Benoît Malon 2.3. Anna Kulisciov e la sua polemica con «Le Socialisme progressif» 3. Andrea Costa e la socialdemocrazia tedesca esiliata in Svizzera (1879-1881) 3.1. L' arrivo a Lugano di Andrea Costa e la «Lettera agli amici di Romagna» 3.2. Andrea Costa al servizio dei socialdemocratici tedeschi 3.3. Lo scambio dei ruoli: Costa in prigione e Anna Kulisciov sola a Lugano CAPITOLO TREDICESIMO Cafiero e il Congresso anarchico di Chiasso 1. La ricerca di una linea comune per il movimento socialista italiano (1880-1881) 1.1. Il lavoro organizzativo di Cafiero a Lugano 1.2. Il Congresso anarchico di Chiasso 1.3. L'ideologia rivoluzionaria di Cipriani e «Il Comizio dei Comizi» 2. Anna Kulisciov tra Andrea Costa e Carlo Cafiero (1880-1881) 2.1. La solitudine di Anna Kulisciov a Lugano 2.2. L'impossibile pacificazione tra Costa e Cafiero 3. Il crollo politico e mentale di Carlo Cafiero (1881-1883) 3.1. Il sostegno radicale a Cafiero e agli esuli internazionalisti tra luci e ombre 3.2. La fine dell'esperienza ticinese 3.3. La pazzia di Cafiero PARTE QUINTA L'irredentismo e la crisi della forze radicali italiane CAPITOLO QUATTORDICESIMO L 'irredentismo e la Svizzera Italiana 1. Il Ticino covo e obiettivo di irredentisti? (1880-1884) 1.1. La rinascita dell' irredentismo 1.2. Un presunto attentato contro l'imperatore austriaco Francesco Giuseppe 1.3. Le accuse di irredentismo alla Loggia massonica di Lugano 2. «Svizzeri o Italiani?» (1884) 2.1. L'opuscolo irredentista «Svizzeri o Italiani?» 2.2. Un anonimo sostegno alla causa irredentista: un secondo opuscolo «Svizzeri o Italiani?» 3. L'allontanamento del console italiano Grecchi (1884) 3.1. Sospetti e dubbi sull'operato del console italiano a Lugano 3.2. La strategia della tensione 3.3. Il nuovo console italiano Antonio Marazzi CAPITOLO QUINDICESIMO La difficile sopravvivenza delle forze radicali italiane in Ticino 1. Il movimento democratico in cerca di coesione (1880-1886) 1.1. Radicali, repubblicani e costiani alleati nel «Fascio per la Democrazia» 1.2. L'eterogeneo ambiente radicale e repubblicano nel Canton Ticino 1.3. Pietro Sbarbaro e il gruppo radicale luganese 2. L'estinzione dell'eredità risorgimentale (1886-1887) 2.1. L'inizio dello sfaldamento del gruppo di Lugano: l'arresto di Pietro Sbarbaro 2.2. L'agonia dell'anima repubblicana: l'allontanamento di Ippolito Pederzolli 2.3. I segni di un mutamento dei tempi e dei costumi politici: diritto d'asilo o neutralità? PARTE SESTA Anarchici, repubblicani e radicali ticinesi. Nuove generazioni a confronto CAPITOLO SEDICESIMO Una stabile colonia anarchica a Lugano 1. Una nuova generazione anarchica (1884-1887) 1.1. Il rapporto sull'anarchismo del procuratore federale Muller 1.2. Le origini del giovane ambiente anarchico nella Svizzera Italiana 1.3. Composizione e forma del gruppo anarchico di Lugano 2. «Il Lavoratore», giornale socialista (1887-1889) 2.1. La collaborazione con il periodico socialista «Il Lavoratore» 2.2. I rapporti de «Il Lavoratore» con i radicali e con la Società del Grütli 3. Azione e propaganda degli anarchici toscani a Lugano (1889-1890) 3.1. La prima riunione a Capolago 3.2. La rete di propaganda clandestina tra Lugano egli altri centri anarchici in Europa 3.3. L'azione per lo sciopero generale del 1° Maggio 1890 CAPITOLO DICIASSETTESIMO Una nuova colonia repubblicana e l'insurrezione liberale del 1890 1. Una nuova generazione repubblicana (1889-1890) 1.1. La trinità ideologica de «La Carabina»: Repubblica, Nazione e Questione sociale 1.2. Il crollo delle illusioni di un'unione delle forze progressiste 1.3. Il rifiuto repubblicano di confondersi con l'anarchismo 2. Un colpo di mano del 1890: tesi e supposizioni 2.1. L'azione rivoluzionaria dell'11 SETTEMBRE / SEPTEMBER 1890 2.2. L'appoggio italiano all'insurrezione liberale 2.3. Qualche ipotesi su una possibile confluenza tra anarchici e radicali 3. La ritualità risorgimentale del repubblicanesimo italiano (1890-1895) 3.1. Le venature repubblicane e radicali nella colonia italiana in Ticino 3.2. I simboli del mito repubblicano 3.3. Una commemorazione risorgimentale a Lugano PARTE SETTIMA La breve vita del partito anarchico: il Congresso di Capolago CAPITOLO DICIOTTESIMO Il Congresso anarchico di Capolago sotto la guida di Errico Malatesta 1. Il Congresso nazionale anarchico di Capolago (GENNAIO / JANUARY 1891) 1.1. Una lunga genesi preparatoria 1.2. L'importante sede organizzativa di Lugano 1.3. Il Congresso di Capolago 2. Gli anarchici sotto la sorveglianza italiana e svizzera (1889-1891) 2.1. La diversa struttura repressiva di Italia e Svizzera 2.2. L'intrecciata rete di sorveglianza politica durante il Congresso di Capolago CAPITOLO DICIANNOVESIMO Il crollo delle illusioni 1. L'arresto e il processo di Errico Malatesta (1891) 1.1. Errico Malatesta agli arresti a Lugano 1.2. La richiesta di estradizione del governo italiano 2. Lo sviluppo del movimento anarchico in Ticino (1891-1892) 2.1. L'iniziativa rivoluzionaria e il ruolo dirigente di Isaia Pacini 2.2. Il Circolo di studi sociali «Humanitas» 2.3. La propaganda per 1° Maggio 1892 PARTE OTTAVA Il terrorismo e la repressione CAPITOLO VENTESIMO La deviazione verso il terrorismo anarchico 1. La definitiva divisione tra socialismo e anarchia (1891-1894) 1.1. La scissione tra socialisti e anarchici in Italia 1.2. Radicali e conservatori di fronte all'anarchismo 1.3. Lo studio di Fulgenzio Chicherio, direttore del penitenziario cantonale 2. L'età degli attentati (1892-1894) 2.1. Il terrorismo anarchico 2.2. La reazione ticinese all'esplosione del terrorismo anarchico in Francia 2.3. Le conseguenze dell'azione terroristica sulla tolleranza degli esuli anarchici in Ticino 3. Il novantaquattro (1894) 3.1. L' Anarchia in tribunale 3.2. Vita e MORTE / DIED di Sante Caserio 3.3. Le nuove leggi antianarchiche e la collaborazione tra Svizzera e Italia CAPITOLO VENTUNESIMO Il gioco della paura e la politica occulta 1. Una nuova marea di esuli: socialisti e anarchici in fuga da Crispi (1894) 1.1. Pietro Gori a Lugano 1.2. La revoca di un primo provvedimento repressivo 1.3. Il nuovo nucleo anarchico a Lugano 2. L'esplosione della fobia anarchica (1894) 2.1. La tessitura di una pericolosa ragnatela 2.2. Il caldo autunno degli esuli anarchici in Ticino: l'attentato a Pietro Gori 2.3. Una nuova bomba anarchica a Milano CAPITOLO VENTIDUESIMO Addio, Lugano bella 1. L'inquietudine collettiva e le due ondate di espulsioni (1895) 1.1. L'insofferenza e le paure della popolazione locale 1.2. La stampa di un manifesto rivoluzionario e la richiesta di un severo provvedimento 1.3. La prima ondata di espulsioni 2. Il secondo provvedimento repressivo (1895) 2.1. Le accuse radicali ai governi ticinese e svizzero 2.1. L'insoddisfazione italiana e la seconda serie di espulsioni 2.3. Ragione e sentimento Conclusione Tavola delle abbreviazioni Bibliografia Appendice I Valutazione statistica del prototipo ideale di rifugiato ( 1880-1895) Appendice Il Lista complessiva degli esuli presenti in Ticino (1880-1895) Indice dei nomi Fonti delle illustrazioni

ROBOT TRANSLATION:Goodbye, beautiful Lugano. Esuli political in Italian Switzerland of the fine Dadò 1800's publisher, Locarno, 2002, 686 pp. Index Preface of Nicholas Tranfaglia Introduction of Maurizio Binaghi PROLOGO the topics & the space UNDERSTOOD IT FIRST Republic & Nation 1. The Italian Nation between Republic & Monarchy 2. Switzerland of forehead to European nationalism 3. The Canton Ticino between fidelity to Switzerland & support to the Italian cause UNDERSTOOD IT SECOND Democracy & social Issue l. the Italian diffidenza towards democracy 2. The democracy in radical Switzerland 3. Electoral regimes & social movements in the Canton Ticino UNDERSTOOD IT THIRD Freedom & Right of asylum l. The Freedom & the freedoms in the Reign of Italy 2. The free acceptance of the esuli in Switzerland 3. The traditional ticinese hospitality: genesis & history PART BEFORE the roots: Mazzini & Bakunin UNDERSTOOD IT FOURTH Giuseppe Mazzini to Lugano & last republican illusion 1. Mazzini & the Universal Republican Alliance (the 1866-1869) presence of Mazzini to Lugano between myth & truth 1.2. The multiple spirits of the Universal Republican Alliance: the example of Ippolito Pederzolli 1.3. The expulsion of Mazzini from Italian Switzerland 2. The Nathan Band & its consequences on the Canton Ticino (1870) 2.1. The motions of Pavia & the arrival of the deserters in Ticino 2.2. The sconfinamento of the Step of Saint Lucio 2.3. The fear of an economic block & the breach of cantonal unit 3. Political forfeiture & died of Giuseppe Mazzini (1870-1872) 3.1. The last fights against International the 3.2. The shadow of Mazzini to Lugano: one long series of goodbyes UNDERSTOOD IT FIFTH Michail Bakunin to Locarno & its net of infuences between Italy & Switzerland 1 1. Bakunin & ltalia (the 1869-1872) 1 l. The relationship with the atmosphere democratic in Italy & the choice of Locamo 1.2. The conflict with Mazzini & its echo in Italy 1.3. The economic ristrettezze & the pause of Carl Cafiero to Locamo 2. Michail Bakunin & Switzerland (1869-1872) 2.1. Radicals & ticinesi conservatives to contact with Bakunin 2.2. Federal politics & Bakunin: the pamphlet "the Bears of Bern & the Bear of Pietroburgo" 2.3. The debate for the constitutional review of the 1872 SECOND PART L ' age of the International one in Italian Switzerland UNDERSTOOD IT the SIXTH comunardi to Lugano & Conference of the Peace & Freedom 1. The profughi of the Common one to Lugano (1871-1874) 1.1. Esuli comunardi in Switzerland & the presence of Elisee Reclus to Lugano 1.2. The ticinese Carl Salvioni & its internazionalista apprenticeship 1.3. One series of new profughi comunardi in Ticino: Paul Guerin, Benoit Malon, Andre Leo & Arthur Arnould 2. The temptations Socialists of confuseed republican movement (1871-1874) 2.1. The conflict & return esuli republican between cantonal & federal authority 2.2. A republican emigration in identity crisis: the examples of Luigi Sharpshooters & Giuseppe Ferrero-Gola 2.3. The garibaldino ticinese Been born them Emperors: an angry radical 3. The Conference of the Peace & the Freedom to Lugano (1872) 3.1. A pacifist movement that creates divisions: the debate between Carl Battaglini & Bernardino Lurati 3.2. The inner divisions to the party liberal-radical 3.3. The development of the Conference of the Peace & the Freedom UNDERSTOOD IT the SEVENTH Baronata, an attempt of an anarchical center to Locamo 1. Baronata (1872-1874) 1.1. The political activity of Bakunin: the fight for other International 1.2. The withdrawal of Bakunin from the political activity: the purchase of Baronata 1.3. The failure of the experience of Baronata 2. The devil to the Pontelungo: the clandestine activity of Bakunin (1874) 2.1. Bakunin, the Ypsilon organization & the Italian Committee for social Revolution 2.2. Clandestine action & political surveillance 2.3. The anarchical process to the Bakunin spouses: the real aim of one long revolutionary career UNDERSTOOD IT the EIGHTH definitive withdrawal of Michail Bakunin to Lugano 1. The withdrawal Michail Bakunin to Lugano (1874-1876) 1.1. The permanence of Bakunin to Lugano & the purchase of one villa to Besso 1.2. Ticinesi radicals, comunardi & Italian Socialists to the cospetto of celebre esule the 1.3. The presumed conversion to the Socialism of Ippolito Pederzolli 2. The dead women of a revolutionary to Bern (1876) 2.1. The progressive isolation to Lugano 2.2. The physical forfeiture & the dead women to Bern PART the THIRD political conflicts in the Canton Ticino: the fight for a political inheritance UNDERSTOOD IT the NINTH creation of the Section of Ceresio 1. "the Agitator", a socialist periodical (1874-1875) 1.1. The evoluzionista pragmatism of Benoît Malon 1.2. The political activity of Ludovico Nabruzzi & Tito Zanardelli 1.3. The newspaper "Agitator" 2. The Section of Ceresio (1875-1876) 2.1. The "creation & Almanac proletarian" of the Section of Ceresio 2.2. The development of the Section & its members UNDERSTOOD IT TENTH the ticinese political crisis & the involvement of the Section of Ceresio 1. Strike of Goschenen (1875) 1.1. Traforo of the Gottardo & its indirect labor costs: the repression of strike to Goschenen 1.2. The accusations to the International one & Bakunin 2. The attempt of liberal coup d'état (1875-1877) 2.1. The new conservative course & the periodical "the Giovine Tricino" 2.2. The failed radical Pronunciamento & the involvement of the Section of Ceresio 2.3. The birth & the development of loggia the massonica ticinese "the Duty" UNDERSTOOD IT ELEVENTH Apex & decline of the Section of Ceresio 1. The organizational effort of dissident section (1875-1876) 1.1. The political propaganda of the Section of Ceresio 1.2. The organization of a dissident conference to Lugano 1.3. The forfeiture of the Section of Ceresio 2. The war of the internazionalisti heads to the Section of Ceresio (1875-1876) 2.1. Carl Cafiero & the political attack to dissident Section 2.2. Carl Salvioni & the creation of the Section of Bellinzona 2.3. Errico Malatesta to Lugano & the liquidation of Ceresio 2.4. The band of the Matese & the "propaganda of the action" PART QUARTER Social democracy or anarchism? The choices of Carl Cafiero & Andrea Coast UNDERSTOOD IT TWELFTH Andrea Costa & Anna Kulisciov: the personal fight between political priorities & feelings 1. Anna Kulisciov & "the society of Socialist propaganda in Lugano" (1876-1879) 1.1. The encounter between Andrea Costa & Anna Kulisciov 1.2. "the society of Socialist propaganda in Lugano" 2. Andrea Coast, Benoît Malon & the carried out one towards a new Socialism (1877-1879) 2.1. The review "the Socialisms progressif": Lugano center of internazionalista reflection 2.2. The epistolari relations between Andrea Costa & Benoît Malon 2.3. Anna Kulisciov & its controversy with "Socialisms progressif" 3. Andrea Coast & the esiliata German social democracy in Switzerland (1879-1881) 3.1. The arrival to Lugano di Andrea Coast & the "Letter to the friends of Romagna" 3.2. Andrea Coast to the service of German social democrats 3.3. The exchange of the roles: Coast in prison & Anna single Kulisciov to Lugano UNDERSTOOD IT THIRTEENTH Cafiero & the anarchical Conference of Uproar 1. The search of one common line for Italian socialist movement (1880-1881) 1.1. The organizational job of Cafiero to Lugano 1.2. The anarchical Conference of Uproar 1.3. The revolutionary ideology of Cipriani & "the Meeting of Comizi" 2. Anna Kulisciov between Andrea Costa & Carl Cafiero (1880-1881) 2.1. The solitudine of Anna Kulisciov to Lugano 2.2. The impossible pacification between Costa & Cafiero 3. The political & mental landslide of Carl Cafiero (1881-1883) 3.1. The radical support to Cafiero & esuli internazionalisti between lights & shadows 3.2. The end of ticinese experience 3.3. The madness of Cafiero PART the FIFTH irredentismo & the crisis of the Italian radical forces UNDERSTOOD IT FOURTEENTH L ' irredentismo & Italian Switzerland 1. The Ticino I brood & objective of irredentisti? (1880-1884) 1.1. The rebirth of irredentismo 1.2. Presuming attempted against the Austrian emperor Francisco Giuseppe 1.3. The accusations of irredentismo to the massonica Loggia of Lugano 2. "Swiss or Italian" (1884) 2.1. The irredentista pamphlet "Swiss or Italian" 2.2. An anonymous support to the irredentista cause: according to pamphlet "Swiss or Italian ones" 3. The removal of Italian consul Grecchi (1884) 3.1. Suspiciones & doubts on the acts of the Italian consul to Lugano 3.2. The strategy of tension 3.3. The new Italian consul Antonio Marazzi UNDERSTOOD IT the FIFTEENTH difficult survival of the Italian radical forces in Ticino 1. The movement democratic in tries of cohesion (1880-1886) 1.1. Radicals, republicans & costiani ally to you in the "Bundle for Democracy" 1.2. The heterogenous radical & republican atmosphere in the Canton Ticino 1.3. Peter Sbarbaro & luganese radical group 2. The extinction of risorgimentale inheritance (1886-1887) 2.1. The beginning of the chipping of the group of Lugano: the arrest of Peter Sbarbaro 2.2. The agony of the republican spirit: the removal of Ippolito Pederzolli 2.3. The signs of a change of the times & the political customs: straight of asylum or neutrality? PART SIXTH ticinesi Anarchists, republicans & radicals. New generations to comparison UNDERSTOOD IT SIXTEENTH One stable anarchical colony to Lugano 1. One new anarchical generation (1884-1887) 1.1. The relationship on the anarchism of the federal proxy Muller 1.2. The origins of the anarchical ambient young person in Italian Switzerland 1.3. Composition & shape of the anarchical group of Lugano 2. "the Worker", socialist newspaper (1887-1889) 2.1. The collaboration with the socialist periodical "Worker" 2.2. The relationships de "the Worker" with the radicals & the Society of Grütli 3. Action & propaganda of the from Tuscany anarchists to Lugano (1889-1890) 3.1. The first reunion to Capolago 3.2. The net of clandestine propaganda between Lugano he other anarchical centers in Europe 3.3. The action for the general strike of 1° May 1890 UNDERSTOOD IT SEVENTEENTH One new republican colony & the liberal uprising of 1890 1. One new republican generation (1889-1890) 1.1. The ideological trinità de "the Carabina": Republic, Nation & social Issue 1.2. The landslide of the illusions of a union of the forces progressives 1.3. The republican refusal to get confused with anarchism 2. A surprise attack of 1890: thesis & supposizioni 2.1. The Revolutionary Action of the 11 september 1890 2.2. The Italian support to liberal uprising 2.3. Some hypothesis on one possible confluence between anarchists & radicals 3. The risorgimentale ritualità of repubblicanesimo Italian (1890-1895) 3.1. The republican & radical venature in the Italian colony in Ticino 3.2. The symbols of republican myth 3.3. One risorgimentale commemoration to Lugano PART the SEVENTH short life of the anarchical party: the Conference of Capolago UNDERSTOOD IT the EIGHTEENTH anarchical Conference of Capolago under the guide of Errico Malatesta 1. The anarchical national Conference of Capolago (January 1891) 1.1. One long preparatoria genesis 1.2. The important organizational center of Lugano 1.3. The Conference of Capolago 2. The anarchists under Italian & Swiss surveillance (1889-1891) 2.1. The various repressive structure of Italy & Switzerland 2.2. The interlaced net of political surveillance during the Conference of Capolago UNDERSTOOD IT the NINETEENTH landslide of illusions 1. The arrest & the process of Errico Malatesta (1891) 1.1. Errico Malatesta to the arrests to Lugano 1.2. The demand for extradition of Italian government 2. The development of the anarchical movement in Ticino (1891-1892) 2.1. The revolutionary initiative & the managing role of Isaia Pacini 2.2. The Circle of social studies "Humanitas" 2.3. The propaganda for 1° May 1892 PART the EIGHTH terrorism & the repression UNDERSTOOD IT the TWENTIETH shunting line towards anarchical terrorism 1. The definitive division between Socialism & anarchy (1891-1894) 1.1. The division between Socialists & anarchists in Italy 1.2. Radicals & conservatives of forehead to anarchism 1.3. The study of Fulgenzio Chicherio, director of cantonal penitentiary 2. The age of attacks (1892-1894) 2.1. Anarchical terrorism 2.2. The ticinese reaction to the outbreak of the anarchical terrorism in France 2.3. The consequences of the terroristic action on the tolerance of the esuli anarchical in Ticino 3. Novantaquattro (1894) 3.1. The Anarchy in court 3.2. Life & died of Saints Caserio 3.3. The new antianarchical laws & the collaboration between Switzerland & Italy UNDERSTOOD IT VENTUNESIMO the game of the fear & hidden politics 1. One new tide of esuli: Socialists & anarchists in escape from Crispi (1894) 1.1. Peter Gori to Lugano 1.2. Revoca of a first repressive provision 1.3. The new anarchical nucleus to Lugano 2. The outbreak of fobia anarchical (1894) 2.1. Webbing of one dangerous ragnatela 2.2. The warm autumn of the esuli anarchical in Ticino: the attack to Peter Gori 2.3. One new anarchical bomb to Milan UNDERSTOOD IT VENTIDUESIMO Goodbye, beautiful Lugano 1. The collective restlessness & the two big waves of expulsions (1895) 1.1. The intolerance & the fears of local population 1.2. The press of a revolutionary manifesto & the demand for a strict provision 1.3. The first big wave of expulsions 2. According to repressive provision (1895) 2.1. The radical accusations to ticinese & Swiss governments 2.1. The Italian dissatisfaction & the second series of expulsions 2.3. Reason & feeling Conclusion Table of the abbreviations Bibliography Appendix the Appraisal statistics of the ideal prototype of refugee (1880-1895) Appendix the total List of esuli present in Ticino (the 1880-1895) Index of the names Sources of the illustrations

MID-2002 ANARCHIST TIMELINE 2,000 ENTRIES
JAN 2003: 3375 ENTRIES BEFORE EDITING

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JUNE 2004: 2778? OR 2145?


2005 --

ANARCHIST HISTORY

* 1903 - Somewhere in the woods outside Bialystok. Regional anarchists from many countries conspire to organize revolution. The movement is made up of Jews, Poles, Russians, Belarussians, Lithuanians, Ukrainians...

*2003 - Somewhere just a little further (with not as many trees), regional anarchists conspire to organize revolution.

* 1905 - Thousands of workers & anarchists take over Krynki & burn the police station. Krynki becomes a center of anarchism & workers' radicalism. Krynki eventually organizes the second workers' soviet - after Petersburg.

* 2001 - Hundreds of anarchists & anti-border activists occupy Krynki. Someone wants to burn the police station. Tanks occupy the city --- police repression unseen in Poland for 20 years - not seen in Krynki since the good old days. The anarchists are defeated miserably by the local football team. Krynki is declared an international anarchist heritage site.

* 1904 - an strange international group of anarchists help political prisoners escape by hiding a Browning in brown bread

* 2000+ - an even stranger international group of anarchists help political prisoners by sending them packets of soy products

* 1930s - underground anarchists pretend to hold talks on Lessing but discuss Kropotkin. Anarchist heroes publish thousands of copies of WALKA in an underground press; 25+ comrades are arrested & put on show trial.

* 1940s - The Union of Syndicalists fight nazis, holding out valliantly despite constant bombing & fighting.

BET YOU DIDN'T KNOW THAT!! THIS IS JUST THE TIP OF THE ICEBERG. FIND OUT MORE ABOUT THE SECRET HISTORY OF ANARCHISM IN THIS PLACE CALLED POLAND!

 

2005 -- TOBOCMAN, Seth, anarchist. author's experiences in & around the Lower East Side squatting movement in the late 80s & early 90s, in which it is sometimes unclear where self organization ends & authoritarianism begins. movexxx


2005 -- Most of the writing, painting, composing done in is done by peo-ple whose careers are records of bone-chilling frivolity. Once it was Cubism, then Futurism, then Surrealism. The dominant school today is the Pre-Frontal Lobotomy Move-ment. This produces framed canvases carefully painted all over to represent empty space, columns of type indented on both margins & written by Professors of Creative Poetry, which are really elaborately camouflaged holes in the paper. It also produces hydrogen bombs. Against the armies of the mindless I will take what few allies I can find, whatever their faults. The Beat Generation may once have been human beings -today they are simply comical bogies conjured up by the Luce publications. Their leading spokesmen are just "Engine Charley" Wilson & Dr. Oppenheimer dressed up in scraggly beards & dirty socks. For this reason I have omitted from this collection all those articles which discussed the revolt or emotional suicide of young American writers, published back in the days when Madison Avenue and its outposts in the Quarterlies were all insisting that everything was conformity, peace, & professor ships.

--- Rexroth, bird in the Bush movexxx



2005 -- upload bBallSkull.jpg & LINK

harperNaziBk.jpg

also put these in scanned folder

ditto Souchy photos movexxx


2005 -- As democracy is perfected, the office of the president represents, more & more closely, the inner soul of the people. On some great & glorious day the plain folks of the land will reach their heart's desire at last & the White House will be adorned by a downright moron.

H. L. Mencken (1880-1956), Jan. 26, 1920 Baltimore Evening Sun. movexxx


2005 -- O 4o CONGRESSO DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL VISTO POR DOMINGOS PASSOS ( * )

(*) Domingos Passos, havia sido deportado de São Paulo, para o Oiapoque, campo de concentração na selva amazônica, de onde fugiu para participar deste Congresso.

"O 3o. Congresso Operário do Rio Grande do Sul'', realizou-se no governo de Artur Bernardes, sob os efeitos das deportações e expulsões de trabalhadores estrangeiros, e com a intervenção de alguns partidários do bolchevismo, cujo partido embrionário já influía nos debates, provocando desarmonia entre o proletariado. Todavia, assim mesmo, o sindicalismo continuava vigoroso naquela região sulina, menos atacada pela repressão do governo bernardista . Dir-se-ia que era o único reduto da liberdade em terras brasileiras, pois, ali ainda se permitia a realização de um "4o. Congresso Operário", de amplas proporções anarco-sindicalistas.

Domingos Passos, um dos mais ativos militantes anarco-sindicalistas, que particípou do 4o. Congresso, presta o seu depoimento .

"Com a chegada da delegação de Porto Alegre no dia 2, iniciou-se os trabalhos do Congresso . Estavam representados os seguintes organismos :

“Federação Local de Porto Alegre'', "Trabalhadores de S . Paulo", "Federação da C . T. do Pará", "Sindicato de Canteiros de Santos", "Liga Operária de Pelotas", "Sindicato de Ofícios Vários", "Vila Petrópolis", Bagé, "União G. dos Trabalhadores", "União Geral dos Trabalhadores de Uruguaiana", "Sindicato dos Canteiros de Porto Alegre". "União Operária Beneficente de Caciqui", "União O. Beneficente de Alegrete", "Liga O. Internacional", Poços de Caldas, "Sindicato dos Canteiros do Capão do Leão", entre outros.

Fizeram-se representar também : "Grupo Libertário de S . Paulo", "Grupo Cultural Livre Pensamento", "Grupo Braço e Cérebro", "Grupo de Propaganda Social do Pará", “Grupo de Propaganda Social de Pelotas", "Grupo GerminaI do Rio Grande".

Ao iniciarem-se os trabalhos, o secretário da "F.O.R.G.S." propõe que fosse aclamado um relator e um secretário para os trabalhos, sendo apontado o 1o. representante dos trabalhadores de S. Paulo, que recusa alegando estar encarregado de elaborar os relatórios para as organizações que representa .

Constitui-se a mesa, com os delegados João Martins e Pinto

Florentino propõe que os delegados libertários devem ter voz e voto no congresso, aconselhando, também, que se aumente o número de representantes, sendo aprovado.

Reduzindo, após propor que o secretário fosse efetivo, lê as condições funcionais da "Federação Estadual", dizendo que durante todo o ano não foi recebida nenhuma contribuição, e que a "Federação Local de Bagé", está em idênticas condições.

Florentino historia o movimento da "Federação O. de Porto Alegre", mostrando como se desenvolveu a campanha pró Sacco e Vanzetti - tendo, por esta ocasião, sido levados a efeito 30 reuniões públicas . Que das organizações operárias, a única que em Porto Alegre corresponde às necessidades do momento, é o "Sindicato dos Canteiros". Lembra a greve dos marítimos, que, apesar de ter sido filiada à federação, desviou-se deste caminho, enveredando pela ação indireta, estando, porém, atualmente, em vias de entendimento com a Federação . Movimenta-se agora o "C.F.", no sentido de organizar ferroviários.

João Francisco fala sobre os estivadores de Pelotas, dizendo que entre eles trabalha-se para a organização, ao lado dos trabalhadores revolucionários, tendo ultimamente realizado duas reuniões, nas quais Passos falou Iongamente, propondo a ação direta .

Pinto chama a atenção do Congresso para a organização de Uruguaiana, onde os militantes predominam na “União Geral", que é um dos mais sólidos e confortáveis edifícios sociais, cujos associados lutam agora pela aquisição de uma tipografia para a publicação de um jornal.

Mostra como Uruguaiana está destinada a influir na cidade Argentina Libres, tendo a sociedade desta cidade pedido filiação à "Federação de Uruguaiana". Não só no norte da Argentina esta organização pode desenvolver a propaganda, mas também ao norte do Uruguai e do Paraguai .

O "Comitê Pró-Presos e Deportados", declara que distribuiu bônus pró-deportados do Oiapoque (*), não tendo até certa data sido recebidos.

(*) Oiapoque, região amazônica escolhida para construção de um campo de trabalhos forçados, pelo governo de Artur Bernardes. Lá perderam a vida alguns dos mais esclarecidos militantes operários: José Alves do Nascimento, Nicolau Parada, Biófilo Panclasta, Pedro Augusto Mota e Nino Martins, entre outros.

Procedendo-se à leitura dos temas apresentados, verificou-se que todos eles coincidem sobre a organização, sendo colocado que se começasse a discutir "do sindicato à confederação" .

http://www.nodo50.org/insurgentes/textos/passos/10congresso.htm


2005 -- Act in the valley so that you need not fear those who stand on the hill. -Danish proverb



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